Chapter XLI

THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE.

(1871—1893.)

The First German Parliament by Direct Vote.

—The Political Factions.

—The Ultramontane Party in Opposition to the Government.

—Struggle with the Church of Rome.

—"Kulturkampf."

—Falk appointed Minister of Culture.

—His first Success.

—Animosity of the Pope.

—The Jesuits expelled from Germany.

—The May Laws.

—The Roman Catholic Clergy rebel.

—Civil Marriage made requisite.

—The "Bundesrath."

—Meeting of the Three Emperors.

—Armaments.

—Peace secured by Diplomacy.

—Financial Questions.

—Bismarck obliged to look to the Ultramontanes for Parliamentary Support.

—A conciliatory Policy towards the Roman Church.

—Falk resigns.

—The Social-Democrats, and the Attacks on the Life of William I.

—The Exceptional Law.

—Party Dissensions.

—A higher Protective Policy introduced.

—New Taxes.

—The Opening of Parliament in 1881.

—Scheme of the Government for bettering the Condition of the Workingmen.

—The Colonial Question.

—War-Clouds.

—France finds a Sympathizer in Russia.

—The Triple Alliance.

—The Military Budget.

—The Dissolution of Parliament.

—The Government gains a Victory by new Elections.

—Ludwig II. of Bavaria and his tragic End.

—The Death of Emperor William I.

—Fatal Disease of the Crown-Prince.

—The Latter as Frederick III.

—His Death.

—His Successor, William II.

—Resignation of Bismarck.

—General Caprivi made Chancellor.

—The German-English Agreement.

—The Triple Alliance renewed.

—New commercial Treaties.

—Withdrawal of the School Bill.

—A new Army Bill rejected and Parliament dissolved.

—New Elections result in victory for the Government.

1871. FIRST SESSION OF PARLIAMENT.

After many a dark and gloomy century, the dream of a united Germany was realized. The outer pile stood complete before the awakening nation and an astonished world; now there remained to be done the patient, painstaking work of consolidating the federation of States in all particulars, making the different parts one within as well as without.

On the 21st of March, 1871, the first German Parliament, elected by the direct vote of the people, met at Berlin, the capital of the federation, and the political parties took their stand. Bismarck, Prince, Chancellor of the Empire, acknowledged as the first statesman of Europe, saw the advantage of a liberal policy, which secured for the Government the support of the Nationals and the Liberals, and with them a sufficient majority to carry out its plans. At the same time the Chancellor had to reckon with an opposition that was threatening to German unity. Chief among it were the Ultramontanes (or Papal party), so called because they looked beyond the Alps for their sovereign guide—the Church of Rome. They formed the Centre party, and around them all the dissatisfied elements grouped themselves—the Particularists, who still held on to their petty provincial interests; the Poles from Eastern Prussia; the Danes from northern Schleswig; the Social-Democrats; and later the representatives of Alsatia and Lorraine. On the utmost right sat the old feudal nobility, which was reactionary at the outset. Although diverging far apart in aims and purposes, these different factions joined hands against the Federal Government whenever their interests were concerned, and thus at times constituted a powerful foe.

1872.

It soon became evident that the chief battle to maintain union and freedom had to be fought with the Ultramontanes, who were inspired by the counsel of the Vatican and upheld by the authority actually wielded in Germany by the Roman Catholic Church. The concessions made to it in Prussia by the romantic spirit of Frederick William IV. had borne their bitter fruit, and the Protestant kingdom had become even more a foothold for the Church of Rome than Catholic Bavaria. On the same day on which France declared war against Germany the Papal power sounded another war-trumpet by proclaiming the Dogma of Papal Infallibility. Germany had been the victor in the combat with France; it now had to encounter the other foe in defence of the best life of the nation—an untrammelled conscience, free schools, the sway of reason, and the light of science.

The task of fighting a state within the state, which confronted the Federal Government and the nation at the very outset, was hard and bitter on both sides. It took place in Parliament as well as in the Prussian and Bavarian Assemblies, and as a struggle for the preservation of the blessings of modern civilization it has been designated "Kulturkampf," a fight for culture.

In the beginning of 1872 the Chancellor knew himself sufficiently supported by the National-Liberals in Parliament and in the Prussian Assembly to take up the combat with the Roman Church and its adherents in both political bodies. He caused the reactionary Minister of Culture, von Mühler, to resign his office, and invited Adalbert Falk, a statesman of keen insight and fearless energy, to take his place. Falk undertook to define the boundaries between the State and the Church by a series of laws, and his first success was in carrying through the Prussian Assembly a bill that made the public schools independent of the Church, and gave their supervision to the State. The Pope's answer to this measure was his refusal to receive the Emperor's ambassador, Cardinal Hohenlohe, who had been nominated for diplomatic representation at the Vatican on account of his conciliatory spirit. At this period Bismarck made his famous declaration, "To Canossa we do not go!" The conflict waxed hotter, and from all parts of Germany the enlightened portions of the people sent petitions to Parliament, asking it to exclude from the precincts of the Empire the Jesuits, who were known to be the Pope's advisers, and as such were at the root of the evil. The demand was granted. A bill to that effect was introduced into Parliament, and, after much passionate debate, became a law. Before the close of the year every member of the Society of Jesus had to leave Germany, and all institutions belonging to that organization were closed.

1873. THE MAY LAWS.

The year 1873 brought about the important legislation by which the lines between the competencies of State and Church were conclusively defined. It was designed primarily to benefit Prussia, but its effect in the end was of advantage to the whole of Germany. The bills destined to restrict the undue power of the Roman Catholic Church, in spite of violent opposition on the part of the Ultramontanes and the reactionary Feudals, were carried through the Prussian Assembly in the month of May, and hence are called the "May laws." They were met by open rebellion on the part of the Prussian episcopacy. The Catholic clergy closed the doors of their seminaries to the Government supervisors; they published protests of every form against legislation that had not the sanction of the Papal See; they omitted to make announcement to the provincial governments of newly appointed curates or beneficiaries, and demonstrated in every way their insubordination to the lay authorities. In accordance with the new laws, these rebellious acts were punished by the withdrawal of dotations that had been granted by the State to Roman Catholic seminaries or schools, and the latter in some instances were closed. The curates appointed without consent of the head authorities were forbidden to officiate, and their religious functions declared to be null and void. Then the rebellious prelates were fined or imprisoned, and, as a last resort, declared to be out of office, while the endowments of their dioceses were administered by lay officials.

1874.

In 1874 civil marriage was made obligatory by law, first in Prussia, and then, after receiving also the sanction of Parliament, throughout the Empire. With this measure a powerful weapon was wrenched from the hands of the clergy, and another blow was dealt. Other measures followed, under protests from Pope and clergy, and hot debating was continued in the legislative bodies, until, in 1876, matters of another nature and more momentous importance forced themselves to the front.

The work for organization and reform, up to this time, had progressed in various directions, and the proposed measures for cementing German unity had received more or less ready support in Parliament and the Assemblies of the different States. The latter had their representatives at Berlin, who were nominated by their respective sovereigns. They met in a body called the Bundesrath—the Counsel of the Federation. Any step taken by the Federal Government towards legislation affecting the whole of the Empire had to be laid before and agreed to by the Bundesrath before it could be introduced into Parliament. Thus the rights of the States were preserved, and the reigning Princes were made still to feel their importance, which tended to create harmony between them and the Empire.

While the interior growth of the latter was of a healthy and steady nature, the genius of the great statesman, Prince Bismarck, was busy likewise in allaying the fears and, in a measure, mollifying the envy and jealousies of neighboring powers. In September, 1872, the Emperors of Germany, Austria, and Russia met at Berlin, to renew assurances of friendship and thus convince the world of their peaceable intentions. The cordial relations between the reigning families of Germany and Italy were strengthened by visits from court to court, and even Denmark was somewhat pacified in regard to its loss of Schleswig-Holstein. But France still frowned at a distance, and was preparing for revenge. The meeting of the three Emperors gave her additional offence, and she strove to reorganize and enlarge her army. This called forth counter-movements in Germany, where the reorganization of the army—even before the late wars a pet project of William I.—had been agreed to by Parliament. A prudent diplomacy, and the friendly demonstrations of Alexander II. to the German Emperor and his Chancellor, dispelled for a time the rising war-clouds, and the peaceful work of interior organization was continued.

1882. REVISION OF THE MAY LAWS.

After the Roman Church had been restricted to its lawful boundaries, the most important questions looming up were those in reference to financial matters. The income of the Empire proved insufficient to cover the enormous outlay for necessary changes and reforms to be perfected, while at the same time influences were brought about to forward a higher protective policy than had been adhered to hitherto. In order to bring about an increased tariff, and such taxation as the financial situation required, the Chancellor had to look for the support of other parties than the Nationals and the Liberal-Conservatives. He took it where it was offered, and here the Ultramontanes or Centre party saw their opportunity. The consequence was a tacit compromise with the latter. The contest with the Vatican faltered; a conciliatory policy was adopted in matters concerning the Catholic Church, and Falk, seeing his work crippled, resigned his office, in 1879, to make room for a reactionary Minister of Culture. In 1882 a revision of the May laws took place; the refractory bishops were allowed to return, the ecclesiastical institutions were reopened, salaries were paid once more to the clergy by the State, and other restitutions were made, for all of which the Pope only acceded to the demand that new appointments of ecclesiastics should be announced in due form to the German Government.

At this period the political situation was aggravated by the agitation of the Social-Democrats, and by what seemed to be its direct outgrowth, the repeated murderous attempts on the life of the Emperor William I. in May and June, 1878. These startling events opened the eyes of the people to a danger in their very midst—a danger threatening society and all its most sacred institutions. To avert it, the Chancellor at once caused a bill to be drawn up for an exceptional law, meant to suppress all aggressive movements of the Social-Democrats and reduce them to silence. When it was laid before Parliament, it found no favor with the majority, and was rejected; whereupon the Chancellor, in the name of the Emperor, declared Parliament to be dissolved. The new elections did not bring about any considerable change; but a majority was obtained, and the exceptional law was established for two years and a half, which period afterwards was prolonged several times.

1881.

The steady inner growth of the first eight or nine years had now been checked by party dissension and political discord, brought on chiefly by the financial difficulties, in which the new Empire found itself involved, and the steady demand from centres of industry and agriculture for higher protective measures. These demands, being favored by the Chancellor, were gaining the upper hand: customs were increased, a new duty was raised on cereals, and a considerable tax was put upon spirits. All this made it easy for the Radicals to agitate and alarm the masses of the people, and in consequence the parliamentary elections of 1881 gave a majority to the extreme Liberals in opposition to the Government. When the new Parliament convened, the venerable Emperor, William I., opened it in person, and read a message the tenor of which was more than usually solemn, pointing with great emphasis to the social evils of the time, and the best remedies for healing them. The sequel of this message was a project of great magnitude, which the Federal Government introduced into Parliament for the purpose of bettering the conditions of the laboring classes. To carry it out required successive bills and years of indefatigable work, incessant debating, and many a hard struggle with opposition, until at present the whole system is in working order. It comprises a series of insurances for laborers, to secure them from losses by sickness, accidents, invalidity, and age. These insurances are obligatory, and the cost of them is borne jointly by the Government, the employers, and the laborers themselves.

About this time the colonial question also caused a clashing of parties. To open new channels of commerce and enterprise, certain mercantile houses had acquired large tracts of land on foreign continents, and now asked the protection of the Empire for their efforts. Germany, now a first-class power and in possession of a growing navy, needed coaling-stations in foreign waters, new lines of steamers to connect directly with Africa and eastern Asia, and an outlet for her rapidly multiplying population, which she would rather colonize under her own flag than lose by emigration to other countries. The Federal Government therefore took up this matter in its own interest, and asked Parliament for appropriations and subsidies to carry out those enlarged plans. The demand was received on the part of the Liberals and Radicals with violent opposition; but, in the end, the decision, with the assistance of the Centre party, was in favor of the Government.

1882. THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

In the meantime fresh war-clouds were gathering on the political horizon, on account of the accumulation of Russian troops on the frontiers of Germany and Austria. The violent death of Alexander II. of Russia had deprived Germany of a friend whom his successor, Alexander III., did not mean to replace. His sympathies were with the growing Pan-slavistic party, which through its press was exciting hatred against all that was German. Thus France felt herself drawn towards Russia, and both the Republic and the semi-barbarian Empire stood ready at any moment to make common cause for the ruin of Germany. This constant menace and its attendant rivalry in armament could not but be a misfortune, not merely for Germany but for all the powers concerned. To avert the danger of war as long as possible, the deep insight of the great man at the helm of the Federal Government of Germany had led him to take an important step in good time. As early as 1879 he had created a counterpoise to the threatening attitude of France and Russia by concluding an alliance for defensive purposes between Germany and Austria, which a few years later was joined by Italy, and, as the "Triple Alliance," has been the wedge to keep apart the hostile powers in the East and the West, securing peace thereby.

In 1886 the time approached for a new military budget. The armaments of both Russia and France had reached such enormous dimensions that the German Government could not but know the military forces of the Empire to be no longer on an equal footing with the hostile powers. Consequently, it now asked Parliament not only for a new septennial budget for military purposes, as twice before since 1874, but also for appropriations to raise a larger contingent of soldiers (one per cent. of the whole population, which, according to the last census, made 41,000 men more than at that time), and additional sums for fortifications, barracks, arms, etc. Thereupon ensued another parliamentary contest. The opposition proved themselves not sufficiently patriotic to take a large view, and, in concert with the Centre, the Liberals demanded that the contingent of soldiers should be diminished and the budget granted for three years only. After much passionate debate, and in spite of Bismarck's weighty eloquence, the motion of the Government was carried in a crippled condition and by only a small majority. Then Parliament was once more dissolved, and new elections took place about a month afterwards (21st of February, 1887), which made evident the temper of the people, since the Liberals and Social-Democrats were heavy losers. Only half of their former number was returned to Parliament. The military bill was now carried by a large majority of Conservatives and Nationals, and financial as well as other matters of importance were brought to a quick issue.

1887.

The almost miraculous rise of a united Germany, and its wonderful inner growth, had its reverses in the tragical events that took place in the royal houses of Bavaria and Prussia, during 1886 and 1888. King Ludwig II. of Bavaria, a man of superior intellectual qualities and gifted with great charms, had been a victim of late years to mental hallucinations, which at last began to endanger the finances and constitutional rights of the country. It became necessary to declare him insane and to establish a regency in his name. This and his confinement to his lonely castle of Berg led the king to drown himself in the lake bordering the grounds. His corpse and that of his attendant physician were found where the gravel bottom of the shallow water gave evidence of a struggle having taken place. Since the successor of Ludwig II., his younger brother, Otto, was a confirmed maniac, the regency still remained with Prince Luitpold, the uncle of both these unfortunate kings. He was imbued with the national idea of German unity, and continued the same wise and liberal policy that governed the actions of Ludwig II. in his best days—a policy which earned for him the fame of being called one of the founders of a united German Empire.

Early in 1888 the Emperor, nearly ninety-one years old, showed signs of declining vitality, and in March the end was at hand. It was peaceful, though clouded by a great sorrow which filled the last months of his life. There was a vacant place among the members of his family who surrounded his death-bed. His son, the Crown-Prince, now fifty-six years of age, was detained by a fatal disease at San Remo, in Italy. William I., beloved by the German people as no sovereign before him had been, died on the 9th of March, and his son and heir, Frederick III., began his reign of ninety-nine days. Sick as he was, and deprived of speech in consequence of his cruel disease, his inborn sense of duty caused him to set out for Berlin as soon as the news of the old Emperor's death reached him. His proclamation to the people and his rescript to Prince Bismarck are evidences of the noble and patriotic spirit that animated him; but he was too ill, and his reign was too short, to determine what he would have been to Germany had he lived. He died on the 15th of June, 1888, and almost his last words to his son and successor were: "Learn to suffer without complaint."

1888. WILLIAM II.

William II., born on the 27th of January, 1859, now became Emperor of Germany. Many were the doubts with which he was seen to succeed to the throne. He was young in years, in view of the heavy responsibilities awaiting him; impulsive, where a steady head was required; and a soldier with all his heart. Nevertheless, there was nothing to indicate during the first years of his reign that the "old course" had been abandoned. The first important event took place in March, 1890, when the startling news was heard that Prince Bismarck had sent his resignation to the Emperor, and that it had been accepted. For a moment the fate of Germany seemed to hang in suspense; but the public mind soon recovered from the shock it had received, and the most thoughtful of people realized that a young ruler, imbued with modern ideas, and with an individuality all his own, could not be expected to remain in harmony with or to be guided by a statesman who, however great and wise, was growing old and in a measure incapable of seeing a new light in affairs of internal policy. On March 29th the ex-Chancellor left Berlin to retire to his estates. Along his drive to the railway station he received the spontaneous ovations of an immense concourse of people, who by their enthusiastic cheers showed their appreciation for the creator of the new Germany.

1890.

The Emperor nominated General Caprivi Chancellor of the Empire in place of Bismarck. It was a good choice, since William II. evidently meant in future to be his own chancellor. He was of too vivacious a nature to accept a policy of State and Empire made ready to his hands. He had knowledge, and ideas of his own which he expected to carry out. The first serious dissension between the Emperor and Bismarck seems to have turned upon the question of Socialism. Bismarck was in favor of combating it with the utmost vigor, in order to avert the dangers threatening to State and society; the Emperor, on the contrary, was for conciliatory measures; for listening to the demands of the laboring classes, and remedying by arbitration and further legislation the evils of which they complained. The repressive measures hitherto resorted to, and the new ones proposed, were abandoned, and thus far there is no cause to condemn this "new course." Although the dangers from Socialism have not grown less, it is no longer necessary for the enemy of social order and justice to hide his face, and by that much it is easier to fight him and to strike at the right spot.

Another event of note which took place in the same year, is the German-English agreement of July 1st, by which the respective limits of colonial possessions in Africa were regulated, and Germany became the possessor of the island of Helgoland as a compensation for the lion's share secured in Africa by England. The only value Germany derives from this acquisition will show itself in a future war, when the fortified island-rock may serve as an outpost, disputing the advance of hostile war ships toward the northern coast of Germany.

In the following year the Triple Alliance was renewed, and had the wholesome effect of stopping various rumors of war. Besides, Russia, who had exchanged uncommon civilities with France, was in no condition to go to war, crippled as she was by the dreadful suffering of her people through famine consequent upon the failure of crops. Still another incentive was furnished for France and Russia to remain at peace by an understanding between England and Italy to keep intact the status quo in the Mediterranean. Although not a treaty in the literal sense of the word, it was sufficient to raise the prestige of the Triple Alliance, and thus to strengthen its pacific tendencies.

1892. THE ARMY BILL.

But the most important feature of internal policy is to be found in the new commercial treaties which Germany contracted, first with the two other powers of the Triple Alliance—Austria-Hungary and Italy—and then with Belgium and Switzerland, as the most favored nations. The treaties were planned and carefully drafted to bring relief to the industrial classes by opening fresh channels for the exports of the country; but inasmuch as the tariff was lowered by them on the necessities of life, they also favored the rest of the population and especially the laboring classes. These treaties were ratified in Parliament by a large majority.

In the spring of the year (April 24th) Germany lost one of her greatest men, the Field-Marshal Count Moltke, who had lived more than ninety years in the full enjoyment of his powers. Another man, who also had been prominent in his way, Windthorst, had died just one month before Moltke, but he was missed only by the Roman Catholic Centre party, who lost in him their ablest leader.

The following year a bill was laid before the Prussian Assembly purporting to reform the public schools, but introducing at the same time such clauses as would render both public and private schools confessional. The bill was no sooner made public than it became evident that only the ultra Conservatives and the Centre or Ultramontane party were in favor of it, while the other parties, and behind them their constituents, declared themselves extremely opposed to it. In consequence of this bill the whole of Germany became greatly agitated; numerous protests were sent to the Assembly and the Minister of Culture, and men of note and intellect put in print their ominous warnings. All this resulted in the withdrawal of the bill and the resignation of the Minister of Culture, Count Zedlitz. But before the end of the year a new army measure began to stir afresh the minds of politicians and people. In his speech delivered before Parliament on November 23d, Caprivi explained that new sacrifices in money and taxation were necessary, in order to make the German army efficient to fight enemies "on two fronts." He went on to demonstrate that, although no war was in sight, France had surpassed Germany in her military organization and numbers, while Russia was continually perfecting her strategical railway system, and locating her best troops on her western frontier. To keep up an equal footing with her neighbors, it was necessary for Germany to add 83,894 men to the present number of soldiers. In order to do this the existing obligation to serve in the army would have to be extended to every one capable of carrying arms. The cost was estimated at $16,700,000 for the first year, and $16,000,000 for every year succeeding. As a compensation for the heavy burdens to be imposed, the Government offered to reduce the time for active service from three to two years.

1893.

There was from the first a widespread doubt among the people of the necessity for such heavy sacrifices as were entailed by this bill, and the possibility of carrying it successfully through Parliament. The body deferred dealing with it until the following year, when the fate of the bill was adversely decided on the 6th of May by a majority of forty-eight out of three hundred and seventy-two votes. Parliament was at once dissolved, and new elections were ordered to take place on the 15th of June. In the interval some unexpected splits favoring the Government's cause occurred in the Centre party and among the Liberals, or Radicals—a name now more befitting. As the election proceeded, it became more and more evident that the opposition was losing and the Government gaining ground.

1893. THE ARMY BILL.

The newly elected Parliament was opened on July 4th, and the Army bill, in a slightly modified form, was passed without delay after the third reading by a majority of sixteen out of three hundred and eighty-six votes. Small as this majority seems, it was a decided victory for the Government, since the latter had abstained throughout the elections from influencing them in any way. The ultimate passage of the bill, however, leaves the implied financial problem still unsolved. The outlook is not cheerful. Although an objective view of recent events is out of the question, there is room for doubting that the future of Germany will be tranquil. Owing to the general depression in industrial and agricultural fields, the financial question is sure to engender bitterness and strife. Nor is there any encouragement to be gained when we consider the numerous factions into which the parliamentary representation of the Empire is divided at the present time. What with the proportionately large gain of the Social-Democrats during the late elections, the numerically powerful Centrists acting in the interest of Roman Catholicism, the Particularists asserting themselves again, and the Anti-Semites with their socialistic affinities, it would seem inevitable that great struggles are yet to come. But we might hopefully say that Germany, in the evolution of her national growth, is just now passing through a trying period of change, the mists of which will be swept away in time, when by a clearer apprehension of parliamentary life and practice, and the exercise of a more concentrated patriotism, she will be strong, indeed, in freedom and in Unity.