Volume 1 / Part 1 — CHAPTER IV (continued 2)

But events proved that despite outward appearances even the reign of Mary registered an advance of Protestantism. The new doctrines were zealously propagated by an ever-growing number of itinerant exhorters. The Spanish alliance was disastrous to English fortunes abroad and distasteful to all patriotic Englishmen at home. And finally, the violent means which the queen took to stamp out heresy gave her the unenviable surname of "Bloody" and reacted in the end in behalf of the views for which the victims sacrificed their lives. During her reign nearly three hundred reformers perished, many of them, including Archbishop Cranmer, by fire. The work of the queen was in vain. No heir was born to Philip and Mary, and the crown, therefore, passed to Elizabeth, the daughter of Anne Boleyn, a Protestant not so much from conviction as from circumstance.

[Sidenote: Definite Fashioning of Anglicanism: the Reign of Elizabeth]

It was in the reign of Elizabeth (1558-1603) that the Church of England assumed definitely the doctrines and practices which we now connect with the word "Anglicanism." By act of Parliament, the English Church was again separated from the papacy, and placed under royal authority, Elizabeth assuming the title of "supreme governor." The worship of the state church was to be in conformity with a slightly altered version of Cranmer's Book of Common Prayer. A uniform doctrine was likewise imposed by Parliament in the form of the Thirty-nine Articles, which set a distinctively Protestant mark upon the Anglican Church in its appeal to the Scriptures as the sole rule of faith, its insistence on justification by faith alone, its repudiation of the sacrifice of the Mass, and its definition of the Church. All the bishops who had been appointed under Mary, with one exception, refused to accept the changes, and were therefore deposed and imprisoned, but new bishops, Elizabeth's own appointees, were consecrated and the "succession of bishops" thereby maintained. Outwardly, the Church of England appeared to retain a corporate continuity throughout the sixteenth century; inwardly, a great revolution had changed it from Catholic to Protestant.

Harsh laws sought to oblige all Englishmen to conform to Elizabeth's religious settlement. Liberty of public worship was denied to any dissenter from Anglicanism. To be a "papist" or "hear Mass"—which were construed as the same thing—was punishable by death as high treason. A special ecclesiastical court—the Court of High Commission—was established under royal authority to search out heresy and to enforce uniformity; it served throughout Elizabeth's reign as a kind of Protestant Inquisition.

[Sidenote: English Dissent from Anglicanism]

While the large majority of the English nation gradually conformed to the official Anglican Church, a considerable number refused their allegiance. On one hand were the Roman Catholics, who still maintained the doctrine of papal supremacy and were usually derisively styled papists, and on the other hand were various Calvinistic sects, such as Presbyterians or Independents or Quakers, who went by the name of "Dissenters" or "Non-conformists." In the course of time, the number of Roman Catholics tended to diminish, largely because, for political reasons which have been indicated in the preceding chapter, Protestantism in England became almost synonymous with English patriotism. But despite drastic laws and dreadful persecutions, Roman Catholicism survived in England among a conspicuous group of people. On the other hand, the Calvinists tended somewhat to increase their numbers so that in the seventeenth century they were able to precipitate a great political and ecclesiastical conflict with Anglicanism.

THE CATHOLIC REFORMATION

We have now traced the origins of the Protestant Revolt against the Catholic Church, and have seen how, between 1520 and 1570, three major varieties of new theology—Lutheranism, Calvinism, and Anglicanism— appeared on the scene and divided among themselves the nations of northern Europe. The story of how, during that critical half-century, the other civilized nations retained their loyalty to the Catholic Church virtually as it had existed throughout the middle ages, remains to be told. The preservation of the papal monarchy and Catholic doctrine in southern Europe was due alike to religious and to political circumstances.

It must not be supposed that pious critics of ecclesiastical abuses were confined to countries which subsequently became Protestant. There were many sincere Catholics in Italy, Austria, France, and Spain who complained of the scandals and worldliness that afflicted the Church at the opening of the sixteenth century: they demanded sweeping reforms in discipline and a return of the clergy to a simple apostolic life. They believed, however, that whatever change was desirable could best be achieved by means of a reformation within the Catholic Church—that is, without disturbing the unity of its organization or denying the validity of its dogmas—while the critics of northern Europe, as we have seen, preferred to put their reforms into practice by means of a revolution—an out-and-out break with century-old traditions of Catholic Christianity. Even in northern Europe some of the foremost scholars of that period desired an intellectual reformation within Catholicism rather than a dogmatic rebellion against it: with Luther's defiance of papal authority, the great Erasmus had small sympathy, and Sir Thomas More, the eminent English humanist, sacrificed his life for his belief in the divine sanction of the papal power.

Thus, while the religious energy of northern Europe went into Protestantism of various kinds, that of southern Europe fashioned a reformation of the Catholic system. And this Catholic reformation, on its religious side, was brought to a successful issue by means of the improved conditions in the papal court, the labors of a great church council, and the activity of new monastic orders. A few words must be said about each one of these religious elements in the Catholic reformation.

[Sidenote: Reforming Popes]

Mention has been made of the corruption that prevailed in papal affairs in the fifteenth century, and of the Italian and family interests which obscured to the Medici pope, Leo X (1513-1521), the importance of the Lutheran movement in Germany. And Leo's nephew, who became Clement VII (1523-1534), continued to act too much as an Italian prince and too little as the moral and religious leader of Catholicism in the contest which under him was joined with Zwinglians and Anglicans as well as with Lutherans. But under Paul III (1534-1549), a new policy was inaugurated, by which men were appointed to high church offices for their virtue and learning rather than for family relationship or financial gain. This policy was maintained by a series of upright and far-sighted popes during the second half of the sixteenth century, so that by the year 1600 a remarkable reformation had been gradually wrought in the papacy, among the cardinals, down through the prelates, even to the parish priests and monks.

[Sidenote: The Council of Trent]

The reforming zeal of individual popes was stimulated and reinforced by the work of the Council of Trent (1545-1563). The idea of effecting a "reformation in head and members" by means of a general council of the Catholic Church had been invoked several times during the century that preceded the Protestant Revolt, but, before Luther, little had been accomplished in that way.

With the widening of the breach between Protestantism and the medieval Church, what had formerly been desirable now became imperative. It seemed to pious Catholics that every effort should be made to reconcile differences and to restore the unity of the Church. The errors of the manifold new theologies which now appeared might be refuted by a clear statement of Catholic doctrine, and a reformation of discipline and morals would deprive the innovators of one of their most telling weapons against the Church.

It was no easy task, in that troublous time, to hold an ecumenical council. There was mutual distrust between Catholics and Protestants. There was uncertainty as to the relative powers and prerogatives of council and pope. There were bitter national rivalries, especially between Italians and Germans. There was actual warfare between the two chief Catholic families—the Habsburgs of Germany and Spain and the royal house of France.

Yet despite these difficulties, which long postponed its convocation and repeatedly interrupted its labors, the Council of Trent [Footnote: Trent was selected largely by reason of its geographical location, being situated on the boundary between the German-speaking and Italian- speaking peoples.] consummated a great reform in the Church and contributed materially to the preservation of the Catholic faith. The Protestants, whom the pope invited to participate, absented themselves; yet such was the number and renown of the Catholic bishops who responded to the summons that the Council of Trent easily ranked with the eighteen cumenical councils which had preceded it. [Footnote: Its decrees were signed at its close (1563) by 4 cardinal legates, 2 cardinals, 3 patriarchs, 25 archbishops, 167 bishops, 7 abbots, 7 generals of orders, and 19 proxies for 33 absent prelates.] The work of the council was twofold—dogmatic and reformatory.

Dogmatically, the fathers at Trent offered no compromise to the Protestants. They confirmed with inexorable frankness the main points in Catholic theology which had been worked out in the thirteenth century by Thomas Aquinas and which before the appearance of Protestantism had been received everywhere in central and western Europe. They declared that the tradition of the Church as well as the Bible was to be taken as the basis of the Christian religion, and that the interpretation of the Holy Scripture belonged only to the Church. The Protestant teachings about grace and justification by faith were condemned, and the seven sacraments were pronounced indispensable. The miraculous and sacrificial character of the Lord's Supper (Mass) was reaffirmed. Belief in the invocation of saints, in the veneration of images and of relics, in purgatory and indulgences was explicitly stated, but precautions were taken to clear some of the doctrines of the pernicious practices which at times had been connected with them. The spiritual authority of the Roman See was confirmed over all Catholicism: the pope was recognized as supreme interpreter of the canons and incontestable chief of bishops.

[Sidenote: Reformatory Canons of the Council of Trent ]

A volume of disciplinary statutes constituted the second achievement of the Tridentine Council. The sale of church offices was condemned. Bishops and other prelates were to reside in their respective dioceses, abandon worldly pursuits, and give themselves entirely to spiritual labors. Seminaries were to be established for the proper education and training of priests.

While Latin was retained as the official and liturgical language, frequent sermons were to be preached in the vernacular. Indulgences were not to be issued for money, and no charge should be made for conferring the sacraments.

[Sidenote: Index and inquisition ]

The seed sown by the council bore abundant fruit during several succeeding pontificates. The central government was completely reorganized. A definite catechism was prepared at Rome and every layman instructed in the tenets and obligations of his religion. Revisions were made in the service books of the Church, and a new standard edition of the Latin Bible, the Vulgate, was issued. A list, called the Index, was prepared of dangerous and heretical books, which good Catholics were prohibited from reading. By these methods, discipline was in fact confirmed, morals purified, and the scandal of the immense riches and the worldly life of the clergy restrained. From an unusually strict law of faith and conduct, lapses were to be punishable by the ancient ecclesiastical court of the Inquisition, which now zealously redoubled its activity, especially in Italy and in Spain.

A very important factor in the Catholic revival—not only in preserving all southern Europe to the Church but also in preventing a complete triumph of Protestantism in the North—was the formation of several new religious orders, which sought to purify the life of the people and to bulwark the position of the Church. The most celebrated of these orders, both for its labors in the sixteenth century and for its subsequent history, is the Society of Jesus, whose members are known commonly as Jesuits. The society was founded by Ignatius Loyola [Footnote: Ignatius Loyola (1491-1556).] in 1534 and its constitution was formally approved by the pope six years later.

[Sidenote: Ignatius Loyola]

In his earlier years, Ignatius followed the profession of arms, and as a patriotic Spaniard fought valiantly in the armies of Emperor Charles V against the French. But while he was in a hospital, suffering from a wound, he chanced to read a Life of Christ and biographies of several saints, which, he tells us, worked a great change within him. From being a soldier of an earthly king, he would now become a knight of Christ and of the Church. Instead of fighting for the glory of Spain and of himself, he would henceforth strive for the greater glory of God. Thus in the very year in which the German monk, Martin Luther, became the leading and avowed adversary of the Catholic Church, this Spanish soldier was starting on that remarkable career which was to make him Catholicism's chief champion.

After a few years' trial of his new life and several rather footless efforts to serve the Church, Ignatius determined, at the age of thirty- three, to perfect his scanty education. It was while he was studying Latin, philosophy, and theology at the University of Paris that he made the acquaintance of the group of scholarly and saintly men who became the first members of the Society of Jesus. Intended at first primarily for missionary labors among the Mohammedans, the order was speedily turned to other and greater ends.

[Sidenote: The Jesuits]

The organization of the Jesuits showed the military instincts of their founder. To the three usual vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, was added a fourth vow of special allegiance to the pope. The members were to be carefully trained during a long novitiate and were to be under the personal direction of a general, resident in Rome. Authority and obedience were stressed by the society. Then, too, St. Ignatius Loyola understood that the Church was now confronted with conditions of war rather than of peace: accordingly he directed that his brothers should not content themselves with prayer and works of peace, with charity and local benevolence, but should adapt themselves to new circumstances and should strive in a multiplicity of ways to restore all things in the Catholic Church.

Thus it happened that the Jesuits, from the very year of their establishment, rushed to the front in the religious conflict of the sixteenth century. In the first place, they sought to enlighten and educate the young. As schoolmasters they had no equals in Europe for many years. No less a scholar and scientist than Lord Francis Bacon said of the Jesuit teaching that "nothing better has been put in practice." Again, by their wide learning and culture, no less than by the unimpeachable purity of their lives, they won back a considerable respect for the Catholic clergy. As preachers, too, they earned a high esteem by the clearness and simplicity of their sermons and instruction.

It was in the mission field, however, that the Jesuits achieved the most considerable results. They were mainly responsible for the recovery of Poland after that country had almost become Lutheran. They similarly conserved the Catholic faith in Bavaria and in the southern Netherlands. They insured a respectable Catholic party in Bohemia and in Hungary. They aided considerably in maintaining Catholicism in Ireland. At the hourly risk of their lives, they ministered to their fellow-Catholics in England under Elizabeth and the Stuarts. And what the Catholic Church lost in numbers through the defection of the greater part of northern Europe was compensated for by Jesuit missions among the teeming millions in India and China, among the Huron and Iroquois tribes of North America, and among the aborigines of Brazil and Paraguay. No means of influence, no source of power, was neglected that would win men to religion and to the authority of the bishop of Rome. Politics and agriculture were utilized as well as literature and science. The Jesuits were confessors of kings in Europe and apostles of the faith in Asia and America.

[Sidenote: Political and Economic Factors in the Catholic Reformation]

It has been pointed out already that the rapid diffusion of Protestantism was due to economic and political causes as well as to those narrowly religious. It may be said with equal truth that political and economic causes co-operated with the religious developments that we have just noted in maintaining the supremacy of the Catholic Church in at least half the countries over which she had exercised her sway in 1500. For one thing, it is doubtful whether financial abuses had flourished as long or as vigorously in southern as in northern Europe. For another, the political conditions in the states of southern Europe help to explain the interesting situation.

[Sidebar: Italy]

In Italy was the pope's residence and See. He had bestowed many favors on important Italian families. He had often exploited foreign countries in behalf of Italian patronage. He had taken advantage of the political disunity of the peninsula to divide his local enemies and thereby to assure the victory of his own cause. Two popes of the sixteenth century belonged to the powerful Florentine family of the Medici—Florence remained loyal. The hearty support of the Emperor Charles V preserved the orthodoxy of Naples, and that of Philip II stamped out heresy in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies.

[Sidenote: France]

In France, the concordat of 1516 between pope and king had peacefully secured for the French monarch appointment of bishops and control of benefices within his country,—powers which the German princes and the English sovereigns secured by revolutionary change. Moreover, French Protestantism, by its political activities in behalf of effective checks upon the royal power, drove the king into Catholic arms: the cause of absolutism in France became the cause of Catholicism, and the latter was bound up with French patriotism to quite the same extent as English patriotism became linked with the fortunes of Anglicanism.

[Sidenote: Spain and Portugal]

In Spain and Portugal, the monarchs obtained concessions from the pope like those accorded the French sovereigns. They gained control of the Catholic Church within their countries and found it a most valuable ally in forwarding their absolutist tendencies. Moreover, the centuries-long struggle with Mohammedanism had endeared Catholic Christianity alike to Spaniards and to Portuguese and rendered it an integral part of their national life. Spain and Portugal now remained fiercely Catholic.

[Sidenote: Austria]

Somewhat similar was the case of Austria. Terrifying fear of the advancing Turk, joined with the political exigencies of the Habsburg rulers, threw that duchy with most of its dependencies into the hands of the pope. If the bishop of Rome, by favoring the Habsburgs, had lost England, he had at least saved Austria.

[Sidenote: Poland and Ireland]

Ireland and Poland—those two extreme outposts of the Roman Catholic Church in Europe—found their religion to be the most effectual safeguard of their nationality, the most valuable weapon against aggression or assimilation by powerful neighbors.

SUMMARY OF THE RELIGIOUS REVOLUTION IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

By the year 1570 the profound religious and ecclesiastical changes which we have been sketching had been made. For seventy-five years more a series of wars was to be waged in which the religious element was distinctly to enter. In fact these wars have often been called the Religious Wars—the ones connected with the career of Philip II of Spain as well as the subsequent dismal civil war in the Germanies—but in each one the political and economic factors predominated. Nor did the series of wars materially affect the strength or extent of the religions implicated. It was prior to 1570 that the Protestant Revolt had been effected and the Catholic Reformation achieved.

[Sidenote: Geographical Extent of the Revolt]

In the year 1500, the Roman Catholic Church embraced central and western Europe; in the year 1600 nearly half of its former subjects— those throughout northern Europe—no longer recognized its authority or practiced its beliefs. There were left to the Roman Catholic Church at the close of the sixteenth century the Italian states, Spain, Portugal, most of France, the southern Netherlands, the forest cantons of Switzerland, the southern Germanies, Austria, Poland, Ireland, large followings in Bohemia and Hungary, and a straggling unimportant following in other countries.

Those who rejected the Roman Catholic Church in central and western Europe were collectively called Protestants, but they were divided into three major groups. Lutheranism was now the religion of the northern Germanies and the Scandinavian states of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. Calvinism, under a bewildering variety of names, was the recognized faith of the majority of the cantons of Switzerland, of the northern Netherlands, and Scotland, and of important followings in Germany, Hungary, France, and England. Anglicanism was the established religion of England.

[Sidenote: Doctrines Held in Common by Catholics and Protestants]

The Protestants retained a large part of Catholic theology, so that all portions of western Christianity continued to have much in common. They still believed in the Trinity, in the divinity of Jesus Christ, in the sacredness of the Jewish scriptures and of the New Testament, the fall of man and his redemption through the sacrifice of the Cross, and in a future life of rewards and punishments. The Christian moralities and virtues continued to be inculcated by Protestants as well as by Catholics.

[Sidenote: Doctrines Held by all Protestants Apart from Catholics]

On the other hand, the Protestants held in common certain doctrines which separated all of them from Roman Catholicism. These were the distinguishing marks of Protestantism: (1) denial of the claims of the bishop of Rome and consequent rejection of the papal government and jurisdiction; (2) rejection of such doctrines as were supposed to have developed during the middle ages,—for example, purgatory, indulgences, invocation of saints, and veneration of relics,—together with important modifications in the sacramental system; (3) insistence upon the right of the individual to interpret the Bible, and recognition of the individual's ability to save himself without the interposition of ecclesiastics—hence to the Protestant, authority resided in individual interpretation of the Bible, while to the Catholic, it rested in a living institution or Church.

[Sidenote: Divisions among Protestants]

Now the Protestant idea of authority made it possible and essentially inevitable that its supporters should not agree on many things among themselves. There would be almost as many ways of interpreting the Scriptures as there were interested individuals. It is not surprising, therefore, that in the last Almanac some one hundred and sixty-four varieties or denominations of Protestants are listed in the United States alone. These divisions, however, are not so complex as at first might appear, because nearly all of them have come directly from the three main forms of Protestantism which appeared in the sixteenth century. Just how Lutheranism, Calvinism, and Anglicanism differed from each other may be gathered from a short summary.

(1) The Calvinists taught justification by election—that God determines, or predestines, who is to be saved and who is to be lost. The Lutherans were inclined to reject such doctrine, and to assure salvation to the mere believer. The Anglicans appeared to accept the Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith, although the Thirty- nine Articles might be likewise interpreted in harmony with the Calvinistic position.

(2) The Calvinists recognized only two sacraments—baptism and the Lord's Supper. Lutherans and Anglicans retained, in addition to the two sacraments, the rite of confirmation, and Anglicans also the rite of ordination. The official statement of Anglicanism that there are "two major sacraments" has made it possible for some Anglicans—the so- called High Church party—to hold the Catholic doctrine of seven sacraments.

(3) Various substitutes were made for the Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation, the idea that in the Lord's Supper the bread and wine by the word of the priest are actually changed into the Body and Blood of Christ. The Lutherans maintained what they called consubstantiation, that Christ was with and in the bread and wine, as fire is in a hot iron, to borrow the metaphor of Luther himself. The Calvinists, on the other hand, saw in the Eucharist, not the efficacious sacrifice of Christ, but a simple commemoration of the Last Supper; to them the bread and wine were mere symbols of the Body and Blood. As to the Anglicans, their position was ambiguous, for their official confession of faith declared at once that the Supper is the communion of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ but that the communicant receives Jesus Christ only spiritually: the present-day "Low Church" Anglicans incline to a Calvinistic interpretation, those of the "High Church" to the Catholic explanation.

(4) There were pronounced differences in ecclesiastical government. All the Protestants considerably modified the Catholic system of a divinely appointed clergy of bishops, priests, and deacons, under the supreme spiritual jurisdiction of the pope. The Anglicans rejected the papacy, although they retained the orders of bishop, priest, and deacon, and insisted that their hierarchy was the direct continuation of the medieval Church in England, and therefore that their organization was on the same footing as the Orthodox Church of eastern Europe. The Lutherans rejected the divinely ordained character of episcopacy, but retained bishops as convenient administrative officers. The Calvinists did away with bishops altogether and kept only one order of clergymen— the presbyters. Such Calvinistic churches as were governed by assemblies or synods of presbyters were called Presbyterian; those which subordinated the "minister" to the control of the people in each separate congregation were styled Independent, or Separatist, or Congregational. [Footnote: This latter type of church government was maintained also by the quasi-Calvinistic denomination of the Baptists.]

(5) In the ceremonies of public worship the Protestant churches differed. Anglicanism kept a good deal of the Catholic ritual although in the form of translation from Latin to English, together with several Catholic ceremonies, in some places even employing candles and incense. The Calvinists, on the other hand, worshiped with extreme simplicity: reading of the Bible, singing of hymns, extemporaneous prayer, and preaching constituted the usual service in church buildings that were without superfluous ornaments. Between Anglican formalism and Calvinistic austerity, the Lutherans presented a compromise: they devised no uniform liturgy, but showed some inclination to utilize forms and ceremonies.

[Sidenote: Significance of the Protestant Revolt]

Of the true significance of the great religious and ecclesiastical changes of the sixteenth century many estimates in the past have been made, varying with the point of view, or bias, of each author. Several results, however, now stand out clearly and are accepted generally by all scholars, regardless of religious affiliations. These results may be expressed as follows:

In the first place, the Catholic Church of the middle ages was disrupted and the medieval ideal of a universal theocracy under the bishop of Rome was rudely shocked.

In the second place, the Christian religion was largely nationalized. Protestantism was the religious aspect of nationalism; it naturally came into being as a protest against the cosmopolitan character of Catholicism; it received its support from nations; and it assumed everywhere a national form. The German states, the Scandinavian countries, Scotland, England, each had its established state religion. What remained to the Catholic Church, as we have seen, was essentially for national reasons and henceforth rested mainly on a national basis.

Thirdly, the whole movement tended to narrow the Catholic Church dogmatically. The exigencies of answering the Protestants called forth explicit definitions of belief. The Catholic Church was henceforth on the defensive, and among her members fewer differences of opinion were tolerated than formerly.

Fourthly, a great impetus to individual morality, as well as to theological study, was afforded by the reformation. Not only were many men's minds turned temporarily from other intellectual interests to religious controversy, but the individual faithful Catholic or Protestant was encouraged to vie with his neighbor in actually proving that his particular religion inculcated a higher moral standard than any other. It rendered the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries more earnest and serious and also more bigoted than the fifteenth.

Finally, the Protestant Revolution led immediately to important political and social changes. The power of secular rulers was immeasurably increased. By confiscation of church lands and control of the clergy, the Tudor sovereigns in England, the kings in Scandinavia, and the German princes were personally enriched and freed from fear of being hampered in absolutist tendencies by an independent ecclesiastical organization. Even in Catholic countries, the monarchs were able to wring such concessions from the pope as resulted in shackling the Church to the crown.

The wealth of the nobles was swelled, especially in Protestant countries, by seizure of the property of the Church either directly or by means of bribes tendered for aristocratic support of the royal confiscations. But despite such an access of wealth, the monarchs took pains to see that the nobility acquired no new political influence.

In order to prevent the nobles from recovering political power, the absolutist monarchs enlisted the services of the faithful middle class, which speedily attained an enviable position in the principal European states. It is safe to say that the Protestant Revolution was one of many elements assisting in the development of this middle class.

For the peasantry—still the bulk of European population—the religious and ecclesiastical changes seem to have been peculiarly unfortunate. What they gained through a diminution of ecclesiastical dues and taxes was more than lost through the growth of royal despotism and the exactions of hard-hearted lay proprietors. The peasants had changed the names of their oppressors and found themselves in a worse condition than before. There is little doubt that, at least so far as the Germanies and the Scandinavian countries are concerned, the lot of the peasants was less favorable immediately after, than immediately before, the rise of Protestantism.

ADDITIONAL READING

GENERAL. Good brief accounts of the whole religious revolution of the sixteenth century: Frederic Seebohm, The Era of the Protestant Revolution, new ed. (1904); J. H. Robinson, Reformation, in "Encyclopædia Britannica," 11th ed. (1911); A. H. Johnson, Europe in the Sixteenth Century (1897), ch. iii-v and pp. 272 ff.; E. M. Hulme, Renaissance and Reformation, 2d ed. (1915), ch. x-xviii, xxi-xxiii; Victor Duruy, History of Modern Times, trans. and rev. by E. A. Grosvenor (1894), ch. xiii, xiv. More detailed accounts are given in the Cambridge Modern History, Vol. II (1904), and in the Histoire generate, Vol. IV, ch. x-xvii, and Vol. V, ch. i. All the standard general histories of the Christian Church contain accounts of the rise of Protestantism, naturally varying among themselves according to the religious convictions of their authors. Among the best Protestant histories may be cited: T. M. Lindsay, A History of the Reformation, 2 vols. (1906-1910); Wilhelm Moeller, History of the Christian Church, trans. and condensed by J. H. Freese, 3 vols. (1893-1900); Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vols. VI and VII; A. H. Newman, A Manual of Church History, Vol. II (1903), Period V; G. P. Fisher, History of the Christian Church (1887), Period VIII, ch. i- xii. From the Catholic standpoint the best ecclesiastical histories are: John Alzog, Manual of Universal Church History, trans. from 9th German edition (1903), Vol. II and Vol. Ill, Epoch I; and the histories in German by Joseph (Cardinal) Hergen-rother [ed. by J. P. Kirsch, 2 vols. (1902-1904)], by Alois Knopfler (5th ed., 1910) [based on the famous Conciliengeschichte of K. J. (Bishop) von Hefele], and by F. X. von Funk (5th ed., 1911); see, also, Alfred Baudrillart, The Catholic Church, the Renaissance and Protestantism, Eng. trans. by Mrs. Philip Gibbs (1908). Many pertinent articles are to be found in the scholarly Catholic Encyclopedia, 15 vols. (1907-1912), in the famous Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3d ed., 24 vols. (1896-1913), and in the (Non-Catholic) Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. by James Hastings and now (1916) in course of publication. For the popes of the period, see Ludwig Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, the monumental work of a distinguished Catholic historian, the twelfth volume of which (coming down to 1549) was published in English translation in 1912; and the older but still useful (Protestant) History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome by Mandell Creighton, new ed. in 6 vols. (1899-1901), and History of the Popes by Leopold von Ranke, 3 vols. in the Bonn Library (1885). Heinrich Denziger, Enchiridion Symbolorum, Definitionum, et Declarationium de rebus fidei el morum, 11nth ed. (1911), is a convenient collection of official pronouncements in Latin on the Catholic Faith. Philip Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, 3 vols. (1878), contains the chief Greek, Latin, and Protestant creeds in the original and usually also in English translation. Also useful is B. J. Kidd (editor), Documents Illustrative of the Continental Reformation (1911). For additional details of the relation of the Reformation to sixteenth-century politics, consult the bibliography appended to Chapter III, above.

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY. In the Cambridge Modern History, Vol. I (1902), a severe indictment of the Church is presented (ch. xix) by H. C. Lea, and a defense is offered (ch. xviii) by William Barry. The former opinions are developed startlingly by H. C. Lea in Vol. I, ch. i, of his History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages. An old-fashioned, though still interesting, Protestant view is that of William Roscoe, Life and Pontificate of Leo X, 4 vols. (first pub. 1805-1806, many subsequent editions). For an excellent description of the organization of the Catholic Church, see André Mater, L'église catholique, sa constitution, son administration (1906). The best edition of the canon law is that of Friedberg, 2 vols. (1881). On the social work of the Church: E. L. Cutts, Parish Priests and their People in the Middle Ages in England (1898), and G. A. Prévost, L'église et les campagnes au moyen âge (1892). The most recent and comprehensive study of the Catholic Church on the eve of the Protestant Revolt is that of Pierre Imbart de la Tour, Les origines de la Réforme, Vol. I, La France moderne (1905), and Vol. II, L'église catholique, la crise et la renaissance (1909). For the Orthodox Church of the East see Louis Duchesne, The Churches Separated from Rome, trans. by A. H. Mathew (1908).

MOHAMMEDANISM. Sir William Muir, Life of Mohammed, new and rev. ed. by T. H. Weir (1912); Ameer Ali, Life and Teachings of Mohammed (1891), and, by the same author, warmly sympathetic, Islam (1914); D. S. Margoliouth, Mohammed and the Rise of Islam (1905), in the "Heroes of the Nations" Series, and, by the same author, The Early Development of Mohammedanism (1914); Arthur Gilman, Story of the Saracens (1902), in the "Story of the Nations" Series. Edward Gibbon has two famous chapters (1, li) on Mohammed and the Arabian conquests in his masterpiece, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. The Koran, the sacred book of Mohammedans, has been translated into English by E. H. Palmer, 2 vols. (1880): entertaining extracts are given in Stanley Lane-Poole, Speeches and Table Talk of the Prophet Mohammad.

LUTHER AND LUTHERANISM. Of innumerable biographies of Luther the best from sympathetic Protestant pens are: Julius Köstlin, Life of Luther, trans. and abridged from the German (1900); T. M. Lindsay, Luther and the German Reformation (1900); A. C. McGiffert, Martin Luther, the Man and his Work (1911); Preserved Smith, The Life and Letters of Martin Luther (1911); Charles Beard, Martin Luther and the Reformation in Germany until the Close of the Diet of Worms (1889). A remarkable arraignment of Luther is the work of the eminent Catholic historian, F. H. S. Denifle, Luther und Luthertum in der ersten Entwickelung, 3 vols. (1904-1909), trans. into French by J. Pasquier (1911-1912). The most available Catholic study of Luther's personality and career is the scholarly work of Hartmann Grisar, Luther, 3 vols. (1911-1913), trans. from German into English by E. M. Lamond, 4 vols. (1913-1915). First Principles of the Reformation, ed. by Henry Wace and C. A. Buchheim (1885), contains an English translation of Luther's "Theses," and of his three pamphlets of 1520. The best edition of Luther's complete works is the Weimar edition; English translations of portions of his Table Talk, by William Hazlitt, have appeared in the Bonn Library; and Luther's Correspondence and Other Contemporary Letters is now (1916) in course of translation and publication by Preserved Smith. J. W. Richard, Philip Melanchthon (1898) is a brief biography of one of the most famous friends and associates of Luther. For the Protestant Revolt in Germany: E. F. Henderson, A Short History of Germany (1902), Vol. I, ch. x-xvi, a brief sketch of the political and social background; Johannes Janssen, History of the German People, a monumental treatise on German social history just before and during the revolt, scholarly and very favorable to the Catholic Church, trans. into English by M. A. Mitchell and A. M. Christie, 16 vols. (1896-1910); Gottlob Egelhaaf, Deutsche Geschichte im sechzehnten Jahrhundert bis zum Augsburger Religionsfrieden, 2 vols. (1889-1892), a Protestant rejoinder to some of the Catholic Janssen's deductions; Karl Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, Vol. V, Part I (1896), suggestive philosophizing; Leopold von Ranke, History of the Reformation in Germany, Eng. trans., 3 vols., a careful study, coming down in the original German to 1555, but stopping short in the English form with the year 1534; Friedrich von Bezold, Geschichte der deutschen Reformation, 2 vols. (1886-1890), in the bulky Oncken Series, voluminous and moderately Protestant in tone; J. J. I. von Döllinger, Die Reformation, ihre innere Entwicklung und ihre Wirkungen, 3 vols. (1853-1854), pointing out the opposition of many educated people of the sixteenth century to Luther; A. E. Berger, Die Kulturaufgaben der Reformation, 2d ed. (1908), a study of the cultural aspects of the Lutheran movement, Protestant in tendency and opposed in certain instances to the generalizations of Janssen and Döllinger; J. S. Schapiro, Social Reform and the Reformation (1909), a brief but very suggestive treatment of some of the economic factors of the German Reformation; H. C. Vedder, The Reformation in Germany (1914), likewise stressing economic factors, and sympathetic toward the Anabaptists. For additional facts concerning the establishment of Lutheranism in Scandinavia, see R. N. Bain, Scandinavia, a Political History of Denmark, Norway and Sweden from 1513 to 1900 (1905), and John Wordsworth (Bishop of Salisbury), The National Church of Sweden (1911). Zwingli, Calvin, and Calvinism. The best biography of Zwingli in English is that of S. M. Jackson (1901), who likewise has edited the Selected Works of Zwingli; a more exhaustive biography in German is Rudolf Stahelin, Huldreich Zwingli: sein Leben und Wirken, 2 vols. (1895 1897). Biographies of Calvin: H. Y. Reyburn, John Calvin: his Life, Letters, and Work (1914); Williston Walker, John Calvin, the Organizer of Reformed Protestantism (1906); Emile Doumergue, Jean Calvin: les hommes et les choses de son temps, 4 vols. (1899-1910); L. Penning, Life and Times of Calvin, trans. from Dutch by B. S. Berrington (1912); William Barry, Calvin, in the "Catholic Encyclopædia." Many of Calvin's writings have been published in English translation by the "Presbyterian Board of Publication" in Philadelphia, 22 vols. in 52 (1844-1856), and his Institutes of the Christian Religion has several times been published in English. H. M. Baird, Theodore Beza (1899) is a popular biography of one of the best-known friends and associates of Calvin. For Calvinism in Switzerland: W. D. McCracken, The Rise of the Swiss Republic, 2d ed. (1901); F. W. Kampschulte, Johann Calvin, seine Kirche und sein Staat in Genf, 2 vols. (1869-1899). For Calvinism in France: H. M. Baird, History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France, 2 vols. (1879), and by the same author, a warm partisan of Calvinism, The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre, 2 vols. (1886); the brothers Haag, France protestante, 2d ed., 10 vols. (1877-1895), an exhaustive history of Protestantism in France; E. Lavisse (editor), Histoire de France, Vol. V, Livre IX, by Henry Lemonnier (1904), most recent and best. For Calvinism in Scotland: P. H. Brown, John Knox, a Biography, 2 vols. (1895); Andrew Lang, John Knox and the Reformation (1905); John Herkless and R. K. Hannay, The Archbishops of St. Andrews, 4 vols. (1907-1913); D. H. Fleming, The Reformation in Scotland: its Causes, Characteristics, and Consequences (1910); John Macpherson, History of the Church in Scotland (1901), ch. iii-v.

THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION IN ENGLAND. The eve of the revolution: Frederic Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers, 3d ed. (1887), a sympathetic treatment of Colet, Erasmus, and More; F. A. (Cardinal) Gasquet, The Eve of the Reformation in England (1899), and, by the same author, an eminent Catholic scholar, England under the Old Religion (1912). General histories of the English Reformation: H. O. Wakeman, An Introduction to the History of the Church of England, 8th ed. (1914), ch. x-xiv, the best brief "High Church" survey; J. R. Green, Short History of the English People, new illust. ed. by C. H. Firth (1913), ch. vi, vii, a popular "Low Church" view; W. R. W. Stephens and William Hunt (editors), A History of the Church of England, Vols. IV (1902) and V (1904) by James Gairdner and W. H. Frere respectively; James Gairdner, Lollardy and the Reformation in England, 4 vols. (1908- 1913), the last word of an eminent authority on the period, who was convinced of the revolutionary character of the English Reformation; John Lingard, History of England to 1688, Vols. IV-VI, the standard Roman Catholic work; R. W. Dixon, History of the Church of England from the Abolition of the Roman Jurisdiction, 6 vols. (1878-1902), a thorough treatment from the High Anglican position; H. W. Clark, History of English Nonconformity, Vol. I (1911), Book I, valuable for the history of the radical Protestants; Henry Gee and W. J. Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History (1896), an admirable collection of official pronouncements. Valuable special works and monographs: C. B. Lumsden, The Dawn of Modern England, being a History of the Reformation in England, 1509-1525 (1910), pronouncedly Roman Catholic in tone; Martin Hume, The Wives of Henry VIII (1905); F. A. (Cardinal) Gasquet, Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, 3d ed., 2 vols. (1888), popular ed. in 1 vol. (1902); R. B. Merriman, Life and Letters of Thomas Cromwell, 2 vols. (1902), a standard work; Dom Bede Camm, Lives of the English Martyrs (1904), with special reference to Roman Catholics under Henry VIII; A. F. Pollard, [Footnote: See also other works of A. F. Pollard listed in bibliography appended to Chapter III, p. 110, above.] Life of Cranmer (1904), scholarly and sympathetic, and, by the same author, England under Protector Somerset (1900), distinctly apologetic; Frances Rose-Troup, The Western Rebellion of 1549 (1913), a study of an unsuccessful popular uprising against religious innovations; M. J. Stone, Mary I, Queen of England (1901), an apology for Mary Tudor; John Foxe (1516-1587), Acts and Monuments of the Church, popularly known as the Book of Martyrs, the chief contemporary account of the Marian persecutions, uncritical and naturally strongly biased; R. G. Usher, The Reconstruction of the English Church, 2 vols. (1910), a popular account of the changes under Elizabeth and James I; H. N. Birt, The Elizabethan Religious Settlement (1907), from the Roman Catholic standpoint; G. E. Phillips, The Extinction of the Ancient Hierarchy, an Account of the Death in Prison of the Eleven Bishops Honored at Rome amongst the Martyrs of the Elizabethan Persecution (1905), also Roman Catholic; A. O. Meyer, England und die katholische Kirche unter Elisabeth und den Stuarts, Vol. I (1911), Eng. trans. by J. R. McKee (1915), based in part on use of source-material in the Vatican Library; Martin Hume, Treason and Plot (1901), deals with the struggles of the Roman Catholics for supremacy in the reign of Elizabeth; E. L. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England, 1580-1773 (1901); Richard Simpson, Life of Campion (1867), an account of a devoted Jesuit who suffered martyrdom under Elizabeth; Champlin Burrage, The Early English Dissenters in the Light of Recent Research, 1550-1641, 2 vols. (1912).

THE REFORMATION WITHIN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. Brief narratives: William Barry, The Papacy and Modern Times (1911), in "Home University Library," ch. i-iii; A. W. Ward, The Counter Reformation (1889) in "Epochs of Church History" Series; Cambridge Modern History, Vol. Ill (1905), ch. xiii by Ugo (Count) Balzani on "Rome under Sixtus V." Longer accounts: G. V. Jourdan, The Movement towards Catholic Reform in the Early Sixteenth Century, 1496-1536 (1914); K. W. Maurenbrecher, Geschichte der katholischen Reformation, Vol. I (1880), excellent down to 1534 but never completed; J. A. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy, Vols. VI and VII, The Catholic Reaction, replete with inaccuracy, bias, and prejudice. The Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent have been translated by J. Waterworth, new ed. (1896), and the Catechism of the Council of Trent, by J. Donovan (1829). Nicholas Hilling, Procedure at the Roman Curia, 2d ed. (1909), contains a concise account of the "congregations" and other reformed agencies of administration introduced into church government in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The famous Autobiography of St. Ignatius Loyola has been trans. and ed. by J. F. X. O'Conor (1900), and the text of his Spiritual Exercises, trans. from Spanish into English, has been published by Joseph Rickaby (1915). See Stewart Rose (Lady Buchan), St. Ignatius Loyola and the Early Jesuits, ed. by W. H. Eyre (1891); Francis Thompson, Life of Saint Ignatius (1910); T. A. Hughes, Loyola and the Educational System of the Jesuits (1892). Monumental national histories of the Jesuits are now (1916) appearing under the auspices of the Order: for Germany, by Bernhard Duhr, Vol. I (1907), Vol. II (1913); for Italy, by Pietro Tacchi Venturi, Vol. I (1910); for France, by Henri Fouqueray, Vol. I (1910), Vol. II (1913); for Paraguay, by Pablo Pastells, Vol. I (1912); for North America, by Thomas Hughes, 3 vols. (1907-1910); for Spain, by Antonio Astrain, Vols. I-IV (1902-1913). Concerning the Index, see G. H. Putnam, The Censorship of the Church of Rome and its Influence upon the Production and Distribution of Literature, 2 vols. (1907). On the Inquisition, see H. C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain, 4 vols. (1907), and, by the same author, The Inquisition in the Spanish Dependencies (1908), on the whole a dark picture; and, for a Catholic account, Elphège Vacandard, The Inquisition: a Critical and Historical Study of the Coercive Power of the Church, trans. by B. L. Conway (1908).

FOR THE OUTCOME OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLT AND THE CATHOLIC REFORMATION FROM THE THEOLOGICAL STANDPOINT, see Adolph Harnack, History of Dogma, Eng. trans., Vol. VII (1900). Charles Beard, The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century in its Relation to Modern Thought and Knowledge (1883) is a strongly Protestant estimate of the significance of the whole movement. J. Balmes, European Civilization: Protestantism and Catholicity Compared in their Effects on the Civilization of Europe (1850), though old, is a suggestive résumé from the Catholic standpoint.