INDEX.

Aarhus, bishop of, his book on plague, 209, his identity, 210 note Abbotsley, scene in church, 39 Aberdeen, leper-spital, 99, plague at, 361, 362, long free from plague, 370, plague at, in 1647, 564, syphilis arrives at, 417, 419, 361 Aelred, his story of queen Matilda and the lepers, 82-3 Agriculture, state of in Domesday, 22, neglect of under heavy taxation by Wm, Rufus, 30, effects of Black Death on, 191-2, thriving in the 15th cent., 222, gives place to sheep-farming in Tudor period, 387-392 Agues, original meaning of 409; pestilential ague, 214, “hot ague”, 291, 400, 401, 404, 406, Irish ague, 410; Jones on, 410, specialists for, 411, 426, ambiguous meaning of, 505, 536, 540 Allington, Richard, case of smallpox, 459 Amwell, Great, plague, 493 André, Bernard, on sweat of 1508, 244, on French pox, 420 Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms, 24, 452 Annan, story of a plague at, 11 Appleby, plague, 360 Arabia, burials in, 165, plague, 166, origin of smallpox in 441 Armada, Spanish, sickness in, 350, 591 Arsenic, plague-cakes, 487 Ashburton, plague, 524 Ashwell, inscription at, 139, 217 Assir, plague, 166 Assizes, Black, at Cambridge, 375, at Oxford, 376, at Exeter, 383 Astruc, on origin of syphilis, 430 Aubrey, Dr, on sickness in slave-ships, 627-8 Avignon, Black Death at, 133, pestis secunda, 203 Axholme, the sweat at, 252 Ayr, plague, 503 Baber, Consul, plague in Yun-nan, 168 Bacon, Francis, “remedy” of the sweat, 242, gaol-fever, 382, sweet odours in plague, 685 note Bamford, James, plague of 1603 in St Olave’s parish, 478, on contagion of plague, 490 Banbury, plague, 303 note, 501, war-fever and plague, 556-7 Banister, John, on syphilis, 427, his plague-medicines, 516 Bankside stews, 420 Barbados, occupied by English, 619, yellow fever in, 620, 630-633 Barcelona, syphilis at, 434 Barking, plague in monastery, 6, plague, 492, 520, 680 Bartholomew fair, in plague-time, 300, 481 Bartholomew’s, St, Hospital, filled with cases of pox, 424 Basingstoke, hospital at, 95 Batavia, epidemic in 1625, 608 Baxter, Richard, on the weather before the Great Plague, 653, on Dissenters in the plague-time, 655 Becon, on rural depopulation, 391 Beda, on pestilence in, 664-685, 5-7 Beggars, pretending leprosy, 103, beadle of, 104, after Black Death, 183, statutes for, 392 Bellay, Du, letters on the sweat, 250-252 Belper, plague, 500 Benghazi, plague and typhus in Arab tents, 170 Beri-beri, supposed in 1593, 593 Beverley, the sweat at, 252 Birch, Dr T., errors of, on Oxford Black Assizes, 381 note, collects letters of the Stuart period, 504 note Black Death, the, chroniclers of in England, 114, arrival and progress, 116-118, in Ireland, 119, in Scotland, 119, 233, symptoms of, 120, mortality from, 123-139, direct effects of, 139, 180, antecedents of, 142-156, 173-4, favouring conditions for diffusion of, 175. Its effects on Edward III.’s wars, 178, on removal of men and treasure, 180, on price of labour, 181, on capitalists, 186, on morals, 186-190, on area of cultivation, 191, on system of farming, 192, on trade and industry, 193, on town industries, 197, on village manufactures, 198, on governing class in towns, 199, on population, 199. Infection of, remains in England, 204, 233 Bodmin, Black Death at, 116, 125 Boghurst, W., spotted fever in Somerset, 543, his MS. on the Great Plague, 647 et seq. Boleyn, Anne, in the sweat of 1528, 251, 252, 255 Borde, Andrew, 286 Borgia, Alexander, pope, 416 note Boston, plague at, 349 Bosworth, battle of, 265 Botch, boche or boiche, early name of plague, 206, 208, 362 Bradwardine, archbp, dies of Black Death, 129 Bradwell, Stephen, his plague-book, 516 Brant, Sebastian, on origin of French pox, 431 Brasbridge, on plague in dog’s skin, 316 Brewer, T., his poem on plague of 1625, 512, 517 Bridewell made a hospital, 394, 395 Bridgetown, yellow fever at in 1647, 620, 630-33 Bridport, Black Death at, 116, plague at in 1626, 524 Brimington, plague, 498 Bristol, leper-house, 98, Black Death, 116, 121, 123, effects of ditto on trade at, 182 note, plague in 1535, 300, in 1575, 340, in 1645, 557 Bucklersbury, drug-shops in, 484 Bugden, deaths from sweat at, 261 Bullein, on plague of 1563, 306, on London graveyards, 334, on the French pox, 422 Burdwan, number of lepers in, 107 Burial, interdict of, 11; neglect of, 12, 13 note, in Chinese famines, 154, in Islam, 163. Christian burial in Egypt, 159. Chinese mode of, 161. In Arabia, 165, in Kumaon 167, neglect of in Yun-nan, 168, at Merdje, 171; by the friars, 332, in St Paul’s churchyard, 334, without coffins, 335, Latimer on intramural, 336, relation to plague, 336, in the great London plagues, 126, 337, 482, 515, 668-9, hours of in plague-time 303, 482 Burton Lazars, 89 Bury St Edmunds, burials at in 1257, 44, hospitals, 92, 96, plague in 1578, 347 Butts, Dr, in the sweat of 1528, 254 Caffa, Black Death at siege of, 144, 147 Caius, Dr, on the sweat of 1551, 259, 261, 263, edits Galen, 439 Calais, sweat at 248, 253, 255, plague in 1509, 288, “new sickness” in 1558, 403, plague brought to, 546 Calendar, the English and the Continental, 256 note Calenture, 387, 610 Cambridge, epidemic of “frenzy” at, 62, effects of Black Death, 196, prophecy of pestilence, 229, sweat of 1517, 248, of 1528, 252, of 1551, 262, plague, 285, 289, 338, 340, 347, 497, 527, 682, gaol fever, 375, agues, 505 Canterbury, death of monks in 870, 9, leper-hospitals, 87, 91, style of living in 14th cent., 50, Black Death at, 132, causes of death of monks, 226, plague in 1544, 303, in 1564, 309, in 1593, 357, in 1603-4, 498, in 1614-15, 501, in 1625, 524, in 1636, 528, in 1665, 681, in 1666, 688 Cape de Verde islands (St Jago), infection taken from, 586, 589 Carlisle, plague, 359, 562 Carshalton, mortality in 1626, 520 Cartier, Jacques, scurvy in his expedition, 581 Castle Combe, records of its manor court, 135, 136, 139, priests poaching, 189, village industries, 198, nuisances removed, 198 note, 328 Catharine of Arragon, arrives in England in plague-time, 288, anxious for Henry VIII. on account of plague in 1518, 290 Cats in plague-time, 316 Cavendish, Thomas, sickness in his voyages, 592-3 Cemeteries, see Burial Champneys, Sir John, mayor, procures plague-bill in 1535, 298 Chancery, inquisition on a leper, 105, business of after Black Death, 188 Charles VIII., his invasion of Italy, 430, 433, 435, his sickness at Asti, 436-7 Charnel-house of St Paul’s, 334, 659 Charterhouse, inscription of burials in Black Death, 127, death of monks in 1528, 252 Chatham, leper-hospital, 95, plague in 1665, 681 Chauliac, Guy de, symptoms of pestis secunda, 203, on Gaddesden’s Rosa Anglica, 446 Chester, the sweat, 245, 249, plague, 304, 339, 498, 500, 501, 564, smallpox, 465 note, fever in villages near, 567 Chesterfield, plague, 349, 500 Chesterton depopulated, 199 note China, Black Death said to have come from, 143, 145-147, overland trade to Europe, 148-9, no record of Black Death in, 149; great series of floods, famines, &c., 150-152, followed by a period of plagues, 153; unburied dead after famines and floods, 154, Odoric’s valley of corpses, 155, careful mode of burial in, 161. Plague in modern times, 168-9 Churchyards, see Burial Clapham, Henoch, 490 Clarendon, Council of, 374 Clot, Dr, Bey, on plague in Egypt, 160 Clowes, William, on the pox in London, 423-5, on quacks, 426, his translation of variola, 459 Clun, plague, 545 Clyn, Friar, the Black Death in Ireland, 115, 119, symptoms of ditto, 121 Cogan, Th., on prophesied return of the sweat, 264, on fever at Oxford Assizes, 378, on lasks, 412 Colchester, wills proved after Black Death, 186, plague, 348, 498, 525, plague in 1665-6, 688, directions to bearers and watchers at, 688 note Comines, Philip de, commons of England untouched by Wars of Roses, 38, 224, 387, on Charles VIII.’s sickness, 435 Congleton, plague, 498, 545 Constantinus Africanus applies “variola” to smallpox, 453 Cork, leper-hospitals, 100, alleged sweating sickness, 252, plague, 371, 502 Cornard Parva, Black Death in, 137 Coventry, leper-hospital at, 92, growth of after the Black Death, 194, 195, plague, 501, 526 note Crail, plague, 370 Cranborne, plague, 499 Cranbrooke, plague, 348 Crimea, outbreak of Black Death in, 142, 144 Cromwell, O., his death from fever, 574, colonizes Jamaica, 634, 639 Cromwell, T., orders bill of mortality, 297-8 Cross, the blue, or red, 306, 313, 314, 514 Croxton, abbey, Black Death in, 131, ditto in the manor, 138 Croydon, plague, 492, 520, 679 Croyland abbey, sudden mortality in, 9, the sweat in, 239, 266 Cumanus, Marcellus, the French pox at siege of Novara, 431 Cumberland, plague in 1420, 221, state of in the Civil Wars, 562 Dalry, “grantgore” at, 418 Danes, camp sickness among, 13 Darlington, plague, 359, 557 Dartmouth, plague, 351, 524 Davison, F., ‘Poetical Rapsodie’, 463 Deal, plague in 1666, 688 Defoe, sources of his Journal of the Plague-Year, 649, illustrations of the Great Plague from, 657 et seq. Dekker, T., on London at accession of James I., 471, 480, on plague of 1603, 481-4, theatres closed in plague-time, 494 Deptford, plague in 1666, 680, 687 Derby, plague at, 309, 349, 357, 559, plague in 1665, 682 Derry, the, plague at in 1566-7, 372 Dogs in plague-time, 314, 316, 515; alleged death of in the Leeds plague, 558, at Batavia from licking pestilent blood, 608 Domesday Survey, size of towns in, 23, state of agriculture inferred from, 22 Doncaster, plague in 1536, 301 Donne, Rev. Dr, his dread of smallpox, 463, on flight of citizens in 1625, 519 Doughty, C., on burials in Arabia, 165 Drake, Sir Bernard, at the Exeter Black Assizes, 384, 385 Drake, Sir Francis, sickness in his voyage round the world, 585, great epidemic in his fleet in 1585-6, 585-589, his death from flux, 591 Drogheda, monastery of, Black Death in, 119, 132 Dublin, leper-hospitals, 100, Black Death in, 119, 131, 132, plague in 1520, 371, in 1575, 372, in 1650, 566 Dumfries, plague, 235, 369 Dunbar, W., “spanyie pockis”, 418 Dundee, plague, 234, 368, 503 Duns, plague, 369 Durham, a medieval siege of, 28, leper-hospital near, 94, 113, plague, 350, 359, 499, 501, 681, famine, 358 Dysart, plague, 366, 368 Dysentery, or flux, summary of epidemics, 411-13, in 1624, 505, in voyages, 589, 591, 600, 602, 603, in Virginia, 611, in slave-ships, 628, among black troops, 629, in St Domingo and Jamaica, 635-640 East Indies, Portuguese voyages to, 584, English voyages to, 599-609 East India Company, provides against scurvy, 602-3 Edenhall, plague, 360 Edinburgh, leper-hospital, 99, pestilentia volatilis, 234, plague, 235, 303, 362, 365-6, 367, 368, 369, 370, 502, 503, 504, 563, French pox, 417, mortality of children in 1600, 370 note Edward the Confessor and the leper, 81 Edward III., his activity after the Black Death, 178-9 Edward IV., his illness from “pockys” in 1463, 455 Edward VI., on the sweat of 1551, 260 Egypt, theory of plague in, 156, 659, sanitary wisdom of ancient, 158, embalming in, 159, 160-1, compared with China, 161-2 Elizabeth, Queen, at Windsor in the plague of 1563, 317, rebukes the uncleanly state of Ipswich, 327, attempts to stamp out plague in London, 330-331, her proclamation in 1580 on growth of London, 346, her trains at Norwich in 1578 carry plague, 348, her hardness to the sick seamen in the Armada-year, 350, her precaution against smallpox in 1591, 461 Elizabeth of York, in 1502, pays for cure of John Pertriche, 419 Elphege, St, stops pestilence in 1011, 13 Ely, bishop of, alienates Stourbridge leper-hospital, 93 Ely monastery, Black Death in, 132 Elyot, Sir Thomas, lay writer on medicine, 402, mentions smallpox, 457 Emigrants, mortality of English to Virginia, 610, to New England &c., 612-13, to Barbados, 619, of French to St Christopher, 618, to Guadeloupe, 621 Ensham, manor of, after Black Death, 139, 141 Erasmus, still ill from “sweat” in 1511, 245, 399, ref. to influenza (?) in 1518, 249, ref. to plague in letters, 288-9, on English houses, 328, on the French pox, 420-21 Ergotism, causes and signs of, 53-55, two forms, 55, cases of in England, 57, possible instances of, 59-63, reasons of English immunity from, 64, 68 Essex, Lord General, typhus in his army, 548-9, occupies Tiverton, 552-3 Ethredge, Dr G., the sweat of 1551 at Oxford, 260, 380, the gaol-fever at Oxford, 381 Eton, plague, 348, 520, boys compelled to smoke in plague-time, 674 Evesham, monastery, fugitives at after wasting of Yorkshire, 27 note, drives out its leprous prior, 101 Evesham, town, plague and bad scavenging, 501 Exeter, the scavengers of, 327, plague, 288, famine and plague, 300, plague, 498, 523, Black Assizes, 383-6 Eyam, plague at in 1665-6, 682-7 Eydon, plague, 498 Fabyan, on the first sweat, 239, on plague in London, 1478-9, 234, and 1500, 287, uses the name “pockys”, 420 Famines, chronology of, to 1322, 15, in 1370, 215, about 1383, 219, in 1391, 220, in 1438-9, 223, 228, 235, in 1528, 251, 277, in 1535, 300, in 1551, 278, in 1557, 401, in 1596-7, 358 Fever, epidemics of from famine, 15-17 (table), in 1086-7, 29, in 1196, 36, in 1258, 44-45, in 1315, 48, in 1438-9, 223, 228, 234-5, in 1596-7 358, 411; epidemics of in war, 547, 552; spotted, 504, 540, 542, 543, 551; “strange,” see Influenza, Yellow, see Yellow Fever, in gaols, see Gaol-fever; in ships, 350, 538 Finchley, dysentery at, 1596-7, 411 Findhorn, plague, 370 Finsbury, laystalls at, 334 Fish, Simon, ‘Supplication of Beggars’, 421 Fleet Ditch, unwholesome, 352 Forrestier, Dr Thomas, his MS. on the sweat of 1485, 238, fixes time and place of first outbreak, 238, his account of the symptoms and treatment, 241, on extent of first sweat, 243, on causes of ditto, 266-7 Foul Death, name used by Scots for plague in 1349, 78, and in 1379, 218 Fracastori, on smallpox, 467, on typhus, 585 Francis, St, of Assisi, and the lepers, 85 Freind, Dr J., on a strange chorea, 61, on diffusion of smallpox, 445, on Gaddesden, 448 Friars, their original mission, 41, their care of lepers, 85, 107, side with the rich after the Black Death, 188, bury rather than christen, 332 Froude, Mr, on plague at the Derry, 372 note, on “yellow fever” in Drake’s fleet, 589 note “Fruit of Times,” records “pokkes” for 1366, 453 Fryer, Dr John, 307 Gaddesden, John of, fails to describe fever of, 1315 51, on leprosy, 76, on smallpox, 446-8, on morbilli and “mesles”, 449-51 Gale, Thomas, on “the morbus”, 422 Galway, “sweating sickness” at, 400 note Gaols, first built, 374 Gaol Fever, in Newgate, 374, 395 note, at Cambridge, 375, at Oxford, 376-382, at Exeter, 383-386, referred to in Act, 388, in the Queen’s Bench, Southwark, 395, 539, Bacon on, 332 Garter, Order of the, 178 Gascoigne T., cases of syphilis, 74, Henry IV.’s “leprosy”, 77 note, “legists” after Black Death, 189 Gaubil, abbé, on the Chinese annals, 154 Geynes, Dr, 307 Gibbon, on the Justinian plague, 2, on a remark by Procopius, 675 note Gibbons, Orlando, 465, 524 Gilbertus Anglicus, on leprosy, 70-72, morphaea, 76, diet to keep off leprosy, 113, on smallpox, 446, 447 Glasgow, leper-house, 99, keeps out plague, 366, 369, plague, 370, 563, syphilis, 418 Gloucester, Black Death, 116, 117, plague in 1580, 348, in 1638, 545, a quack at, 426, relief of siege, 549 Goddard, Dr, his excuse for leaving London in the plague, 667 Gordonio, Bernard, on leprosy, 70, case at Montpellier, 72, on morphaea, 76, on smallpox, 447 Grandgore, in Scotland, 417-18, derivation of, 418 Grantham, plague near, 500, sickness at, 502 Graunt, John, syphilis in London, 428, London mortality, 532 Gravesend, plague, 287, 293, 531 Greaves, Sir E., fever at Oxford, 547, 551 Greenwich, sweat at, 244, 251, plague at, 293, plague in 1666, 687 Gregory, W. ref. to “pokkes,” 454 Gruner, on the sweat, 258, collections on medieval smallpox, 446 note Grünbeck, Jos. on syphilis, 432 Guignes, Des, on origin of Black Death, 143, 152 Guinea, voyages to in 16th cent., 581-3, slave trade from, 583, 625-9 Guy, Dr W., on “parish infection”, 396 note Hackney, leper-hospital, 97, 98 note, plague in 1535, 301, in 1603, 492, in 1625, 511 Haddington, pestilentia volatilis, 234, plague during siege, 303 Hall, his Chronicle on the sweat of 1517, 250, on the mercenaries of Henry VII., 274, on the Cambridge Black Assizes, 375 Hampshire, parish in, statistics of, 411, 541 Harrison, W. English houses, 330 note, fever of 1557-8, 401 Hartlepool, plague, 349 Harwich, plague at in 1665-6 Havre de Grace (or “Newhaven”), plague during siege, 307 Hawkins, Sir John, in the slave trade, 583 Hawkins, Sir Richard, on health of Cape de Verde islands, 589 note, scurvy in his voyage of 1593, 594-6 Hecker, antecedents of Black Death, 143-4, on fecundity after Black Death, 200, sweating sickness, 240, 244 note, 258, 263, 265, 271 note, 277 note Hendon, sends help in 1625 plague, 518 Henry I., taxation under, 31 Henry II., charities of, 33-34 Henry III., famine under, 43 Henry IV., “leprosy” of, 77 Henry V., vigorous sanitation under, 325 Henry VII., his expedition of 1485, 237, 240, 265, 270, 275, in the sweat of 1508, 244, reception of Catharine of Arragon, 288, sanitation under, 325-6 Henry VIII., in the sweat of 1517, 247-8, in plague of 1517-18, 290, in sweat of 1528, 250-53, in plague of 1535, 297, 300, measures to check plague, 291, 312, 313-14, repression of vagrancy &c., 390, his illness in 1514, 456 Henry of Huntingdon, poem by, 18 Hensler, his history of syphilis, 416 note Hensley, plague, 309 Hereford, plague, 348 Hereford, bishop of, case of morphaea, 76 Herefordshire, plague, 500 Hertford, sweat at, 254, law courts at, 331, plague, 339, 347, 356 Hertfordshire, after the Black Death, 191, plague in, 493 Hirsch, Dr August, on endemics of syphilis, 438 Hispaniola, great pox and smallpox, 430, 469, flux among English troops, 635-6 Hoddesdon, plague, 347 Hodges, Dr, his Loimologia, 648, 654, 675 Holinshed, erroneous entry of “small pocks”, 454 Holland, Abraham, poem on plague of 1625, 512 Holme Pierrepont, plague, 499 Höniger, effects of Black Death, 141 note Howard, John, Oxford gaol, 377, gaol-fever, 382 note Hugh, St, bp. of Lincoln, his care for burials, 13 note, for lepers, 84 Hull, plague at, in 1472-8, 231, in 1576, 340, in 1635-38, 527 Hunstanton, Black Death, 137 Hütten, Ulrich von, cure of syphilis, 416 Ibn Batuta, his report that Black Death came from China, 146 Ibn-ul-Khatib, origin of Black Death, 146 Ilchester, decayed, 195, 221 Ilford, leper-hospital, 95 Inchcolm, quarantine island, 363, 369 Inchkeith, quarantine for plague, 235, 360, for syphilis, 417 Influenza, meaning of, 397, early epidemics, 398, in 1510, 399, in 1540, 400, in 1557-8, 401-5, in 1580, 406, in 1657-9, 568-574, many other epidemics might be so called, 408-9, 411, 536, 541, 543-4, 567, 577 Interdict of burial &c., 11 Ipswich, scavengers of, 327, plague at, in 1603, 498, in 1665-6, 688 Ireland, plague in A.D. 664, 4-5, condition in 12th cent., 21, flux among troops, 33, leper-houses, 100, Black Death, 115, 118-19, 132, succeeding plagues, 236, alleged sweating sickness, 252 note, 400 note, influenza, 398 note, plague in Tudor period, 371-3, in Cromwellian war, 365 Isle of Wight, depopulation of, 387, influenza or sweat in 1558, 403 Jamaica, English occupation of, 636-642 James I., authority for “a pockie priest”, 415, his accession followed by a great plague, 480, his fatal illness, 512 Jarrow, plague in monastery of, 7 Jersey, plague in, 308 Jessopp, Augustus, on mortalities in the Black Death, 132, 134, 137, on lawlessness after do., 140, on panic from do., 181 note John of Bridlington, 14th cent. pestilences, 204, 207 John of Burgoyne, 14th cent. writer on plague, 208 Jones, Dr John, on plague in London in 1563, 306, on effects of the poor-rate, 394, on influenza of 1558, 403, his use of “ague”, 410 Justinian, plague in reign of, 2, theory of it, 156, 159, 161 Kattiwar, plague in, 165, 169 Kellwaye, Simon, on the plague of 1593, 355, on smallpox and measles, 461 Kendal, plague in 1598, 359 Kensington, plague in 1603, 492, in 1625, 520 Kheybar, burials in, 165 Kilkenny, Black Death, 115, 119, 121, 132, plague in 1649, 565 Kirkcaldy, plague in 1574, 366 Kirkoswald, plague in 1598, 360 Kremer, A. von, Mohammedan plagues, 163 Kumaon, plague in, 166 Kutch, plague in, 169 Labourers, Statute of, 66, 181-2 Lamesley, plague in 1610, 501 Lancashire, ergotism? in 1702, 59, wills after Black Death, 138, fever in 1651, 567 Lancaster, Sir James, scurvy in his ships, 599, treats scurvy by lime juice, 601 Langland, see ‘Piers the Ploughman’ Lask, old name of flux, 400, 412 Latimer, on intramural burial, 336, on stews closed, 420 Law, business of increased after Black Death, 188-9 Lazar, derivation of, 79 note Lazarus, St, 79, 94 Lazarus, St, Knights of the Order of, 89 Leake, plague in 1587-8, 349 Leeds, fever in 1644, 558, plague in 1645, 558 Leicester, Black Death, 124 pestis secunda, 203, plague in 1563-4, 309, in 1593, 357, in 1607-11, 125, 501, in 1626, 526 Leicestershire, strange epidemic in 1340, 59, plague, 526 Leith, plague, 235 note, 361, 363, 366, 369, 503 Leominster, plague or fever in 1578, 349, in 1597, 358 note Leper-houses, in England, 86-99, their mixed inmates, 93, vogue soon past, 91-95, the later non-monastic, 97, in Scotland, 99, in Ireland, 100 Leprosy, generic meaning of in medieval books, 70-79, Biblical associations of, 79-81, religious view of, 81-86, prejudice against, 100-105, laws against, 103-6, estimated amount of, 107, a disease akin to pellagra, 108, 110, Gilbert White on causes of, 110, dietetic cause of in, Hutchinson on cause of, 111 note, constitutional, 112, diet for in Scotland, 113 Lescarbot, on scurvy, 597-8 Leviticus, use of “leprosy” in, 80 Lichfield, plague, 309, 357, 559 Lieu-chow, bubonic disease, 169 Linacre, 286, 439 Lincoln, leper-hospital at, 92, decay of, 195, plague at, 357 Lindsey, statute of labourers ineffective in, 182 Linlithgow, lepers at, 99, French pox at, 418 Lithgow, W., on plague in Tyneside, 557 Lock, the, hospital, 97, 98 note Lodge, Dr T., on rats and moles in plague-time, 173, on plague in 1603, 485, on compulsory removal of the sick, 488 London: fever in 962, 26, in 1258, 44-45, according to the bills, 504, 532, 576 Fitzstephen’s account of, 34 French pox in, 424, 428, 432 note lepers expelled, 103, stopped at the Gates, 104 leper-hospitals of 88, 97-8 nuisances in, 323-6 overcrowding of, in 1580, 346, in 1602 et seq., 539-540 Parish Clerks of, 320-322 plagues in: the Black Death, 117, mortality of ditto, 126-9, the plague of 1361, 203, of 1368-9, 215-16, of 1407, 220, of 1426, 227, of 1434, 227-8, of 1437, 228, of 1454, 229, of 1466, 230, of 1474, 231, of 1478-9, 231-2, of 1487, 287, of 1499-1500, 287, of 1504, 288, of 1511-12, 288, of 1513, 288-9, of 1514-16, 289-90, of 1517-18, 290, 292, of 1521, 292, of 1529-31, 292-3, of 1532, 293-6, of 1535, 297-300, of 1536, 301-2, of 1543, 302, of 1547-8, 303, of 1563, 304-7, of 1568-9, 338, of 1573-4, 339, of 1577-83, 341-5, 347, of 1592-93, 351-4, 356, of 1594, 356, of 1603, 474-92, of 1604-1610, 493-4, of 1625, 507-520, of 1630, 527 of 1636 529-32, of 1637-48, 532, 546 (table 533), of 1665, 644-679 plague-orders, 312-322, 355, 481, 488 population, end of 12th cent., 34, in 1258, 44, in 1349, 128-9, in 1377, 201, in 1535, 299, in 1580, 345, in 1593, 354, in 1603 and before and after, 471-4, in 1665, 660 Richard of Devizes, on wickedness of, 34 sanitary ordinances in 1369 and 1371, 216, 324, in 1388, 324, in 1415, 325, in 1488-9, 325, in 1543, 314, 315, in 1568, 319, in 1582, 330 theatres closed in plague-time, 494-6 Loughborough, sweating sickness at, 259, plague at, 304, 404, 500, 560 Louth, plague in 1587, 349 (Notitiae Ludae), in 1631, 527 Lowe, Peter, on “Spanish Sickness”, 427 Lowry, Dr J. H., on Pakhoi plague, 169 Lyndsay, Sir D., “grandgore”, 418 Lynn, a physician of, 51, leper-houses at, 93, 98, plague at, in 1635-6, 528, in 1665, 681 Macclesfield, plague, 498 Macgowan, Dr D. J., on rats poisoned by the soil, 169 Magellan, scurvy in his ship, 579 Mahé, on cadaveric theory of plague, 173 note Maidenhead, scene at, 578 Maillet, De, on preservation of corpses in Egypt, 161 Malpas, plague in 1625, 526 note Manardus, origin of syphilis, 434 Manchester, plague in 1608, 499, in 1631, 527 Mansfeld, his English troops, 522 Margate, sick sailors at after Armada, 350 Marshall, John, on “parish infection”, 396 note Martin, on the illness of Charles VIII., 437 Matilda, Queen, and the lepers 82; her hospital, 88 Mayerne, Sir Th., on the fevers of 1624, 540 Measles, Gaddesden on, 448, derivation of name, 451, joined with smallpox, 458-9, 462, 465-6 Measure for Measure, reference to “the sweat”, 413 note, the stews suppressed, 420, doctrine of “obstruction” in, 605 note Meaux, abbey of, Black Death in, 118, 131 Meddus, Rev. Dr, in London during plague of 1625, 514 Medicine, profession of, little in evidence, 51, 258, 402 Melcombe, Black Death lands at, 116 Merdjé, modern plague at, 170 Merston Trussell, plague, 498 Milton, John, at Chalfont, in 1665, 665 note Moles in plague-time, 173, 364 Molineux on universal fevers and universal colds, 409 Monasteries, pestilence in, 5-7, 9-10, Stubbs on, 50, found hospitals, 95, Black Death in, 131 Monkleigh, plague, 499 Monmouthshire, fever and plague in 1638, 541 Montgomeryshire, plague in 1638, 542 Montpellier, case of lepra at, 72, practice in the plague at, 210 Moorfields, common latrine in, 325 More, Sir Thomas, on relapses, 248, his plague-orders at Oxford, 291, as “a parish clerk”, 321, describes London as the capital of Utopia, 329, on pauperism and vagrancy, 389 Morphaea, a case of, 76 Morton, Richard, on the fever of 1658, 574 “Mure,” old name of influenza, 389. (“Tussis et le Murra.” Canterbury MS. in Hist. MSS. Com. IX., pt. I. p. 127). Murrains, 46 note Mussis, De, on origin of Black Death at Caffa, 144 Namasse, modern plague, 166 Nanking, death of rats at, 169 Nantwich, plague, 498 Naples sickness of 419, 430 “New Acquaintance”, 260 “New Disease”, 401, 403, 404, 534, 536, 541, 543-4, 570, 577 Newark, plague after siege, 560 Newcastle, plague in 1420, 222 note, in 1478, 232, in 1544, 303, in 1589, 350, in 1597, 358, in 1603, 498, in 1609, 500, in 1625, 526, in 1636, 529, in 1642 and 1645, 557, in 1666, 681 New England, voyages to, 612, epidemics in, 613 Niebuhr, on demoralisation after pestilence, 186 Nöldeke, Th., on legend of smallpox, 442 Normandy, Henry VII.’s troops raised in, 271, 275, endemic sweat of, 271, 273 Northampton, old hospital at, 90, plague, 304, fever and plague in 1638, 542 Northwych, plague, 340, 498 Norwich, hospitals at, 93, 95, leper-houses at the gates, 98, the Black Death in, 129, decline of after ditto, 193-5, fever in 1382, 218, plague in 1465, 230 note, in 1479, 232, in 1578, 348, in 1603, 498, in 1609, 500, in 1625, 525, in 1630-31, 527, in 1636 fever or plague, 542, plague in 1665-6, 681, 688 Nottingham, deaths at in 1518, 291, plague at in 1593, 357, in 1604, 499, in 1667, 691 Nuisances, at Castle Combe, 198, 328, in London, 216, 323-6, at Stratford-on-Avon, 327, at Ipswich, 327, alleged by Erasmus, 329, in London suburbs, 337, at Evesham, 501, at Kilkenny, 502 Odoric, friar, his vision of unburied dead in China, 155 Okehampton, plague at, in 1626, 524 Osiander, on Christian duty in the plague, 310 Ottery St Mary, camp sickness at in 1645, 555, 561 Oundle, plague in 1665, 681 Oxford, leper-hospital, 93, Black Death at, 125, law students at after ditto, 189, sweat of 1485, 243, sweat (?) of 1508, 245, sweat of 1517, 247, 248, sweat of 1551, 260, plague in the 15th cent., 282-3, in the 16th cent., 283-4, houses shut up at in 1518, 291, plague in 1571, 338, in 1575, 340, in 1603-5, 496-7, in 1625, 525, in 1645, 559, gaol-fever in 1577, 376-382, war-typhus in 1643, 549-51, fellow expelled for French pox, 421, unwholesomeness of in 15th cent., 285 note, proposal to remove the university from, 283 Pakhoi, modern plague, 168 Paré, Ambroise, holds cadaveric theory of plague, 156, 162, 658, on likeness of smallpox to great pox, 468 Paris, “lepers” banished from in 1488, 104, 437 Pariset, Etienne, his theory of plague, 156-161 Parish Clerks, company of, 320-322 “Parish infection,” a myth, 396 note Pauperism, 39, 41, 387-395 Pauw, De, Cornelius, on plague in Egypt, 157, on sanitary practice in ditto, 158 Paynel, translates book on French pox, 416 Peebles, plague at in 1499, 361 Pellagra, akin to leprosy, 108, 110, causes of, 109 Penrith, plague at in 1598, 359-60 Perth, plague at in 1548, 363, in 1580, 367, in 1584-5, 368, in 1608-9, 503-4, in 1645, 563 Pestilentia volatilis in Scotland, 398 Peterborough, burials at in 1175, 35, plague in 1574, 339, in 1606, 449, in 1665, 681 Petrarch, on effects of Black Death, 177 Phaer, Th., or Phayre, or Thayre, writer on plague, 210, 489, on smallpox and measles, 458 Picardy Sweat, 271-3 ‘Piers the Ploughman,’ quoted on surfeit and want, 65-67, on moral effects of Black Death, 187-190, on continuance of pestilence, 205-207, on London famine of 1371, 215, on burials by friars, 332, use of “meseles”, 450, of “pokkes”, 452-3 Pinctor, Peter, relates cases of French pox in the Vatican, 416 Plague, symptoms or characters of, in the Black Death, 120-122, in medieval manuscripts, 208, 212-214, in Skene’s treatise, 364-5, in the plague of 1665 (Boghurst), 674; cadaveric theory of, 156 et seq., relation of to typhus, 170. General epidemics of: Black Death, 116-141, pestis secunda (1361), 203, tertia (1368-9), 215, quarta (1375), 217, quinta (1382), 218, of 1390-91, 219, of 1407, 220, of 1438-9, 225, 228, of 1465, 230, of 1471, 230. Epidemics of in the Northern Marches, in 1379, 218, in 1399, 220, in 1421, 221. See also under London and other places Planck, Dr, on causes of plague in Kumaon, 167 Plot, Dr, on Oxford Black Assizes, 382, on mildness of smallpox, 467 Plymouth, plague in 1579, 348, in 1590-91, 351, sickness in the fleet in 1625, 521-2, plague in 1626, 523 Poll-tax of 1377, population reckoned from, 200 Poor-laws, origin of, 362-3, Jones on, 394 Population of towns in Domesday, 23-24, kept small by death of infants, 25, after the Black Death, 200-204. See also “London,” “Norwich.” Portsmouth, plague in Venetian galley 1546, 303, plague 1625, 524, 1666, 688 Posting sweat, 260, posting fever, 378 Pox, the French, in Scotland, 417, in England, 419, Erasmus on, 421, meagre writings on, 415, 422, Clowes on, 423, Read on, 425, Banister on, 427, Graunt on, 428, origin of epidemic, 429-438 Presteign, the sweat of 1551, 259, plague in 1638, 542 Preston, wills proved after Black Death, 138 note, plague at in 1631, 527 Procopius, on a plague-immunity, 675 note Quarantine, (forty days) for the Court in 1516, 290, 312, in 1518, 313, of persons in 1543, 313, houses in 1563, 317, in 1568, 318, proposed for shipping at Gravesend in 1568, 337, at Inchkeith in 1475, 235, 360, details of at Inchcolm in 1564, 363, case of at ditto, 367, 18th cent. law of, 672 Radnorshire, plague in 1638, 542 Rats, death of in plague-time, in Kumaon, 167, in Yun-nan, 168, in China, 169, in Gujerat, 170, ref. to by Lodge (1603), 173 Read, John, of Gloucester, on pox grown milder, 425, describes mountebank, 426 Renfrewshire, plague in in 1601, 370 Renny, on plague in Garhwal, 167 Rhazes, “the pills of”, 254, source of medieval teaching on smallpox, 440 Richard II., “infection and the hand of war”, 547 Richard of Devizes, on London in 12th cent., 34, on dislike of the Franks to soapboilers and scavengers, 329 Richmond, Yorks, reduced by Black Death, 191, plague in 1597-8, 359 Ripon, corn at in famine, 40, leper-hospital at, 93 Robert of Brunne, describes effects of famine, 48 Rocher, M., on plague in Yun-nan, 168 Rochester, late leper foundation at, 97, plague at in 1665, 681 Roger of Wendover, stories of avarice, 39, 40, on the friars, 41 Rogers, Thorold, on prices of corn 13th century, 37, 43, on rye in England, 64, on villenage, 184 note, wages after the Black Death, 185, on new system of farming after ditto, 192, paralysis of wool-trade after ditto, 193, on good diet of the English in 15th cent., 222, introduction of inferior bread, 224 note Rome, medieval epidemics at, 3, 10 Rouen, siege of, 222 Royston, fevers in 1625, 505, plague in 1625, 525, in 1665, 682 Rye-corn, spurred, 53, little grown in England, 64 St Albans, school of annalists, 37, burials at in 1247, 42, famine in 1315, 48, leper-hospitals at, 90, admission to ditto, 102, Black Death in the abbey, 131, pestilence in 1431, 225, plague in 1578, 347 St Andrews, plague at in 1585, 368, in 1605, 503, in 1647, 563 St Christopher, the French in, 618, yellow fever in 1648, 621, 633 St Domingo, English attempt on, 634-6 St Giles’s, Cripplegate, churchyard, 334, modes of burial, 335, populous parish, 472, the Great Plague in, 649 St Giles’s-in-the-Fields, leper-hospital of, 83, 88, Great Plague begins at, 656 St Johnstone, see Perth St Kilda, boat-cold, 274 St Olave’s parish, plague of 1603, 478, description of, 479 St Paul’s, churchyard, state of in 1582, 333, the charnel-house of, 334 St Sepulchre’s parish, plague of 1563 in, 306, churchyard of, 334 Salvetti, on the plague of 1625, 512, 519, describes a fast, 513 Sandwich, plague in 1609, 500, in 1635-37, 528, in 1665, 681, 688 Sanitary Act, the first, 324 Sayer, Dr H., treats plague at Oxford in 1645, 559 Scavengers, at Ipswich, 327, duties of at Exeter, 327, in London, 328 Scurvy, in voyages, 579, 581-5, 594-6, 599-609, among the French in Canada, 580, 597, in a coaster, 597, lime-juice for, 595, 601, 602-3, pericarditis in, 580 note Scyllatius, Nicolas, on French pox at Barcelona in 1494, 434 Searchers, at Shrewsbury in 1539, 320 note, in London, 319, 321, oath taken by in St Mary-le-Bow, 322, at Colchester, 689 note Seebohm, F., on mortality of Black Death among clergy, 134, ditto in manor of Winslow, 136, on remote effects of Black Death, 196 Shakespeare, John, fined, 327 Shakespeare, Wm., his business interfered with by plague, 495, dies in a sickly year, 536. See also titles of plays. Shambles, a nuisance in London, 216, 324, 325, 330, 487 Sheppey, plague, 348 Sherborne, plague in 1611, 501, in 1665, 681 Sherburn, leper-hospital at, 94 Short, Dr Thomas, his epidemiological works, 57 note, 404 Shrewsbury, privilege of lepers at, 99, new civic class after Black Death, 199, sweat of 1551, 259, plague at in 1525, 292, in 1536-7, 301, 302, in 1575, 340, in 1592-3, 357, in 1604, 499, in 1630, 527, in 1650, 564 Simpson, Sir James, on leprosy in Scotland, 106 note, on syphilis in Scotland, 418 Skeat, Dr, on the derivation of “measles”, 451 note Skene, Dr Gilbert, on moles in plague-time, 173 note, on cadaveric cause of plague, 336, his book on plague (1568), 363-5 “Slaedan,” Irish name supposed of influenza, 398 note Slave-ships, ordure of, 630 Slave-trade, early history of, 614-17, mortality of, 625-28 Smallpox, originally an Arabic subject, 439, in the Elephant War, 441, nature and affinities of, 442-4, in medieval compends, 446 and note, Gaddesden’s alleged case, 447-8, erroneously chronicled in 1366, 455, in England 16th cent., 456-62, case of in 1561, 459, in 17th cent., 463, Fracastori on, 467, among American Indians (immunity of English), 613, in Hispaniola, 615, type of in Africans, 627, in slave-ships 625, 627, confused with great pox, 436-7, 456, 464, 468 Somersetshire, Black Death in, 117, spotted fever in, 543 Southampton, plague in Venetian galley in 1519, 292, plague in 1625, 524, in 1665, 681 Southwell Abbey, plague in 1471, 230, in 1478, 232 Spanish Main, sickness of English ships off, 588, 591 Spanish Town, mortality at in 1655, 638-642 Sprat, Bishop, on “remedy” of the sweat, 243 Stamford, plague in 1574, 339, in 1580, 348, in 1602-3, 360, 496, in 1641, 545 Stapleton, Sir Ph., dies of plague at Calais, 546 Stepney, plague begins at in 1603, 477, 480, plague of 1625 in, 511 Stews suppressed, 420 Stirling, grandgore at in 1498, 418, plague at in 1606, 503 Stockport, plague, 498 Stoke (Newark), plague after siege, 560 Stoke Pogis, plague at in 1625, 520 “Stop-gallant,” “Stop-knave,” names of the sweat, 260, 262, 263 Stourbridge, leper-hospital, 93 Stratford, bread-carts, 215 note Stratford-on-Avon, plague at, 309, nuisance at, 327 Swainsthorpe, plague in 1479, 232 Sweat, the English, 1st epidemic, 235-243, 2nd epidemic, 243-5, 3rd epidemic, 245-250, 4th epidemic, 250-255, 5th epidemic, 259-263, the epidemic of 1529 on the Continent, 256-259, supposed sweats in England after 1551, 264, 280, 403, 413 note, at Tiverton, 554, supposed sweat in Flanders in 1551, 264 note, supposed sweat in Ireland, 252 note, 400 note, antecedents of in 1485, 265, 270, 273, causes of (supposed) in London, 267, a disease of the well-to-do, 263, 268, extinction of, 279, favouring conditions of the outbreaks, 276-9, mortality from, 250, 251, 260-262, abroad, 257, symptoms of, 241, 246, 251, theory of, 273, treatment of, 242 Sweat of Picardy, 271 Sweating in influenza, 403, 554, in war-typhus, 554 Syphilis, probably included under lepra, 72-75, 434, 437. See also Pox, the French Talifoo, modern plague, 168 Tana, 144, 147 Taylor, John, “water-poet”, 512 Texas fever, 274 Thame, war-fever at, 548-9 Thayre, Th., see Phaer Thomson, Dr G., dissection of plague-body, 677 Timon of Athens, the pox described (Act IV. sc. 3), 428 Tittenhanger, Henry VIII. at, 254 Tiverton, plague at in 1591, 351, sickness in 1597, 411, war-typhus (“sweating sickness”) at in 1644, 552-5 Tobacco in plague-time, 674, 682 Torella, on origin of French pox, 434 Totness, plague at in 1590, 351, in 1647, 561 Tottenham, in plague of 1625, 518, 520 Tregony, plague at in 1595, 357 Tripe, Andrew, his poem on the pox, 432 note Trumpington, plague in 1625, 525 Truro, decayed, 221, plague in 1578, 347 Tuke, Brian, on the sweat of 1528, 255 Turner, Mrs Anne, 487 note Turner, Dr P., arsenic in plague, 487 Turner, of Boulogne, preaches against burials in the city, 336 Twyford, plague in 1603, 493 Tynemouth, plague during siege, 557 Uffculme, sweat at in 1551, 262 Valencia, cases of French pox at, 434-5 Vasco da Gama, scurvy in his ships, 579 Vatican, the French pox in the, 416 Vetlianka, modern plague at, 172 Vincent, Rev. Thomas, his experiences of the Great Plague, 648, 664, 670 Virgil, Polydore, on the sweat, 237, 240, on treatment of ditto, 242 Virginia, voyages to, 590, 609-612 Wales, pestilence in the marches of in 1234, 12, Giraldus on, 21, famine in 1189, 35, leper-law of, 106, Black Death in, 118, plague and fever in 1638, 541 Wallingford, after Black Death, 195, small pox, measles and plague, 291, plague at, 559 “Wame-ill,” Scots famine-sickness in 1438-9, 235 Wands carried in plague time, 314-5 Wells, Black Death in diocese of, 117, plague at in 1575, 340 West Indies, colonization of, 617 et seq. Whickham, plague, 501 White, Gilbert, on causes of leprosy, 110 Whitmore, H., on fever in 1651, 566, on fever and influenza in 1658-9, 572-4 Whooping-cough, or the kink, 459 Willan, Dr, 4, 440 William of Newburgh, story of plague at Annan, 11, famine-fever of 1196, 35, Durham leper-hospital, 94 Willis, Dr T., on the war typhus of 1643, 547, 549, on plague at Oxford &c., 559, on the fevers and (or) influenzas of 1657-8, 568-572 Wills, in Black Death, in London, 117-18, 186, in Lancashire, 138 note, in Colchester, 186; in London in 1361, 203, in 1368, 216 Wilton, sweat at 252 Winchester, plague at in 1603, 489, in 1625, 521 note, in 1666, 687, 691 Winslow, manor of, 136 Wisbech, plague at in 1586, 349 Wither, George, on plague of 1625, 512 Woburn, sweat at, 252 Wolsey, the sweat in his household, 247, 252, 253, letter from Anne Boleyn to, 255, charged with the great pox, 422 Woodall, John, describes the plague-bubo, 122, on scurvy, 603-6 Woodstock, sickness near, 291, plague, 292 Wool trade after Black Death, 179, 193 Wyclif, on decrease of population, 201 Yarmouth, Black Death in, 130, decline of, 195, 221; plague in 1579, 348, in 1625, 525, in 1635-6, 528, in 1664-5, 680 Yellow Fever, epidemic of at Bridgetown in 1647, 620, in St Christopher, 621, case of described, 623, characters of, 624, in “Regalia” and “La Pique”, 629, theory of in slave-ports, 630-31, as a soil-poison, 632-3, question of, in Drake’s fleet, 518-9 York, wasting of, 27, hospital at, 87, Black Death at, 118, 131, ditto in diocese of, 134, size of after ditto, 201, plague in 1391, 220, in 1485, 282, plague or sweat in 1551, 261, plague in 1604, 489 Yun-nan, modern plague, 168 Yusufzai, bubonic typhus in, 171

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

Footnotes:

[1] The references to the Justinian plague by contemporary and later historians have been collected, together with partly irrelevant matter about portents and earthquakes, by Val. Seibel, Die grosse Pest zur Zeit Justinian’s I. Dillingen, 1857. The author, a layman, throws no light upon its origin.

[2] Beda, Hist. Eccles. Eng. Hist. Society’s ed. p. 243: “qui ubi Romam pervenit, cujus sedi apostolicae tempore illo Vitalianus praeerat, postquam itineris sui causam praefato papae apostolico patefecit, non multo post et ipse et omnes pene, qui cum eo advenerant, socii, pestilentia superveniente, deleti sunt.”

[3] Flores Histor. by Roger of Wendover. Eng. Hist. Society’s ed. I. 180.

[4] Ibid. I. 228.

[5] Miscellaneous Works of the late Robert Willan, M.D., F.R.S., F.A.S. Edited by Ashby Smith, M.D. London, 1831. ‘An Enquiry into the Antiquity of the Smallpox etc.’ p. 108.

[6] Annals of the Four Masters, ed. O’Donovan, Dublin, 1851, I. 183. “A.D. 543. There was an extraordinary universal plague through the world, which swept away the noblest third part of the human race.”

p. 187. “A.D. 548. Of the mortality which was called Cron Chonaill—and that was the first Buide Chonaill [flava ictericia],—these saints died,” several names following. The entries of that plague are under different years in the various original Annals.

[7] “Eodem anno dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo sexagesimo quarto, facta erat eclipsis solis die tertio mensis Maii, hora circiter decima diei; quo etiam anno subita pestilentiae lues, depopulatis prius australibus Brittaniae plagis, Nordanhymbrorum quoque provinciam corripiens, atque acerba clade diutius longe lateque desaeviens, magnam hominum multitudinem stravit. Qua plaga praefatus Domini sacerdos Tuda raptus est de mundo, et in monasterio, quod dicitur Paegnalaech, honorifice sepultus. Haec autem plaga Hiberniam quoque insulam pari clade premebat. Erant ibidem eo tempore multi nobilium simul et mediocrium de gente Anglorum, qui tempore Finani et Colmani episcoporum, relicta insula patria, vel divinae lectionis, vel continentioris vitae gratia, illo secesserant.... Erant inter hos duo juvenes magnae indolis, de nobilibus Anglorum, Aedilhun et Ecgberct,” etc. Beda’s Hist. Eccles. ed. Stevenson. Engl. Hist. Soc. I. p. 231.

[8] Ibid. p. 240.

[9] Annals of the Four Masters, I. 275.

[10] Thorpe, in his edition of Florence of Worcester, for the Eng. Hist. Society, I. 25.

[11] The first of Beda’s incidents of the Barking monastery relates to a miraculous sign in the heavens showing where the cemetery was to be. It begins: “Cum tempestas saepe dictae cladis, late cuncta depopulans, etiam partem monasterii hujus illam qua viri tenebantur, invasisset, et passim quotidie raperentur ad Dominum.”

[12] “Erat in eodem monasterio [Barking] puer trium circiter, non amplius annorum, Æsica nomine, qui propter infantilem adhuc aetatem in virginum Deo dedicatarum solebat cella nutriri, ibique medicari. Hic praefata pestilentia tactus ubi ad extrema pervenit clamavit tertio unam de consecratis Christo virginibus, proprio eam nomine quasi praesentem alloquens ‘Eadgyd, Eadgyd, Eadgyd’; et sic terminans temporalem vitam intravit aeternam. At virgo illa, quam moriens vocabat, ipso quo vocata est die de hac luce subtracta, et ilium qui se vocavit ad regnum coeleste secuta est.” Beda, p. 265. Then follows the story of a nun dying of the pestilence in the same monastery.

[13] Beda, Lib. IV. cap. 14. In addition to the instances in the text, which I have collected from Beda’s Ecclesiastical History, I find two mentioned by Willan in his “Inquiry into the Antiquity of the Smallpox,” (Miscell. Works, London, 1821, pp. 109, 110): “About the year 672, St Cedda, Bishop of the East Saxons, being on a visitation to the monastery of Lestingham, was infected with a contagious distemper, and died on the seventh day. Thirty monks, who came to visit the tomb of their bishop, were likewise infected, and most of them died” (Vita S. Ceddae, VII. Jan. p. 375. Cf. Beda, IV. 3). Again: “In the course of the year 685, the disease re-appeared at Lindisfarne, (Holy Island), St Cuthbert’s abbacy, and in 686 spread through the adjoining district, where it particularly affected children” (Vita S. Cuthberti, cap. 33). Willan’s erudition has been used in support of a most improbable hypothesis, that the pestilence of those years, in monasteries and elsewhere, was smallpox.

[14] Historia Abbatum Gyrvensium, auctore anonymo, §§ 13 and 14. (App. to vol. II. of Beda’s works. Eng. Hist. Society’s edition, p. 323.)

§ 13. Qui dum transmarinis moraretur in locis [Benedict] ecce subita pestilentiae procella Brittaniam corripiens lata nece vastavit, in qua plurimi de utroque ejus monasterio, et ipse venerabilis ac Deo dilectus abbas Eosterwini raptus est ad Dominum, quarto ex quo abbas esse coeperat anno.

§ 14. Porro in monasterio cui Ceolfridus praeerat omnes qui legere, vel praedicare, vel antiphonas ac responsoria dicere possent ablati sunt excepto ipso abbate et uno puerulo, qui ab ipso nutritus et eruditus.

In the Article “Baeda,” Dict. Nat. Biog., the Rev. W. Hunt points out that the boy referred to in the above passage would have been Beda himself.

[15] The history of the name pestis flava ictericia is given by O’Donovan in a note to the passage in the Annals of the Four Masters, I. 275: “Icteritia vel aurigo, id est abundantia flavae bilis, per corpus effusae, hominemque pallidum reddentis,” is the explanation of P. O’S. Beare. The earliest mention of “yellow plague” appears to have been in an ancient life of St Gerald of Mayo, in Colgan’s Acta Sanctorum, at the calendar date of 13th March.

[16] Polychronicon, Rolls edition, V. 250.

[17] The Story of England, Rolls series, ed. Furnivall, II. 569.

[18] Rolls series, ed. Thorpe, I. 136, 137 (Transl. II. 60). Also in Gervase of Canterbury, Rolls series, ed. Stubbs, II. 348.

[19] Chronicon Abbatiae Ramesiensis, Rolls ed. 1886, p. 397.

[20] According to an inquisition of 2 Edward III., the abbey of Croyland contained in 1328, forty-one monks, besides fifteen “corrodiarii” and thirty-six servitors. Chronicle of Croyland in Gale, I. 482.

[21] Epistolae Cantuarienses, Rolls series, No. 38, ed. Stubbs, Epist. CCLXXII. p. 254, and Introduction, p. lxvii.

[22] William of Newburgh, Rolls ed. p. 481.

[23] Ralph of Coggeshall, Rolls series, No. 66, p. 112.

[24] Roger of Wendover, III. 72.

[25] In the Life of St Hugh of Lincoln, who died in 1200, or eight years before the Papal Interdict, there is a clear reference to difficulties thrown by the priests in the way of burial, especially for the poor, and perhaps in a time of epidemic sickness such as the years 1194-6. See Vita S. Hugonis Lincolnensis, Rolls series, No. 37, pp. 228-233.

[26] Eadmer, l. c.

[27] Polychronicon, Rolls ed. VII. 90.

[28] Gesta Pontificum, Rolls ed. p. 171. Another narrator of the story of St Elphege and the Danes is Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls ed. p. 179); he says nothing of the pestilence, but describes the sack of Canterbury. Eadmer also (Historia Novorum in Anglia, Rolls ser. 81, p. 4) omits the pestilence.

[29] Quoted by Higden, Polychronicon, Rolls ed. II. 18. This may have been one of Henry of Huntingdon’s poems which were extant in Leland’s time, but are now lost.

[30] Polychronicon, II. 166.

[31] Marchand, Étude sur quelques épidémies et endémies du moyen âge (Thèse), Paris, 1873, p. 49, with a reference to Fuchs, “Das heilige Feuer im Mittelalter” in Hecker’s Annalen, vol. 28, p. 1, which journal I have been unable to consult.

[32] Giraldus Cambrensis, Topographia Hiberniae, in Rolls edition of his works, No. 21, vol. V.

[33] “Itinerarium Walliae” and “Descriptio Kambriae,” Opera, vol. VI.

[34] Polychronicon, I. 410.

[35] William of Newburgh, sub anno 1157, I. 107.

[36] Europe during the Middle Ages, chap. IX.

[37] I have used for this purpose Merewether and Stephens’ History of Boroughs, 3 vols. 1835.

[38] Leechdoms, Wort-cunning and Starcraft of Early England. Edited by Cockayne for the Rolls Series, 3 vols. 1864-66.

[39] It is illustrative of the confusion which arises from careless copying by later compilers of history that Roger of Wendover, in his Flores Historiarum (Eng. Hist. Society’s edition I. 159), takes Beda’s Sussex reference to famine and makes it do duty, under the year 665, for the great general plague of 664, having apparently overlooked Beda’s entirely distinct account of the latter.

[40] Hist. Eccles. § 290:—“Siquidem tribus annis ante adventum ejus in provinciam, nulla illis in locis pluvia ceciderat, unde et fames acerbissima plebem invadens inopia nece prostravit. Denique ferunt quia saepe quadraginta simul aut quinquaginta homines inedia macerati procederent ad praecipitium aliquod sive ripam maris, et junctis misere manibus pariter omnes aut ruina perituri, aut fluctibus absorbendi deciderent. Verum ipso die, quo baptisma fidei gens suscepit illa, descendit pluvia serena sed copiosa, refloruit terra, rediit viridantibus arvis annus laetus et frugifer.”

[41] Green Short History of the English People, p. 39: “The very fields lay waste, and the land was scourged by famine and plague.” I have missed this reference to plague in the original authorities. A passage in Higden’s Polychronicon (V. 258) may relate to that period, although it is referred to the mythical time of Vortigern.

[42] Stow, in enumerating the instances of public charity in his Survey of London, ascribes the melting of the church plate to Ethelwald, bishop of Winchester in the reign of King Edgar, about the year 963.

[43] The murrain was a flux, anglicé “scitha” (Roger of Howden) or “schitta” (Bromton).

[44] Simeon of Durham, in Rolls series, II. 188. As to fugitives, see Chr. Evesham, p. 91.

[45] Gesta Pontif. Angl. p. 208.

[46] Simeon of Durham, “On the Miracles of St Cuthbert,” Works, II. 338-40.

[47] Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Malmesbury adds “a mortality of men.”

[48] William of Malmesbury, Gest. Reg. Eng. Hist. Soc. II. 452.

[49] Malmesbury’s construction is repeated by Henry of Huntingdon, Rolls ed. p. 209. Florence of Worcester merely says: “primo febribus, deinde fame.”

[50] Henry of Huntingdon, p. 232.

[51] Annals of Winchester, sub anno 1096.

[52] “Septimo anno propter tributa quae rex in Normannia positus edixerat, agricultura defecit; qua fatiscente fames e vestigio; ea quoque invalescente mortalitas hominum subsecuta, adeo crebra ut deesset morituris cura, mortuis sepultura.” Gest. Reg. II. 506. Copied in the Annals of Margan, Rolls ed. II. 506.

[53] Râs Mâlâ, by A. Kinloch Forbes, 2nd ed. p. 543.

[54] Ibid.

[55] Thomas Whyte, “Report on the disease which prevailed in Kattywar in 1819-20.” Trans. Med. Phys. Soc. Bombay, I. (1838), p. 169. See also Gilder, ibid. p. 192; Frederick Forbes ibid. II. 1, and Thesis on Plague, Edin. 1840.

[56] In 1110 the tax was for the dower of the king’s daughter on her marriage. That also was parallel with a feudal right in Gujerat: “When a chief has to portion a daughter, or to incur other similar necessary expense, he has the right of imposing a levy upon the cultivators to meet it.” A. Kinloch Forbes, Râs Mâlâ, 2nd ed. p. 546. Refusal to plough, temp. Henry I. is stated by Pearson, I. 442.

[57] Malmesbury, Gest. Pont. p. 442; H. of Huntingdon; Annals of Margan; Roger of Howden.

[58] Also in the Annals of Osney: “Mortalitas maxima hominum in Anglia.”

[59] “Attenuata est Anglia, ut ex regno florentissimo infelicissimum videretur.” William of Newburgh, Rolls ed. p. 39.

[60] Henry of Huntingdon, sub anno 1138.

[61] Gesta Stephani, Rolls series, No. 82, vol. III. p. 99. The author is conjectured to have been a foreigner in the service of the bishop of Winchester, brother of the king.

[62]

[63] William of Newburgh, sub anno 1149.

[64] Stow’s Survey of London, Popular ed. (1890) p. 116.

[65] “Recentium esus carnium et haustus aquae, tam insolitus quam incognitus, plures de regis exercitu panis inedia laborantes, fluxu ventris afflixit in Hybernia.” Radulphus de Diceto, Imagines Historiar. I. 350.

[66] Benedict of Peterborough, I. 104, and, in identical terms, in Roger of Howden.

[67] The speaker is represented as a Jew in France. It is significant that the massacre of the Jews at Lynn in 1190 is stated by William of Newburgh to have been instigated by the foreign traders.

[68] Ricardus Divisiensis. Eng. Hist. Society’s ed. p. 60.

[69] Description of London, prefixed to Fitzstephen’s Life of Becket. Reproduced in Stow’s Survey of London.

[70] Petri Blesensis omnia opera, ed. Giles, Epist. CLI. The number of churches may seem large for the population; but it should be kept in mind that these city parish churches were mere chapels or oratories, like the side-chapels of a great church. Indeed, at Yarmouth, they were actually built along the sides of the single great parish church; whereas, at Norwich, there were sixty of them standing each in its own small parish area, the Cathedral, as well as the other conventual churches, being the greater places of worship. Lincoln is said to have had 49 of these small churches, and York 40. An example of them remains in St Peter’s at Cambridge.

[71] William of Newburgh, p. 431.

[72] Ibid.

[73] “His quoque nostris diebus, ingruente famis inedia, et maxima pauperum turba quotidie ad januam jacente, de communi patrum consilio, ad caritatis explendae sufficientiam, propter bladum in Angliam navis Bristollum missa est.” Itiner. Walliae, Rolls ed. VI. 68. The itinerary of Bishop Baldwin, which the author follows, was in 1188; but the “his quoque nostris diebus” clearly refers to a later date, which may have been the year after, or may have been the more severe famine of 1195-7 or of 1203.

[74] Histor. Rer. Angl., Rolls series, No. 82, vol. I. pp. 460, 484.

[75] Ralph of Coggeshall, sub anno.

[76] “Variis infirmitatibus homines per Angliam vexantur et quamplures moriuntur,” Annals of Margan, Rolls series, No. 36.

[77] Roger of Wendover, Fl. Hist. Rolls ed.

[78] Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, Rolls series, No. 57, ed. Luard, vol. V.

[79] Rishanger in Chron. Monast. S. Albani, Rolls series, No. 28.

[80] John Trokelowe, ibid.

[81] Wendover, II. 162, 171, 190, 205.

[82] Wendover, III. 95, 98.

[83] “Qui ex avaritia inopiam semper habent suspectam.”

[84] Alboldslea, or Abbotsley, was the parish of which the famous Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, was rector (perhaps non-resident) down to 1231, or to within three years of the date of the above anecdote. The existing church is of great age, and may well have been the actual edifice in which the scene was enacted.

[85] Wendover, III. 96.

[86] Ibid. III. 19, 27.

[87] Wendover, III. 381.

[88] William of Newburgh, sub anno 1196.

[89] On the other hand John Stow seems to have acquired, from some unstated source, an extraordinary prejudice against him.

[90] Matthew Paris, Chron. Maj. ed. Luard, V. 663, 675.

[91] Annals of Tewkesbury in Annales Monastici, Rolls series, No. 36.

[92] Chronica Majora, IV. 647; Stow, Survey of London.

[93] Chron. Maj. IV. 654.

[94] Chr. Maj. V. 660. Other details occur here and there to the end of the chronicle.

[95] This is the number given by Matthew Paris. It suggests a larger population in the capital than we might have been disposed to credit. The same writer says that London was so full of people when the parliament was sitting the year before (1257) that the city could hardly hold them all in her ample bosom. The Annals of Tewkesbury put the whole mortality from famine and fever in London in 1258 at 20,000. But the whole population did not probably exceed 40,000.

[96] The year 1274 was the beginning of so exceptional a murrain of sheep that it deserves mention here, although murrains do not come within the scope of the work. It is recorded by more than one contemporary. Rishanger (p. 84) says: “In that year a disastrous plague of sheep seized upon England, so that the sheep-folds were everywhere emptied through the spreading of it. It lasted for twenty-eight years following, so that no farm of the whole kingdom was without the infliction of that misery. Many attributed the cause of this disease, which the inhabitants had not been acquainted with before, to a certain rich man of the Frankish nation, who settled in Northumberland, having brought with him a certain sheep of Spanish breed, the size of a small two year old ox, which was ailing and contaminated all the flocks of England by handing on its disease to them.” Under the year following, 1275, he enters it again, using the term “scabies.” Thorold Rogers (Hist. of Agric. and Prices, I. 31) has found “scab” of sheep often mentioned in the bailiffs’ accounts from about 1288; it is assumed to have become permanent from the item of tar occurring regularly in the accounts; but tar was used ordinarily for marking. It may have been sheep-pox, which Fitzherbert, in his Book of Husbandry (edition of 1598), describes under the name of “the Poxe,” giving a clear account of the way to deal with it by isolation. For murrains in general, the reader may consult Fleming’s Animal Plagues, 2 vols. 1871—1884, a work which is mostly compiled (with meagre acknowledgment for “bibliography” only) from the truly learned work of Heusinger, Recherches de Pathologie Comparée, Cassel, 1844. Fleming has used only the “pièces justificatives,” and has not carried the history beyond the point where Heusinger left it.

[97] Continuation of Wm. of Newburgh, Rolls series No. 82, vol. II. p. 560: “Facta est magna fames per universam Angliam et maxime partibus occidentalibus. In Hibernia vero tres pestes invaluerunt, sc. mortalitas, fames, et gladius: per guerram mortalem praevalentibus Hybernicis et Anglicis succumbentibus. Qui vero gladium et famem evadere potuerunt, peste mortalitatis praeventi sunt, ita ut vivi mortuis sepeliendis vix sufficere valerent.”

[98] See also the continuation of the chronicle of Florence of Worcester, Bohn’s series, p. 405.

[99] Rishanger’s annals, 1259-1305, and Trokelowe’s, 1307-1323, are printed in the volumes of Chronica Monast. S. Albani, No. 28 of the Rolls series.

[100] Furnivall’s ed. Rolls series, No. 87, vol. II. 569, 573.

[101] Chronicle of William Gregory, Camden Society, ed. Gairdner, 1876.

[102] Annales Londonienses, Rolls series, No. 76, ed. Stubbs. Introduction, p. lxxvi.

[103] Ibid. (Annales Paulini), p. 238.

[104] Ibid. p. 304.

[105] Epistolae Cantuarienses, Rolls series, No. 38, II. Introduction by Stubbs, p. xxxii.

[106] Epistolae Cantuarienses, Rolls series, No. 38, II. Introduction by Stubbs, p. cxix.

[107] Ralph of Coggeshall, Rolls series, No. 66, p. 156.

[108] He might have been, and probably was, the prototype of the physician Nathan Ben Israel, in the 35th Chapter of Ivanhoe.

[109] Adam de Marisco to Grosseteste, Mon. Francisc. ed. Brewer, I. 113.

[110] I have not succeeded in finding this in the author’s writings, and quote it at second hand.

[111] Quoted, without date, by Marchand, Étude historique et nosographique sur quelques épidémies et endémies du moyen âge. Paris, 1873.

[112] I give this account of the obvious characters of spurred rye from a recent observation of a growing crop of it.

[113] One of the greatest epidemics was in Westphalia and the Cologne district in 1596 and 1597. It fell to be described by two learned writers, Sennert and Horst, of whose accounts a summary is given by Short, Air, weather, seasons, etc. I. 275-285.

[114] Translated into the Philosophical Transactions, No. 130, vol. XII. p. 758 (14 Dec. 1676) from the Journal des Sçavans.

[115] Studien über den Ergotismus, Marburg, 1856.

[116] Simeon of Durham and Roger of Howden have the following, under the year 1048: “Mortalitas hominum et animalium multas occupavit Angliae provincias, et ignis aereus, vulgo dictus sylvaticus, in Deorbensi provincia et quibusdam aliis provinciis, villas et segetes multas ustulavit.”

[117] “Je crois qu’ils ont voulu indiquer l’ignis sacer ou de St Antoine, qui dans ces années et surtout 1044 sévit en France.” Recherches de Pathologie Comparée, vol. II. p. cxlviii.

[118] On the other hand, Short, in his General Chronological History of the Air, Weather, Seasons, Meteors etc. (2 vols. London, 1749) says that the epidemic of 1110 consisted of “especially an epidemic erysipelas, whereof many died, the parts being black and shrivelled up;” and that in 1128, “St Anthony’s fire was fatal to many in England.” He gives no authority in either case. But the one error is run to earth in a French entry of 1109, “membris instar carbonum nigrescentibus” (Sig. Gembl. auctar. p. 274, Migne); the other, most likely, in the ignis around Chartres, 1128 (Stephen of Caen, Bouquet, xii. 780).

Perhaps this is the best place to express a general opinion on the work by Short, which is the only book of the kind in English previous to my own. It is everywhere uncritical and credulous, and often grossly inaccurate in dates, sometimes repeating the same epidemic under different years. It appears to have been compiled, for the earlier part, at least, from foreign sources, such as a Chronicle of Magdeburg, and to a large extent from a work by Colle de Belluno (fl. 1631). Many of the facts about English epidemics are given almost as in the original chronicles, but without reference to them. English experience of sickness is lost in the general chronology of epidemics for all Europe, and is dealt with in a purely verbalist manner. So far as this volume extends (1667) I have found Short’s book of no use, except now and then in calling my attention to something that I had overlooked. His other work, New Observations on City, Town and County Bills of Mortality (London, 1750) shows the author to much greater advantage, and I have used his statistical tables for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

[119] The facts were communicated to the Royal Society by Charlton Wollaston, M.D., F.R.S., then resident in Suffolk, and by the Rev. James Bones. They were referred by Dr G. Baker to Tissot of Lausanne, who replied that they corresponded to typical gangrenous ergotism. See Phil. Trans. vol. LII. pt. 2 (1762) p. 523, p. 526, p. 529; and vol. LX. (1768) p. 106.

[120] An erroneous statement as to an epidemic of gangrenous ergotism, or of Kriebelkrankheit, in England in 1676, has somehow come to be current in German books. It has a place in the latest chronological table of ergotism epidemics, that of Hirsch in his Handbuch der historisch-geographischen Pathologie, vol. II. 1883 (Engl. Transl. II. p. 206), the reference being to Birch, Philos. Transact. This reference to ergotism in England in 1676 is given also in Th. O. Heusinger’s table (1856), where it appears in the form of “Schnurrer, nach Birch.” On turning to Schnurrer’s Chronik der Seuchen (II. 210), the reference is found to be, “Birch, Phil. Trans. vols. XI. and XII.”; and coming at length to the Philosophical Transactions, it appears that vols. X., XI. and XII. are bound up together, that vol. XII. (1676) p. 758, contains an extract from the Journal des Sçavans about ergot of rye in certain parts of France, and that there is nothing about ergotism in England in either vol. XI. or vol. XII. So far as concerns Dr Birch, he was secretary to the Royal Society in the next century.

[121] Knighton, De Eventibus Angliae in Twysden, col. 2580: “In aestate scilicet anno Gratiae 1340 accidit quaedam execrabilis et enormis infirmitas in Anglia quasi communis, et praecipue in comitatu Leicestriae adeo quod durante passione homines emiserunt vocem latrabilem ac si esset latratus canum; et fuit quasi intolerabilis poena durante passione: ex inde fuit magna pestilentia hominum.”

[122] Phil. Trans. XXIII. p. 1174 (June 26, 1702).

[123] Op. cit. I. pt. 2, p. 366.

[124] Phil. Trans. XXII. (1700-1701), p. 799, a Letter in Latin from Joh. Freind dated Christ Church, Oxford, 31 March.

[125] The earliest religious hysterias of Sweden fall in the years 1668 to 1673, which do not correspond to years of ergotism in that country, although there was ergotism in France in 1670 and in Westphalia in 1672. The later Swedish psychopathies have been in 1841-2, 1854, 1858, and 1866-68, some of which years do correspond closely to periods of ergotism in Sweden.

[126] “Moriebantur etiam plures morbo litargiae, multis infortunia prophetantes; mulieres insuper decessere multae per fluxum, et erat communis pestis bestiarum.” Walsingham, Hist. Angl., sub anno; and in identical terms in the Chronicon Angliae a Monacho Sancti Albani.

[127] “Magna et formidabilis pestilentia extemplo subsecuta est Cantabrigiae, qua homines subito, prout dicebatur, sospites, invasi mentis phrenesi moriebantur, sine viatico sive sensu.” Walsingham, Hist. Angl. II. 186. Under the same year, 1389, the continuator of Higden’s Polychronicon (IX. 216) says that the king being in the south and “seeing some of his prostrated by sudden death, hastened to Windsor.”

[128] For example in the Sloane MS. 2420 (the treatise by Constantinus Africanus of Salerno), there are chapters “De Litargia,” “De Stupore Mentis,” and “De Phrenesi.”

[129] Th. O. Heusinger, Studien über den Ergotismus, Marburg, 1856, p. 35: “Es werden freilich in den Beschreibungen einiger früheren Epidemieen öfter typhöse Erscheinungen erwähnt; die Beschreiber behaupten aber auch dann meist die Contagiosität der Krankheit, und es liegt die Vermuthung nahe, dass die Krankheit dann eigentlich ein Typhus war, bei dem die Erscheinungen des Ergotismus ebenso constant vorkommen, wie sie sonst in vereinzelteren Fällen dem Typhus sich beigesellen” (cf. ‘Dorf Gossfelden,’ in Appendix).

[130] History of Agriculture and Prices, I. 27.

[131] “Sed in fructibus arborum suspicio multa fuit, eo quod per nebulas foetentes, exhalationes, aerisque varias corruptiones, ipsi fructus, puta poma, pyra, et hujusmodi sunt infecta; quorum esu multi mortales hoc anno [1383] vel pestem letalem vel graves morbos et infirmitates incurrerunt.” Walsingham, Hist. Angl. II. 109. The continuator of Higden records under the same year, in one place a “great pestilence in Kent which destroyed many, and spared no age or sex” (IX. 27), and on another page (IX. 21) a great epidemic in Norfolk, which attacked only the youth of either sex between the ages of seven and twenty-two!

[132] Walsingham, II. 203; Stow’s Survey of London, p. 133.

[133] The spelling, and a few whole words, have been altered from Skeat’s text, so as to make the meaning clear.

[134] Simpson, Edin. Med. and Surg. Journ. 1842, vol. LVII. p. 136.

[135] Ralph of Coggeshall (Rolls ed. p. 156) describes the death of Hubert on 13 July, 1205, but does not mention the name of his physician.

[136] Gilberti Anglici Compendium Medicinae, ed. Michael de Capella. Lugduni, 1512, Lib. VII. cap. “De Lepra,” pp. 337-345.

[137] Bernardi Gordonii Lilium Medicinae. Lugd. 1551, p. 88.

[138] Compend. Med. Ed. cit. p. 344.

[139] Lilium Medicinae. Lugd. 1551, p. 89.

[140] Ibid. p. 89.

[141] For fuller reference, see p. 103.

[142] Philos. Trans. of Royal Society, XXXI. 58: “Now in a true leprosy we never meet with the mention of any disorder in those parts, which, if there be not, must absolutely secure the person from having that disease communicated to him by coition with leprous women; but it proves there was a disease among them which was not the leprosy, although it went by that name; and that this could be no other than venereal because it was infectious.”

He then quotes from Trevisa’s translation of Bartholomew Glanvile, De proprietatibus rerum, passages which he thinks relate to syphilis, although they are obviously the distinctive signs of lepra taken almost verbatim from Gilbertus Anglicus. He implies that the later so-called leper-houses of London were really founded for syphilis when it became epidemic. In the will of Ralph Holland, merchant taylor, mention is made of three leper-houses, the Loke, Hackenay and St Giles beyond Holborn Bars, as if these were all that existed in the year 1452. But in the reign of Henry VIII. there were six of them besides St Giles’s,—Knightsbridge, Hammersmith, Highgate, Kingsland, the Lock, and Mile End; and these, says Beckett, were used for the treatment of the French pox, which became exceedingly common after 1494-6.

[143] Martin, Histoire de France, VII. 283.

[144] One of Gascoigne’s references was copied by Beckett (Phil. Trans. XXXI. 47), beginning: “Novi enim ego, Magister Thomas Gascoigne, licet indignus, sacrae theologiae doctor, qui haec scripsi et collegi, diversos viros, qui mortui fuerunt ex putrefactione membrorum suorum et corporis sui, quae corruptio et putrefactio causata fuit, ut ipsi dixerunt, per exercitium copulae carnalis cum mulieribus. Magnus enim dux in Anglia, scil. J. de Gaunt, mortuus est ex tali putrefactione membrorum genitalium et corporis sui, causata per frequentationem mulierum. Magnus enim fornicator fuit, ut in toto regno Angliae divulgabatur,” etc. In the Loci e Libro Veritatum, printed by Thorold Rogers (Oxford, 1881), the following consequences are mentioned: “Plures viri per actum libidinosum luxuriae habuerunt membra sua corrupta et penitus destructa, non solum virgam sed genitalia: et alii habuerunt membra sua per luxuriam corrupta ita quod cogebantur, propter poenam, caput virgae abscindere. Item homo Oxoniae scholaris, Morland nomine, mortuus fuit Oxoniae ex corruptione causata per actum luxuriae.” p. 136.

[145] A most excellent and compendious method of curing woundes in the head and in other partes of the body; translated into English by John Read, Chirurgeon; with the exact cure of the Caruncle, treatise of the Fistulae in the fundament, out of Joh. Ardern, etc. London, 1588.

[146] MS. Harl. 2378:—No. 86 is: “Take lynsed or lynyn clothe and brēne it & do ye pouder in a clout, and bynd it to ye sore pintel.” Also, “Take linsed and stamp it and a lytel oyle of olyf and a lytl milk of a cow of a color, and fry them togeder in a panne, and ley it about ye pyntel in a clout.” No. 87 is “for bolnyng of pyntel.” No. 88 is “For ye kank’ on a mānys pyntel.” On p. 103 is another “For ye bolnyng of a mānys yerde.... Bind it alle abouten ye yerde, and it salle suage.” On folio 19: “For ye nebbe yt semeth leprous ... iii dayes it shall be hole.” “For ye kanker” might have meant cancer or chancre. The prescriptions in Moulton’s This is the Myrour or Glasse of Helth (? 1540) correspond closely with these in the above Harleian MS. The printed book gives one (cap. 63), “For a man that is Lepre, and it lake in his legges and go upwarde.” There is also a prescription for “morphewe.”

[147] Nicolas Massa, in Luisini.

[148] Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus. App. vol. II. p. 499.

[149] L. c. V. 679, “Episcopus Herefordensis polipo percutitur.—Episcopus Herefordensis turpissimo morbo videlicet morphea, Deo percutiente, merito deformatur, qui totum regnum Angliae proditiose dampnificavit;” and again V. 622.

[150] Compend. Med. Ed. cit. p. 170.

[151] Lilium Med. Ed. cit. p. 108.

[152] Brassac, Art. “Elephantiasis” (p. 465) in Dict. Encycl. des Sciences Médicales.

[153] Rosa Anglica. Papiae, 1492.

[154] That Baldwin IV.’s disease excited interest in him is clear from the reference of William of Newburgh, who calls him (p. 242) “princeps Christianus lepram corporis animi virtute exornans.”

[155] Chronicon de Lanercost (Bannatyne Club, p. 259): “Dominus autem Robertus de Brus, quia factus fuerat leprosus, illa vice [anno 1327] cum eis Angliam non intravit.” The rubric on folio 228 of the MS. has “leprosus moritur.”

[156] The original account is by Gascoigne, Loci etc. ed. Rogers, Oxon. p. 228.

[157] “Item matrimonium inter dominum regem et quandam nobilem mulierem nequiter impedivit, dum clanculo significavit eidem mulieri et suo generi, quod rex strabo et fatuus nequamque fuerat, et speciem leprae habere, fallaxque fuerat et perjurus, imbellis plusquam mulier, in suos tantum sacvientem, et prorsus inutilem complexibus alicujus ingenuae mulieris asserendo.” Matthew Paris, Chron. Maj., Rolls ed., III. 618-19.

[158] Chronicon Angliae in Twysden, col. 2600.

[159] Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker, edited by E. Maunde Thompson. Oxford, 1889, p. 100.

[160] Professor Robertson Smith has kindly written for me the following note: “The later Jews were given to shorten proper names; and in the Talmud we find the shortening La‘zar (with a guttural, which the Greeks could not pronounce, between the a and the z), for Eliezer or Eleazar. Λάζαρος is simply La‘zar with a Greek ending, and occurs, as a man’s name, not only in the New Testament but in Josephus (B. Jud. V. 13, 7). This was quite understood by early readers of the Gospels; the Syriac New Testament, translated from the Greek, restores the lost guttural, and uses the Syriac form, as employed in 1 Macc. viii. 17 to render the Greek ’Ελάζαρος. Moreover the Latin and Greek onomastica explain Lazarus as meaning ‘adjutus,’ which shows that they took it from (Hebrew) ‘to help’—the second element in the compound Eliezer. The etymology ‘adjutus’ (or the like) ‘helped by God,’ would no doubt powerfully assist in the choice of the designation lazars (for lepers). Suicer, in his Thesaurus, quotes a sermon of Theophanes, where it is suggested that every poor man who needs help from those who have means might be called a Lazarus.”

Hirsch (Geog. and Hist. Path. II. 3) says that the Arabic word for the falling sickness comes from the same root (meaning “thrown to the ground”) as the Hebrew word “sâraat,” which is the term translated “leprosy” in Leviticus xiii. and xiv. In Isaiah liii. 4, the Vulgate has “et nos putavimus eum quasi leprosum,” where the English Bible has “yet we did esteem him stricken.”

[161] Roger of Howden. Edited by Stubbs. Rolls series, No. 51, vol. I. p. 110. Aelred, the chief collector of the miraculous cures by Edward the Confessor, appears to have omitted this one.

[162] Ailredi Abbatis Rievallensis Genealogia Regum Anglorum. In Twysden’s Decem Scriptores, col. 368. “Cum, inquit [David], adolescens in curia regia [Anglica] servirem, nocte quadam in hospicio meo cum sociis meis nescio quid agens, ad thalamum reginae ab ipsa vocatus accessi. Et ecce domus plena leprosis, et regina in medio stans, deposito pallio, lintheo se precinxit, et posita in pelvi aqua, coepit lavare pedes eorum, et extergere, extersosque utrisque constringere manibus et devotissime osculari. Cui ego: ‘Quid agis,’ inquam, ‘O domina mea? Certe si rex sciret ista, nunquam dignaretur os tuum, leprosorum pedum tabe pollutum, suis labiis osculari.’ Et illa surridens ait: ‘Pedes,’ inquit, ‘Regis aeterni quis nescit labiis regis morituri esse praeferendos? Ecce, ego idcirco vocavi te, frater carissime, ut exemplo mei talia discas operari. Sumpta proinde pelvi, fac quod me facere intueris.’ Ad hanc vocem vehementer expavi, et nullo modo id me pati posse respondi. Necdum enim sciebam Dominum, nec revelatus fuerat mihi Spiritus ejus. Illa igitur coeptis insistente, ego—mea culpa—ridens ad socios remeavi.”

[163] Vita S. Hugonis Lincolnensis. Rolls series, 39, p. 163-4.

[164] The bishop left by his will 100 marks to be distributed “per domos leprosorum” in his diocese and a like sum “per domos hospitales,” and three marks each to the leper-houses at Selwood and outside Bath and Ilchester. Hist. MSS. Commiss. X. pt. 3, p. 186.

[165] Monumenta Franciscana. Rolls series, No. 4. Introd. by Brewer, p. xxiv.

[166] William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum, Rolls ed., p. 72.

[167] In 1574 it was found providing indoor relief for fifteen brethren and fifteen sisters, and outdoor relief for as many more.

[168] Roger of Wendover. Rolls ed. II. 265.

[169] In the MS. of Matthew Paris’s Chronica Majora in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, No. 26 in the Parker Collection, p. 220. The late Rev. S. S. Lewis, fellow and librarian of the College, who most liberally had a fac-simile of the drawing made for me, would date it a little before 1250. (Rolls edition, by Luard, II. 144.)

[170] Rotuli Chartarum, 1199-1216. Charter of confirmation, 1204 (5 Joh.) p. 117 b.

[171] In the Valor Ecclesiasticus of Henry VIII. its revenue is put at £100.

[172] The commanderies of the Knights of St Lazarus were numerous in every province of France. For an enumeration of them see Les Lepreux et les Chevaliers de Saint Lazare de Jerusalem et de Notre Dame et de Mont Carmel. Par Eugene Vignat, Orleans, 1884, pp. 315-364.

[173] Joannis Sarisburiensis Opera omnia, ed. Giles 1, 141 (letter to Josselin, bishop of Salisbury).

[174] “Vix seu raro inveniuntur tot leprosi volentes vitam ducere observantiis obligatam ad dictum hospitale concurrentes.” Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum, Rolls ed. II. 484.

[175] Matthew Paris, Chron. Maj. V. 452.

[176] Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum, II. 401.

[177] “The sisters of St James’s were bound by no vows, and at this period [1344] were not all, or even any of them, lepers; and in consequence a place in the hospital was much sought after by needy dependents of the Court.” Report on MSS. of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, in Hist. MSS. Commission Reports, IX. p. 87.

[178] Dugdale’s History of Warwickshire, p. 197.

[179] On Nov. 24, 1200, king John signed at Lincoln letters of simple protection to the leprosi of St Bartholomew’s, Oxford (Rot. Chart. 1199-1216, p. 99).

[180] Rotuli Hundredorum, II. 359-60. The famous Stourbridge Fair originally grew out of a right of market-toll granted in aid of the leper-hospital.

[181] The decrees of the Third Lateran Council are given by several historians of the time, among others by William of Newburgh, pp. 206-223.

[182] Roger of Howden, Rolls edition, II. 265.

[183] William of Newburgh, Rolls edition, p. 437.

[184] See the various charters and memorials in Surtees’ History of Durham.

[185] Two of the larger houses for lepers not mentioned in the text were St Nicholas’s at Carlisle and the hospital at Bolton in Northumberland, each with thirteen beds.

[186] By collecting every reference to lepers or lazar-houses in Tanner’s Notitia Monastica or in Dugdale’s Monasticon Sir J. Y. Simpson has made out a table of some hundred leper-houses in Britain (Edin. Med. and Surg. Journ. 1841 and 1842). Simpson’s table has been added to by Miss Lambert in the Nineteenth Century, Aug.-Sept. 1884, by the Rev. H. P. Wright (Leprosy etc. 1885), who says at the end of his long list: “There were hundreds more,” and by Mr R. C. Hope (The Leper in England, Scarborough, 1891), whose list runs to 172.

Perhaps the most remarkable development of that verbalist handling of the matter has been reserved for a recent medical writer, who has constructed, from the conventional list of leper-hospitals, a map of the geographical distribution of leprosy in medieval Britain. (British Medical Journal, March 1, 1890, p. 466.)

[187] The Lock was doubtless the house of the “Leprosi apud Bermondsey” who are designated in the Royal Charter of 1 Hen. IV. (1399) as recipients, along with the leprosi of Westminster (St James’s), of “five or six thousand pounds.” (Rotuli Chartarum, 1 Hen. IV.)

[188] Beckett, Phil. Trans., vol. 31, p. 60.

[189] Stow, Survey of London, ed. of 1890, p. 437.

[190] Beckett, l. c. The Knightsbridge house was earlier. See next note.

[191] Survey of London, pop. ed. p. 436. Bequests to lepers occur in various wills of London citizens, in Dr Sharpe’s Calendar of Wills, vol. II. Lond. 1890. In a will dated 21 April, 1349, the bequest is to “the poor lazars without Southwerkebarre and at Hakeney” (p. 3). On 1 July, 1371, another bequeaths money to “the three colleges of lepers near London, viz. at le loke, at St Giles de Holbourne, and at Hakeney” (p. 147). On 7 April, 1396, bequests are made to “the lepers at le loke near Seynt Georges barre, of St Giles without Holbournebarre, and le meselcotes de Haconey” (p. 341). The “lazar house at Knyghtbrigge” appears, for the first time, in a will dated 21 Feb. 1485, along with “the sick people in the lazercotes next about London” (p. 589).

[192] Accounts of the Lord High-Treasurer of Scotland. Rolls series I. 1473-1498, pp. 337, 356, 361, 378, 386.

[193] These are all the so-called “medieval leper-hospitals” collected by Belcher (Dubl. Quart. Journ. of Med. Sc. 1868, August, p. 36) chiefly from Archdall’s Monasticon Hibernicum. He points out that the very early references to leprosy in the Annals of the Four Masters included various kinds of cutaneous maladies.

[194] Chronicon Abbatiae Rameseiensis. Rolls series, 1886, p. 157. The chronicler has nothing farther to say as to the cause of the leprosy, than the opinion of “a certain philosopher,” that whatever turns us from health to the vices of disease acts by the weight of too much blood, by superfluous heat, by humours exuding in excess, or by the spirits flowing with unwonted laxity through silent passages.

[195] Eadmer, Vita S. Anselmi, Rolls edit., p. 355.

[196] Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum, Rolls edit. II. Appendix C. p. 503.

[197] Brassac, Art. “Éléphantiasis,” in Dict. Encycl. des Sc. Méd. p. 475, says: “Il y avait aussi des vagabonds et des paresseux qui, sans nulle crainte de la contagion, et désireux de vivre sans rien faire, simulaient la lèpre pour être admis aux léproseries. On y trouvait encore des personnes qui s’imposaient une réclusion perpétuelle pour vivre avec les lépreux et faire leur salut par une vie de soumission aux règles de l’Église.”

[198] The ordinance is translated in full from the City archives by H. T. Riley, London in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, pp. 230-231. The following is the preamble of it:—

“Edward, by the grace of God, etc. Forasmuch as we have been given to understand that many persons, as well of the city aforesaid as others coming to the said city, being smitten with the blemish of leprosy, do publicly dwell among the other citizens and sound persons, and there continually abide and do not hesitate to communicate with them, as well in public places as in private; and that some of them, endeavouring to contaminate others with that abominable blemish (that so, to their own wretched solace, they may have the more fellows in suffering,) as well in the way of mutual communications, and by the contagion of their polluted breath, as by carnal intercourse with women in stews and other secret places, detestably frequenting the same, do so taint persons who are sound, both male and female, to the great injury of the people dwelling in the city aforesaid, and the manifest peril of other persons to the same city resorting:—We” etc.

[199] Riley, p. 384.

[200] Dialogue of the Fever Pestilence. Early Eng. Text Soc.

[201] Riley, p. 365.

[202] Rymer’s Foedera, v. pt. 2, p. 166.

[203] Wharton’s Anglia Sacra, 11. Praef. p. 32.

[204] The expression “leprosa Sodomorum” occurs in a Latin poem from a medieval MS. found in Switzerland. The verses are printed in full by Hensler, Geschichte der Lustseuche, p. 307.

[205] These and other particulars relating to lepers in Scotland are given in Simpson’s Antiquarian Notices of Leprosy in Scotland and England (Edin. Med. and Surg. Journ. Oct. 1841, Jan. and April 1842), a series of excellent papers which have been for many years the source of most that has been written of medieval leprosy in this country.

[206] Letter to Barrington, 8 January, 1778.

[207] These numbers seem to stand for the contents of the larders in all the various manors of De Spenser.

[208] Mr Jonathan Hutchinson has been adding, year after year, to the evidence that semi-putrid fish, eaten in that state by preference or of necessity, is the chief cause of modern leprosy, and he has successfully met many of the apparent exceptions. Norway has had leprosy in some provinces for centuries; and it is significant that William of Malmesbury, referring to those who went on the first Crusade, says: “Scotus familiaritatem pulicum reliquit, Noricus cruditatem piscium.” (Gesta Regum, Eng. Hist. Soc. II. 533.)

[209] In his section De preservatione a lepra (p. 345) Gilbert advises to avoid, among other things, all salted fish and meat, and dried bacon.

[210] Acts of Robert III. in the Regiam Majestatem, p. 414 (quoted by Simpson, Ed. Med. and Surg. Journ. vol. 57, p. 416).

[211] Dr Gilbert Skene, of Aberdeen, and afterwards of Edinburgh, in his book on the plague (1568), has an incidental remark about “evil and corrupt meats” which may be taken in a literal sense: “As we see dailie the pure man subject to sic calamitie nor the potent, quha are constrynit be povertie to eit evill and corrupte meittis, and diseis is contractit, heir of us callit pandemiall.” (Bannatyne Club edition, p. 6.)

[212] Higden’s Polychronicon. Edited for the Rolls series by Babington and Lumby, vol. VIII.

[213] The Annals of Ireland. By Friar John Clyn, of the Convent of Friars Minor, Kilkenny, and Thady Dowling, Chancellor of Leighlin. Edited from the MSS. etc. by R. Butler, Dean of Clonmacnois. Dublin, 1849 (Irish Archæological Society). The last entry by Clyn himself appears to be the words “magna karistia” etc., under 1349. There is added “Videtur quod author hic obiit;” and then two entries of pestilence made in 1375 in another hand.

[214] Henricus de Knighton, Chronicon Angliae, in Twysden’s Decem Script. Angl. col. 2598 et seq. An edition of Knighton’s Chronicle, by Lumby, is in progress for the Rolls series.

[215] Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker. Edited by E. Maunde Thompson, Oxford, 1889.

[216] Robertus de Avesbury, Historia de Mirabilibus Gestis Regis Ed. III., Oxon. 1720. Also in the Rolls series. Edited by E. Maunde Thompson.

[217] Eulogium Historiarum. Rolls series, No. 9. Edited by Haydon, III. 213.

[218] Itineraria Symonis Simeonis et Willelmi de Worcestre. Edited by Nasmith from the MSS. in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Cantab. 1778, p. 113: “parum ante nativitatem Domini intravit villam Bodminiae, ubi mortui fuerunt circa mille quingentos per estimacionem.”

[219] Histor. MSS. Commission, vi. 475.

[220] Wilkins, Concilia II. 745: “Contagium pestilentiae moderni temporis undique se dilatans etc.”

[221] Rymer’s Foedera, V. 655:—“Quia tamen subita plaga Pestilentiae Mortalis in loco praedicto et aliis partibus circumvicinis adeo indies invalescit, quod de securo accessu Hominum ad locum illum formidatur admodum hiis diebus.”

[222] Ibid.—“Et quia dicta Pestilentia Mortalis in dicto loco Westmonasteriensi ac in civitate Londoniae, ac alis locis circumvicinis, gravius solito invalescit (quod dolenter referimus) per quod accessus Magnatum et aliorum nostrorum Fidelium ad dictum locum nimis periculosus foret,” &c. This second prorogation was sine die.

[223] Calendar of Wills (Husting Court, London), ed. Sharpe, Lond. 1889, I. 506-624.

[224] Clyn. But his account for Kilkenny, where he lived, makes the epidemic either earlier or later there than at Dublin: “Ista pestilencia apud Kilkenniam in XL^a invaluit; nam VIto die Marcii viii fratres predicatores infra diem Natalem obierunt,” the Lent referred to being either that of 1349 or of 1350. The difficulty about assigning the landing of the infection near Dublin in the beginning of August to the year 1348 is that the English importation had only then taken place. But of course Ireland may have got it direct from abroad.

[225] Op. cit. p. 98: “Torserunt illos apostemata e diversis partibus corporis subito irrumpencia, tam dura et sicca quod ab illis decisis vix liquor emanavit; a quibus multi per incisionem aut per longam pacienciam evaserunt. Alii habuerunt pustulos parvos nigros per totam corporis cutem conspersos, a quibus paucissimi, immo vix aliquis, vitæ et sanitati resilierunt.”

[226] “Nam multi ex anthrace et ex apostematibus, et pustulis quae creverunt in tibiis et sub asellis, alii ex passione capitis, et quasi in frenesim versi, alii spuendo sanguinem, moriebantur,” p. 36.

[227] A Treatise faithfully and plainely declaring the way of preventing, preserving from and curing that most fearfull I and contagious disease called the Plague. With the Pestilential Feaver and other the fearful symptomes and accidents incident thereto. By John Woodall, surgeon to St Bartholomew’s Hospital, &c. London, 1639.

[228] Robertus de Avesbury, Rolls ed., p. 177.

[229] Eulogium Historiarum. Rolls ser. No. 9, III. 213.

[230] Rymer’s Foedera, V. 668.

[231] “Pro quorum defectu [referring to the fugitive villeins] mulieres et parvuli invise missi sunt ad carucas et ad plaustra fuganda.” Eulogium. Rolls ed. III. 214.

[232] Nichols, History Of Leicestershire, I. 534.

[233] Nichols, l. c.

[234] For a series of years the burials in the St Martin’s register are as follow:

1610 82

1611 128

1612 39

1613 25

1614 34

1615 60

1616 41

1617 31

1618 37

1619 28

1620 25

1621 43

1622 27

1623 37

1624 24

[235] History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford. Ed. Gutch I. 449. He says also: “The school doors were shut, colleges and halls relinquished, and none scarce left to keep possession or make up a competent number to bury the dead.” The rest of his account of the Black Death is copied from Le Baker’s Chronicle of Osney.

[236] Itinerarium, l. c.

[237] Stow’s Survey. “Portsoken Ward.”

[238] “Lying without the walls on the north part of the city between the land of the abbot of Westminster and the prior of St John of Jerusalem.” French Chronicle of London (p. 56), as quoted by Stubbs, in preface (p. lxxxi) to Annales Londonienses, Rolls series, No. 76.

[239] Robertus de Avesbury, Historia Edwardi III. Rolls ed. p. 407. “Quotidie multos vita privavit, et in tantum excrevit quod a festo Purificationis usque post Pascha, in novo tunc facto cimiterio juxta Smithfeld plus quam cc corpora defunctorum, praeter corpora quae in aliis cimiteriis civitatis ejusdem sepeliebantur, quasi diebus singulis sepulta fuerunt.... In festo Pentecostes cessavit Londoniis.”

[240] Stow’s Memoranda. Camden Soc., 1880.

[241] Camden’s Britannia, ed. Gough, II. 9.

[242] Rickman, Abstract of the Population Returns of 1831. London, 1832. Introduction, p. 11.

[243] Stow’s Survey, p. 392.

[244] The population of London is stated on good authority, that of its archdeacon, in a letter to Pope Innocent III. (Petri Blessensis Opera omnia, ed. Giles, vol. II. p. 85), to have been 40,000 about the years 1190-1200, a period of great expansion or activity. By the usual reckoning of the poll-tax in 1377 the population would have been 44,770; and in the year 1349 it was probably not far from those numbers. This matter comes up again in the next chapter.

[245] Memorials of London in the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries, edited from the Archives of the City, A.D. 1246-1419, by H. T. Riley. Lond. 1868, p. 219.

[246] Ibid., pp. 239-40.

[247] Blomefield, History of Norfolk, III. 93.

[248] Peter of Blois, who as archdeacon of London was in a position to know, gives in his letter to the pope the number of parish churches in the City at 120.

[249] Popham, “Subsidy Roll of 51 Edward III.,” in Archæologia, VII. (1785) p. 337.

[250] Itineraria, et cet. ed. Nasmith, Cantab. 1778, p. 344. See also Weever, Funeral Monuments, p. 862, according to whom the record of the great mortality was on a chronological table hanging up in the church.

[251] Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum. Rolls ed. II. 370. Abbot Michael, he says, “tactus est communi incommodo inter primos de suis monachis qui illo letali morbo percussi sunt.”

[252] Th. Stubbs’ Chronicle of York in Twysden, col. 1732.

[253] Chronicon Monasterii de Melsa, Rolls ed. III. 36.

[254] Rymer’s Foedera.

[255] Lowth, Life of William of Wykeham, p. 93, with a ref. to Regist. Edyngdon, pt. 1. fol. 49.

[256] Bentham, Hist. of Ely.

[257] Clyn.

[258] Jessopp, “The Black Death in East Anglia” in Nineteenth Century, April 1885, p. 602. The sources of these interesting particulars are not given.

[259] Peck’s Antiquarian Annals of Stamford, Bk. XI. p. 47.

[260] Hist. MSS. Commission’s Reports, IX. p. 127: “Hi quatuor tantum moriebantur de pestilencia.” The reporter on the MSS. of the Dean and Chapter conjectures that the monastery may have owed its comparative immunity to the fact that it was supplied with water brought by closed pipes from the hills on the north-east of the city.

[261] Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum.

[262] Knighton.

[263] History of Norfolk, III. 94.

[264] Owen and Blakeway, History of Shrewsbury, I. 166:—“The average number of institutions to benefices on vacancies by death in the archdeaconry of Salop, for ten years before 1349, and ten years after, is one and a half per annum, or fifteen in the whole; in that year alone the number of institutions on vacancies by death is twenty-nine, besides other institutions the cause of whose vacancies is not specified and therefore may also have been the same.”

[265] F. Seebohm, “The Black Death and its Place in English History,” Fortnightly Review, Sept. 1 and 15, 1865:—“In the library of the Dean and Chapter, at York Minster, are voluminous MSS., known by the name of Torr’s MSS., which contain the clergy list of every parish in the diocese of York, and which, in by far the greater number of instances, state not only the date of each vacancy, but whether it was caused by death, resignation or otherwise of the incumbent.” L. c. p. 150.

[266] Jessopp, “The Black Death in East Anglia,” Nineteenth Century, April 1885, pp. 600-602. This author remarks that the evidence from manor court rolls and from the Institution Books of the clergy “has hardly received any attention hitherto, its very existence being entirely overlooked, nay, not even suspected.”

[267] G. Poulett Scrope, M.P., F.R.S., The Manor and Barony of Castle Combe. London, 1852, p. 168.

[268] The court rolls of the Manor of Snitterton, Norfolk, in the British Museum. Professor Maitland has lately edited some of the earliest rolls of manor courts for the Selden Society.

[269] G. Poulett Scrope, op. cit. pp. 151-2.

[270] F. Seebohm, The English Village Community, London, 1882. The Manor Court Rolls of Winslow, upon which Mr Seebohm bases his work, are in the library of the University of Cambridge.

[271] Rev. Augustus Jessopp, D.D. “The Black Death in East Anglia,” Nineteenth Century, Dec. 1884.

[272] Under the heading “The Black Death in Lancashire,” Mr A. G. Little has printed, with remarks, in the English Historical Review, July, 1890, p. 524, the data submitted to a jury of eighteen who had been empannelled to settle a dispute between the archdeacon of Richmond and Adam de Kirkham, dean of Amounderness, touching the account rendered by the dean, as proctor for the archdeacon, of fees received for instituting to vacant livings, for probates of wills, and for administration of the goods of intestates. The dean’s account to the archdeacon is said to run “from the Feast of the Nativity of our Lady [8 September] in the year of our Lord 1349 unto the eleventh day of January next following;” but it may not imply, and almost certainly does not, that the vacancies in benefices, the probates and the letters of administration, or the corresponding deaths of individuals, fell between those dates. The archdeacon alleges what fees Adam de Kirkham had received, but had not accounted for, and the jury find what Adam did actually receive. Nine benefices of one kind or another are mentioned as vacant, three of them twice. The numbers said to have died in the several parishes, with the number of wills and of intestate estates, I have extracted from the data and tabulated as follows:

Parish Men & Women dead With wills (above 100 sh.) Intestate (above 100 sh.)

Preston 3000 300 200

Kirkham 3000 — 100

Pulton 800 — 40

Lancaster 3000 400 80

Garestang 2000 400 140

Cokram 1000 300 60

Ribchestre [illegible] 70 40

Lytham 140 80 80

St Michel 80 50 40

Pulton 60 40 20

Of the alleged 300 who died in Preston parish, leaving wills, five married couples are named, the probate fees being respectively ½ marc, 6 sh., 40 d., 4 sh., and 40 d. The archdeacon’s whole claim for the 300 was 20 marcs, which the jury reduced to 10 pounds. Of the alleged 200 intestates in the same parish, two married couples, one woman, and “Jakke o þe hil” are named. In the parish of Garstang, the executors of 6 deceased are named, whose probate fees in all amounted to 16 sh. 10 d., the whole claim of the archdeacon for 400 deceased leaving wills being £10, and the award of the jury 40 sh. In the parish of Kirkham, on a claim of 20 marcs for probate fees not accounted for, “the jury say that he received £4;” on a claim of £10 for quittance, the jury say 20 sh. This was a parish in which 3000 are said to have died, the number of wills being not stated. The numbers had obviously been put in for a forensic purpose, and are, of course, not even approximately correct for the actual mortality, or the actual number of wills proved, or of letters of administration granted. The awards of the jury amounted in all to £48. 10s. See also Eng. Hist. Review, Jan. 1891.