Volume 7 / Part 2 / Book 3 — CHAPTER VII. (continued 3)

[Footnote 269: Mowree is 4-1/2 leagues east from the castle of Minas, and Lagoua or Laguy is 9 leagues east from the same place.--Astl. I. 168. a.]

On the 16th of March we fell in with the land, which I judged to be Cape Misurado, about which there is much high land. The 18th we lost sight of the Hart, and I think the master wilfully went in shore on purpose to lose us, being offended that I had reproved him for his folly when chased by the Portuguese. The 27th we fell in with two small islands about 6 leagues off Cape Sierra Leona; and before we saw them we reckoned ourselves at least 30 or 40 leagues from them. Therefore all who sail this way must allow for the current which sets N.N.W. or they will be much deceived. The 14th April we met two large Portuguese ships, which we supposed were bound to Calicut. The 23d we saw a French ship of 90 tons to windward of us, which came down upon us as if to lay us on board, sending up some of his men in armour into the tops, and calling out to us to strike. Upon this we saluted him with some cross-bars, chain-shot, and arrows, so thick that we made their upper works fly about their ears, and tore his ship so miserably, that he fell astern and made sail. Our trumpeter was a Frenchman, at this time ill in bed; yet he blew his trumpet till he could sound no more, and so died. The 29th we arrived at Plymouth, and gave thanks to God for our safety.

SECTION VI.

Third Voyage of William Towerson to Guinea, in 1558[270].

On the 30th of January of the above year, we set sail from Plymouth with three ships and a pinnace, bound by the grace of God for the Canaries and the coast of Guinea. Our ships were the Minion, admiral; the Christopher, vice-admiral; the Tiger, and a pinnace called the Unicorn. Next day we fell in with two hulks[271] of Dantziek, one called the Rose of 400 tons, and the other the Unicorn of 150, both laden at Bourdeaux, mostly with wine. We caused them to hoist out their boats and come on board, when we examined them separately as to what goods they had on board belonging to Frenchmen[272]. At first they denied having any; but by their contradictory stories, we suspected the falsehood of their charter parties, and ordered them to produce their bills of lading. They denied having any, but we sent certain persons to the place where they were hid, and thus confronted their falsehood. At length they confessed that there were 32 tons and a hogshead of wine in the Unicorn belonging to a Frenchman, and 128 tons in the Rose belonging to the, same person; but insisted that all the rest was laden by Peter Lewgues of Hamburgh, and consigned to Henry Summer of Campvere. After a long consultation, considering that to capture or detain them might lose our voyage, already too late, we agreed that each of our ships should take out as much as they could stow for necessaries, and that we should consider next morning what was farther to be done. We accordingly took out many tuns of wine, some aquavitae, cordage, rosin, and other things, giving them the rest of the Frenchmans wines to pay for what we had taken of their own, and took a certificate under their hands of the quantity of French goods they had confessed to, and then allowed them to continue their voyage.

[Footnote 270: Hakluyt, II. 504. Astley, I. 169.--In the last London edition of Hakluyt, 1810, it is dated erroneously in 1577, but we learn from the editor of Astley's Collection that in the edition 1589, it is dated in 1557. Yet, notwithstanding that authority, we may be assured that the date of this voyage could not have been earlier than January 1558, as Towerson did not return from his former voyage till the 29th of April 1557.--E.]

[Footnote 271: Probably meaning large unwieldy ships.--E]

[Footnote 272: It is to be noted, that at this time there was war between England and France.--This observation is a side note of Hakluyt: And it may be worth while to notice that, so early as 1557, free bottoms were not considered by the English as making free goods.--E.]

The 10th January we had sight of the grand Canary, and on the 12th we anchored in the road, a league from the town, where we were well received. We went to the town with two English merchants who resided there, and remained that day at their house. The second day following we returned on board to get our pinnace repaired, which had broken her rudder, and to deliver our merchandize. The 14th there came nineteen sail of Spanish ships into the road, bound for the West Indies, six of them being of 400 or 500 tons each, and the rest of 200, 150, and 100 tons. On coming to anchor they saluted us, which we returned. The Spanish admiral, who was a knight, sent a boat for me, and received me in a friendly manner, desiring to learn the news of England and Flanders. After partaking of a banquet, I departed; and when I was in the boat, he desired my interpreter to say that he expected I should strike my flag to him, as general of the Emperors fleet. When I was come on board my own ship this was told me by the interpreter, and as I refused compliance and continued to display my ensign, some Spanish soldiers began to discharge their arquebusses at us. At this time some Spanish gentlemen came on board to see our ship, to whom I said that if they did not order their men to cease firing, I would fire my cannon through their ships. They accordingly went away and made their soldiers give over firing, and coming back said that they had punished their men. I then shewed them our ship, and gave them such cheer as I had, which they were well pleased with. Next day they sent for me to dine with them, saying their general was sorry any one should have desired me to strike my flag, which had been done without his orders.

The 17th we set sail, and got sight of the coast of Africa, and running along shore came off Rio del Oro which is almost under the tropic of Cancer. The 25th we got sight of the land in the bay to the north of Cape Verd[273]. The 26th taking our interpreter Francisco and Francis Castelin along with me in the pinnace, I went to the Tiger, which was nearer shore than the other ships. With her and the other ships we ran W. by S. and W.S.W, till about 4 o'clock, P.M. when we were close on board the cape. Then going about 4 leagues beyond the cape S.W. we found a fair island, and beside that two or three islands of high rocks, full of various kinds of sea fowl and pigeons, with other kinds of land birds, and so numerous that the whole island was covered with their dung, and as white as if the whole had been covered by chalk. Within these islands was a fine bay; and close by the rocks we had 18 fathoms and good ground[274]. The 27th, as no negroes came to us, we went along shore in the pinnace, and going beyond the point of the bay (Cape Emanuel) we found a fair island (Goree) with a goodly bay, and saw some negroes on the main who waved us on shore. Going a-land, they told us that they had elephants teeth, musk[275], and hides for traffic; but as the captain of the Christopher was not willing to stop, we went on board and made sail, On inquiry, some of the negroes said there had been no ships there for 8 months, others said six, and some only four, and that they were French ships.

[Footnote 273: The bay of Yof, in lat. 15° N. long. 17° 20' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 274: Obviously the Bird isles, which are 4-1/2 leagues E.S.E. from Cape Verd, not W.S.W. as in the text.--E.]

[Footnote 275: What is here called musk must have either been civet or ambergris.--E.]

The 10th of March we fell in with the coast of Guinea, 5 leagues east of Cape Monte, beside a river called Rio das Palmas. At this place I got 19 elephants teeth, and 2 1/2oz. of gold. The 13th we came to Rio Sestro, and next day sent our boats for water, and delivered such wares to the Christopher and Tiger as they needed. The 15th we sent the Tiger to another river for water, and to try what she could do for grains. We here learnt that three French ships had been at this river two months before, two six weeks ago, and one only a fortnight past, all of which had gone eastwards to the Mina. Getting few grains, and many of our men falling sick at this unwholesome place, and considering that the French ships were before us, we left the Rio Sestro on the 19th, and made all sail for the Mina[276]. The 21st we came to Rio de Potos, where our boats went for water, and where I got 12 small elephants teeth. The 31st we came to Hanta, where I sold some Manillios.

On the 1st of April we had sight of 5 Portuguese ships, on which we stood out to sea to gain the wind of them, which we had done if the wind had kept its ordinary course at S.W. and W.S.W. but this day it kept with a flow always at E. and E.S.E. so that they had the wind of us and chased us to leeward till near night, when all but one that sailed badly were within shot of us. It then fell calm, and the wind came round to S.W. at which time the Christopher was about 4 leagues to leeward of us. We tacked in the Minion, and gained the wind of the Portuguese admiral and other three of his ships; when he cast about and fired at us, which we returned, shooting him four or five times through. Several of their shots went through our sails, but none of our men were hurt. The Christopher was still to leeward, though the Tiger and the pinnace had joined us; but as it was night we did not think it adviseable to lay him on board; wherefore, after firing two hours or more, we three stood out to sea, and fired a gun to give notice to the Christopher. We joined the Christopher on the 2d, which had exchanged shots with the Portuguese the night before about midnight, and we agreed to seek the Portuguese, keeping however to windward of the place where we meant to trade. We accordingly ran all day on the 3d to the S.W. in search of the Portuguese ships, but could not see them, and stood towards the shore at night. When we made the shore on the 4th, we found ourselves off Lagua, 30 leagues to the eastwards of our reckoning, owing to the currents setting east. Going on shore with our negro interpreter, we learned that there were four French ships on the coast: One at Perinnen, 6 leagues west of Lagua; one at Weamba[277], 4 leagues east of Lagua; a third at Perecow[278], 4 leagues east of Weamba; and the fourth at Egrand[279], 4 leagues east of Perecow. We accordingly proceeded toward Weamba, where we saw one of the French ships under sail to which we gave chase; and lest we should over-shoot her in the night, the Minion was brought to anchor, and the Tiger and Christopher followed the chase all night.

[Footnote 276: The Mina is here to be considered as the gold coast of Guinea, called Mina or the mines on account of its great produce in gold dust. The castle of St George del Mina, is usually called in these early voyages the castle.--E.]

[Footnote 277: Or Wiamba, where the English had afterwards a fort.--Astl. I. 172. d.]

[Footnote 278: This seems to have been little Barakhow, or Berow.--Astl. I. 172. c.]

[Footnote 279: Probably Akkara, where the English, Dutch, and Danes had afterwards separate forts--Astl. 1.172. d.]

The 5th we found three French ships at anchor: One called La Foi of Harfleur of 200 tons, the second the Venturuse of Harfleur of 100, and third the Mulet de Batville of Rouen of 120 tons. On nearing them, we in the Minion were determined to lay the admiral on board, while the Christopher boarded the vice-admiral, and the Tiger the smallest. But they weighed and got under sail, on which the Christopher, being our headmost ship, bore down on La Foi, and we in the Minion on the Mulet, which we took; but the Venturuse sailed so swift that we could not take her. The one we took was the richest except the admiral, which had taken 80 libs, of gold, the Venturuse having only 22 libs.; while our prise had 50. They had been above two months on the coast; but three others had been there before them, and had departed a month before our arrival, having swept the coast of 700 pounds of gold. Having continued the chase all that day and night, and the next day till 3 P.M. and being unable to get up with them, we were afraid of falling too far to leewards, and made sail back to the shore. On the 7th, I convened the captains masters and merchants of all our three ships, when we weighed the gold taken in the prize, being 50 libs. 5 oz., after which we put men out of all our ships into the prize to keep her. On the 12th, on coming to Egrand, having taken all the goods out of the prize, we offered to sell the ship to the Frenchmen; but she was so leaky that they would not have her, and begged us to save their lives by taking them into our ships. So we agreed to take out all the victuals and sink the ship, dividing the men among us.

On the 15th, it was proposed to proceed to Benin, but most of our people refused; wherefore it was agreed to remain as long as we could on the coast of Mina, leaving the Minion at Egrand, sending the Tiger to Perecow 4 leagues, west, and the Christopher to Weamba 10 leagues west, with directions in case of seeing any force they were unable to cope with, to come to leewards to us in the Minion at Egrand. We remained here till the last of April, by which time many of our men fell sick and six of them died, and we could only trade with the natives three or four days of the week, as on the other days they could not come off to us. The 3d May, as the pinnace had not come to us with cloth from the other ships, as promised, we sold French cloth, giving only three yards for every fuffe. The 5th the negroes left us, saying they would be back in four days. The 8th all our own cloth being sold, I called the people together, to ask them whether they chose to remain till the prize cloth was all sold. They answered, that as several of our men were dead, and twenty now sick, they would not tarry, but desired that we should repair to the other two ships. On the 10th we accordingly sailed in quest of the other ships, meaning to try what we could do at Don Johns town. The 11th we joined the Christopher, which had done little. The 13th the Tiger was sent down to Egrand, as we found no trade worth while at Perinnen. The 14th the pinnace was sent with cloth to Weamba, where she had before got 10 libs. of gold.

The 21st we anchored before Don Johns town; and on the 22d we manned our boats and went close in shore, but the negroes would not come to us. The 24th our pinnace came to us from Cormantine, where they had taken 2 libs. 5 oz. of gold. The 25th the master of the Christopher sent his boat on shore at Mowre for ballast, when the negroes attempted to drive them off with stones; but our men slew and hurt several of them, then burnt their town and stove all their canoes. The 27th we went to Cormantine, where we were joined next day by the Christopher. The 2d June the Tiger came to us from Egrand and the pinnace from Weamba, the two having procured 50 libs. of gold. The 4th we made sail and plied to windward for Chama, not being able to remain longer for want of victuals, and especially as our drink ran short. The 7th we saw five Portuguese ships at anchor beside the castle. The 8th George and Binny came off to us, and brought about 2 libs. of gold. The 21st we put 25 Frenchmen into our pinnace with such victuals as we could spare, and sent them away. The 25th we put to sea on our homeward voyage. The 30th we fell in again with the land, 18 leagues to leeward of the place whence we had taken our departure, having been deceived by the current which sets continually towards the east. The 7th July we fell in with the island of San Thome [280], where we wished to come to anchor; but the wind coming about we again made sail. From that time till the 13th we were tossed about by baffling winds, and that day fell in again with San Thome.

[Footnote 280: They must have fallen far to leeward, as San Thome is to the east of the Bight of Benin, almost 8 degrees or 160 leagues to the east of St George del Mina.--E.]

This is a very high island, and being on the west side of it, we had sight of a very high small and upright peak, like the steeple of a church, which peak is directly under the equator, and to the westward of the south end of the island there is a small islet about a mile from the larger one. The 3d of August we set sail from San Thome with the wind at S.W. The 22d we fell in with the island of Salt, one of the Cape Verds; and being told by a Scotsman whom we had taken among the French on the coast of Guinea, that there were fresh provisions to be had at this place, we came to anchor. The 24th we went on shore, where we found no houses, and only saw four men who would not come near us. We found plenty of goats, but so wild that we could only take three or four of them; but we got plenty of fish, and great quantities of sea-fowl on a small isle close to the larger one. At night the Christopher broke her cable and lost an anchor, so that we were all obliged to weigh and put to sea. On this occasion the Scotsman was left on shore, by what means we could not tell, unless that he had been found asleep by the inhabitants and carried off-prisoner.

The 25th the master of the Tiger came on board, and reported his ship to be in so leaky a condition and his men so weak, that he was unable to keep her afloat, and requested therefore that we would return to the island to take every thing out of her, that she might be abandoned: This day on mustering the companies of all the three ships, we had not above 30 sound men altogether[281]. The 25th we had sight of St Nicholas, and the day following of St Lucia, St Vincent, and St Anthony, four of the Cape Verd islands, which range with each other from N.W. by W. to S. E by E. The 26th we were unable to weather the Cape of St Anthony, and this day Philip Jones the master of the Christopher came on board and reported that they were not able to keep the Tiger from sinking as she was so leaky, and the master and crew were very weak. The 3d September I went on board the Tiger, accompanied by the masters and merchants to survey her, and we found her in a very leaky condition with only six men fit for duty, one of whom was master gunner. It was agreed accordingly to take all the men into the other ships, with all the goods we could save, and then to abandon her. We began discharging her on the 5th, and having taken out her guns, victuals, gold, and every thing we could by the 8th, we set her adrift in lat. 25° N.

[Footnote 281: At this place Hakluyt observes in a note, the great inconvenience of staying late on the coast of Guinea. He ought rather to have said, the impropriety of sailing too late for that coast.--E.]

On the 6th October, the ships companies both of the Minion and Christopher being very weak, so as to be scarce able to keep the sea, we agreed to make for Vigo, which is frequented by many English ships; but having a fair wind for England on the 10th, we fired two shots to give notice to the Christopher of our intention, and immediately shaped our course homewards. She followed us, and we carried a light to direct her way; but it was so thick next morning that we could not see her, and as she was not seen all that day we concluded she had either shot ahead of us in the night or had bore up for Spain, for which reason we hoisted our top-sails and continued our course, being then 120 leagues from England and 45 leagues N.W. by W. from Cape Finister, having then only six mariners and six merchants in health. The 16th we had a great storm at W.S.W. by W. which came on about 6 P.M. and our men being very weak and unable to hand our sails, we that night lost our mainsail, foresail, and spritsail, and were obliged to lie hulling till the 18th, when we got up an old foresail; and finding ourselves now in the Channel, we bore up for the coast of England. In less than two hours the old foresail was blown from the yard by a spurt of wind, and we were again forced to lie to till the morning of the 19th, when we got up an old bonnet, or topsail, on the fore-yard, which by the blessing of God brought us to the Isle of Wight in the afternoon of the 20th.

Commodities most in request in Guinea, between Sierra Leone and the farthest extremity of the Mine or Gold Coast[282].

Swords, daggers, prize-mantles and gowns, cloaks, hats, red cans, Spanish blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of iron, slight bells, low priced gloves, leather bags, and any other trifling articles you will.

[Footnote 282: This list is appended in Hakluyt's Collection, II.513. to the present voyage, and is therefore here retained, though several of the articles are scarcely intelligible.--E.]

SECTION VII.

Notices of an intended Voyage to Guinea, in 1561[283].

In 1561, a voyage was projected to Guinea by Sir William Gerard, knight, in conjunction with Messrs William Hunter, Benjamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Only one ship, the Minion, was to have gone, and seems to have been intended to assist and bring home the Primrose and Flower de Luce, then on the coast. The command of the Minion was to have been given to John Lok, probably the same person who made the Guinea voyage in 1554, already inserted. The adventurers sent the following articles of instruction to Mr Lok, dated 8th September 1561. But Lok declined undertaking the voyage for the following reasons, dated Bristol, 11th December 1561. 1. The Minion was so spent and rotten, as to be incapable of being put into a fit and safe condition for the voyage. 2. The season was too far gone to perform the voyage in safety. 3. He understood that four large Portuguese ships were in readiness to intercept him. 4. It was quite uncertain that he should meet the Primrose, which would have completed her voyage before he could get to the coast, or would have been obliged to quit the coast by that time for want of provisions. It will be seen in the succeeding section, that the Minion actually proceeded on her voyage; on the 25th February 1562, and the unsuccessful events of that voyage fully justify the refusal of Lok.

[Footnote 283: Hakluyt, II. 514. Astl I. 176.--As this voyage did not take place, it is principally inserted here for the sake of the instructions devised by the adventurers, for the conduct of the intended expedition--E.]

Remembrance for Mr Lok, at his Arrival on the Coast of Guinea.

When God shall bring you upon the coast of Guinea, you are to make yourself acquainted, as you proceed along the coast, with all its rivers, havens and harbours or roadsteads, making a plat or chart of the same, in which you are to insert every place that you think material, all in their true elevations. You will also diligently inquire what are the commodities to be procured it the several places you visit, and what wares are best calculated for their markets.

As it is believed that a fort on the coast of Mina or the Gold Coast of Guinea, in the King of Habaan's country, might be extremely useful, you are especially desired to consider where such a fort could be best placed, in which you will carefully note the following circumstances.

1. That the situation be adjoining to the sea on one side, so that ships and boats may conveniently load and unload--2. What is the nature of the soil in its neighbourhood?--3. What wood or timber may be had, and in what manner it may be carried?--4. What victuals are to be procured in the country, and what kinds of our victuals are best calculated for keeping there?--5. The place must be strong by nature, or capable of being made strong at small expence, and of being afterwards defended by a small number of men.--6. How water is to be procured, if none is to be had on the ground where the fort is to stand, or at least near it?--7. What help may be expected from the natives, either in building the fort, or in defending it afterwards?

You are to sound the King of Habaan at a distance as to the erection of a fort in his country, taking notice how he relishes the proposal; yet you will so manage your communication with him that he may not understand your meaning, although there may seem good cause for its erection.

You will search the country as far as you can, both along the coast and into the interior. You will likewise use your endeavours to learn what became of the merchants who were left at Benin. In all other important matters worthy of notice, we have no doubt that you will diligently inquire and report to us, which we leave to your good discretion. We also request, that you will aid and assist our factors on all occasions, both with your advice and otherwise; and thus God send you safely to return.

SECTION VIII.

Voyage to Guinea in 1562, written by William Rutter[284].

This relation is said by Hakluyt to have been written by one William Rutter, to his master Anthony Hickman, being an account of a voyage to Guinea in 1562, fitted out by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Three of these are named in the preceding section as adventurers in the voyage proposed to have gone under John Lok, and two of those former adventurers are here omitted, while two others seem now to have supplied their places, yet it appears to have been the same adventure, as the Minion was the ship employed, notwithstanding the unfavourable report made of her by Lok. But it would appear that the Primrose was likewise of this voyage, as this relation is contained in a letter from Rutter to his master, dated on board the Primrose, 16th of August 1563.--E.

[Footnote 284: Hakluyt, II. 516. Astley, I. 177.]

Worshipful Sir,--My duty remembered, this shall serve to inform you of our voyage, since our departure from Dartmouth on the 25th February 1562, of which I then gave you notice. Having prosperous wind, we arrived at Cape Verd on the 20th of March, whence we sailed along the coast, to our first appointed port at Rio de Sestos, where we arrived on the morning of the 3d April. We here saw a French ship, which immediately made sail to leeward, and we came to anchor in the road. While we merchants were on shore engaged in traffic, the French ship returned and hailed [saluted] our ship with his ordnance. We were informed by the negroes that the Frenchman had been trading there for three days before our arrival, and we concluded, if he sent his boat on shore again for trade, that we would not suffer him till we had conferred with his captain and merchants. Accordingly his pinnace came on shore in the afternoon, but we desired them not to trade till we had spoken with their captain and merchants, whom we desired might come that night on board our admiral for that purpose. They did so accordingly, when Mr Burton and John Munt went on board the Minion, where the Frenchmen were, and it was determined that they should wait eight days beside us, allowing us to trade quietly the while. They were much dissatisfied with this arrangement, and sailed next morning eastwards to the Rio de Potos, on purpose to hinder our trade on the coast.

In consequence of this the merchants, both of the Minion and our ship, determined to go on before them, understanding that no other ships had gone that way before this season, and that our trade might not be interrupted by the French ship. We did so accordingly, and found the Frenchman trading to the westward at Rio de Potos, on which we passed them, and came to Rio de Potos on the 12th of April, where we remained trading till the 15th, when we departed with the Primrose for the river St Andrew, where we agreed to wait for the Minion. We arrived at that river on the 17th, and the Minion came to us that same day, saying that they had met with a great ship and a caravel, belonging to the king of Portugal, off cape Palmas, bound for the Mina, which had chased them, and shot many guns at them, which the Minion had returned in her defence. God be praised the Minion had no harm at that time. We then concluded to hasten to cape Three-points, to endeavour to intercept them on their way to the castle. We lay to off the cape for two days and a night, and suspecting they were past, the Minion went in shore and sent her boats to a place called Anta, where we had formerly traded. Next morning, the 21st of April, we again saw the ship and caravel to seaward, when we immediately made sail, endeavouring to get between them and the castle, but to our great grief they got to the castle before us, when they shot freely at us and we at them, but as they had the aid of the castle against us we profited little.

We set sail in the afternoon, and came to the town of Don Juan, called Equi, where, on the morning of the 22d, we went ashore to trade: But the negroes refused till they should hear from Don Luis the son of Don Juan, who was now dead. On the 23d Don Luis and Pacheco came to Equi, intending to trade with us; but two gallies came rowing along shore from the castle of Mina, meaning to interrupt our trade. We made sail on the 24th, and chased the gallies back to the castle, at which the negroes were much pleased; but they desired us to proceed to Mowre, about three leagues farther on, where they promised to follow us, being in fear of the Portuguese. We did so, and remained there waiting for the merchants who were coming with gold from the country, but Antonio, the son of Don Luis, and Pacheco were on board the Minion. In the morning of the 25th the two gallies came again from the castle, the weather being very calm, and shot at us, hitting us three times. Shortly after the land-wind sprung up, at which time we observed the great ship and the caravel making towards us, on which we weighed and made sail to attack them; but it was night before we could get up with them, and we lost sight of them in the night. While returning towards the coast next night we agreed to proceed to Cormantin; and next morning, the 28th, we found ourselves very near the large ship and the two gallies, the caravel being close in-shore. It being very calm, the two gallies rowed towards the stern of the Minion, and fought with her most part of the forenoon. During the engagement a barrel of powder blew up in the steward room of the Minion, by which misfortune the master-gunner, the steward, and most of the gunners were sore hurt. On perceiving this, the gallies became more fierce, and with one shot cut half through the Minions foremast, so that she could bear no sail till that were repaired. Soon after this, the great ship sent her boat to the gallies, which suddenly withdrew.

After their departure we went on board the Minion to consult what was best to be done: As the Minion was sore discomfited by the accident, and as we knew the negroes durst not trade with us so long as the gallies were upon the coast, it was agreed to return to the Rio Sestos. In the morning of the 14th of May we fell in with the land, and being uncertain whereabout we were, the boats were sent on shore to learn the truth, when it was found to be the Rio Barbas. We remained there taking in water till the 21st, and lost five of our men by the Hack pinnace over-setting. Departing on the 22d, we came to the Rio Sestos on the 2d of June. We again set sail on the 4th, and arrived this day, the 6th of August, within sight of the Start Point in the west of England, for which God be praised. We are very side and weak, not having above twenty men in both ships, able for duty. Of our men 21 have died, and many more are sore hurt or sick. Mr Burton has been sick for six weeks, and is now so very weak that, unless God strengthen him, I fear he will hardly escape. Your worship will find inclosed an abstract of all the goods we have sold, and also of what commodities we have received for them; reserving all things else till our meeting, and to the bearer of this letter.

In this voyage there were brought home, in 1563, 166 elephants teeth, weighing 1758 libs, and 22 buts full of grains, or Guinea pepper.

SECTION IX.

Supplementary Account of the foregoing Voyage [285]

An account of the preceding voyage to Guinea in 1563, of which this section is an abstract, was written in verse by Robert Baker, who appears to have been one of the factors employed by the adventurers. It is said to have been written in prison in France, where he had been carried on his subsequent voyage, which forms the subject of the next section, and was composed at the importunity of his fellow traveller and fellow-prisoner, Mr George Gage, the son of Sir Edward Gage. Of this voyage he relates nothing material, except a conflict which happened with the negroes at a certain river, the name of which is not mentioned; neither does the foregoing relation by Rutter give any light into the matter. But from the circumstance of the ship commencing her return for England immediately after this adventure, it must have happened at the river Sestos or Sestre, which was the last place they touched at, and where they staid three days, as stated both in this and the proceeding narratives.--Astl. I. 179.

[Footnote 285: Astley, I. 179. Hakluyt, II. 518.]

In the versified relation, which is to be found at large in the last edition of Hakluyts Collection, London, 1810, Vol. II. p.518-523, he complains of being detained in a French prison, against all law and right, as the war between England and France was concluded by a peace. The account given of this conflict with the negroes is to the following effect--E.

One day while the ship was at anchor on the coast of Guinea, Baker ordered out the small pinnace or boat, with nine men well armed, to go on shore to traffic. At length, having entered a river, he saw a great number of negroes, whose captain came to him stark naked, sitting in a canoe made of a log, like a trough to feed hogs in. Stopping, at some distance, the negro chief put water on his cheek, not caring to trust himself nearer till Baker did the like. This signal of friendship being answered, and some tempting merchandize being shewn him, the chief came forward and intimated by signs, that he would stand their friend if some of these things were given him. He was gratified, and many things given to others of the natives. After trading all day with the negroes, Baker returned at night to the ship, carrying the chief along with him, where he clothed him and treated him kindly. In return the chief promised by signs to freight them in a day or two. While on board, Baker observed that the chief took much notice of the boat which was left astern, of the ship loaded with goods; yet not suspecting he had any ill design, no farther care or precaution was taken of the boat.

Next morning the chief was carried on shore, and trade or barter went on with the negroes as on the day before; and at the return of Baker to the ship, the boat was fastened to the stern, and the goods left in her as usual. In the night the negro captain came with two or three canoes, and was noticed by the watch to be very busy about the boat. On giving the alarm, the negroes fled; but on hoisting up the boat, all the goods were carried of. Vexed at being so tricked, the English went next morning up the river to the negro town, in order to recover their goods; but all their signs were to no purpose, as the negroes would neither understand them nor acknowledge the theft. On the contrary, as if wronged by the charge, and resolved to revenge the affront, they followed the English down the river in 100 canoes, while as many appeared farther down ready to intercept their passage. In each canoe were two men armed with targets and darts, most of which had long strings to draw them back again after they were thrown.

Being hard pressed, they discharged their arquebuses upon the negroes, who leapt into the water to avoid the shot. The English then rowed with all their might to get to sea; but the negroes getting again into their canoes, pursued and overtook them. Then drawing near, poured in their darts with accurate aim. The English kept them off with their pikes and halberts, and many of the negroes being slain or wounded by the English arrows and hail-shot from the arquebuses, they retreated. But when the English had expended all their arrows, the negroes came on again, and made many attempts to board the boat. The negro chief, who was a large tall man, advanced in his canoe under cover of his target, with a poisoned dart in his hand, in order to board; and as he pressed forward, the masters-mate thrust a pike through his target and throat, which dispatched him. While the mate was striving to disengage his pike, which stuck fast in the shield, he was wounded by a dart; yet drew the dart from his flesh and killed with it the negro who had wounded him. The enemy continued the fight closer than ever, and did great mischief with their darts, which made wide and grievous wounds. The gunner received two desperate wounds, and lost a great deal of blood, and the brave masters-mate, while standing firmly in his post, was struck through the ribs by a dart, on pulling out which his bowels followed, and he fell down dead. On perceiving this, the negroes gave a great shout, and pressed to enter the boat where the mate had stood, imagining as so many of the English were wounded they would now soon yield. But four of those remaining in the pinnace kept them off with their pikes, while the other four at the oars made the best of their way to sea.

At length they got out of the river, and the negroes retired having expended all their darts. This was fortunate for the English, as six of the remaining eight were desperately wounded, one of whom was Robert Baker, the author of this narrative, and only two remained who were able to handle the oars, so that they made very slow progress to the ship, which appears to have been four leagues from the shore. When they got on board they were all so faint that none of them were able to stand. After having their wounds dressed they refreshed themselves; but as Robert Baker had more occasion for rest than food he went to bed, and when he awoke in the morning the ship was under sail for England.

SECTION X.

Voyage to Guinea in 1563 by Robert Baker[286]

This relation, like the former, is written in verse, and only contains a description of two adventures that happened in the voyage, one of which proved extremely calamitous to those concerned in it, among whom was the author. From the title or preamble, we learn that the adventurers in this voyage were Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Benjamin Gonson, William Winter, Lionel Ducket, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. There were two ships employed, one called the John Baptist, of which Lawrence Rondell was master, and the other the Merlin, Robert Revell master. The factors were Robert Baker, the author, Justinian Goodwine, James Gliedell, and George Gage. They set out on their voyage in November 1563, bound for Guinea and the river Sestos, but the port whence they fitted out is nowhere mentioned. After the unlucky disaster that befel him in Guinea in the year before, Baker had made a kind of poetical vow not to go near that country any more; but after his return to England, and recovery from his wounds, he soon forgot past sorrows; and being invited to undertake the voyage in quality of factor, he consented.--Astley.

[Footnote 286: Astley I. 180. Hakluyt, II. 523-531. The prose abstract here inserted is chiefly taken from Astleys collection, carefully compared with the original versified narrative in Hakluyt.--E.]

After we had been at sea two days and a night, the man from the main-top descried a sail or two, the tallest of which they immediately made up to, judging her to be the most valuable; and, as captains are in use to do[287], I hailed her to know whence she was. She answered from France, on which we waved her, but she nothing dismayed, waved us in return. I immediately ordered armed men aloft into the main and fore-tops, and caused powder to be laid on the poop to blow up the enemy if they should board us that way. At the sound of trumpets we began the fight, discharging both chain and bar-shot from our brazen artillery; while the Frenchmen, flourishing their swords from the main-yard, called out to us to board their ship. Willing to accept their invitation, we plied them warmly with our cannon, and poured in flights of arrows, while our arquebuses plied them from loop-holes, and we endeavoured to set their sails on fire by means of arrows and pikes carrying wildfire. I encouraged, the men to board, by handing spiced wine liberally among them, which they did with lime-pots, after breaking their nets with stones, while those of our men who were aloft entered the enemys tops, after killing those who defended them. Then cutting the ropes, they brought down the yard by the board, and those who entered the ship plied the enemy so well with their swords, that at length the remaining Frenchmen ran below deck and cried out for quarter. Having thus become masters of the ship, we carried her to the Groin in Spain, or Corunna, where we sold the ship and cargo for ready money.

[Footnote 287: In these early trading voyages, the chief factor, who here appears to have been Baker, seems to have had the supreme command--Astl. I. 180. b.]

After this we proceeded on our voyage and arrived in Guinea. One day about noon, I went with eight more in a boat towards the shore to trade, meaning to dispatch my business and be back before night. But when we had got near the shore, a furious tempest sprung up, accompanied with rain and thunder, which drove the ships from their anchors out to sea; while we in the boat were forced to run along the coast in search of some place for shelter from the storm, but meeting none, had to remain all night near the shore, exposed to the thunder, rain, and wind in great jeopardy. We learnt afterwards that the ships returned next day in search of us, while we rowed forward along the coast, supposing the ships were before us, and always anxiously looked out for them; but the mist was so great that we could never see them nor they us. The ships continued, as we were told afterwards, looking out for us for two or three days; after which, concluding that we had inevitably perished in the storm, they made the best of their way for England.

Having been three days in great distress for want of food, we at length landed on the coast and exchanged some of our wares with the negroes for roots and such other provisions as they had, and then put to sea again in search of the ships, which we still supposed were before us or to leeward, wherefore we went down the coast to the eastwards. We continued in this manner ranging along shore for twelve days, seeing nothing but thick woods and deserts, full of wild beasts, which often appeared and came in crowds at sunset to the sea shore, where they lay down or played on the sand, sometimes plunging into the water to cool themselves. At any other time it would have been diverting to see how archly the elephants would fill their trucks with water, which they spouted out upon the rest. Besides deer, wild boars, and antelopes, we saw many other wild beasts, such as I had never seen before.

We often saw a man or two on the shore, who on seeing us used to come off in their almadias or canoes; when casting anchor we offered such wares as we had in the boat for fish and fresh water, or provisions of their cooking, and in this way we procured from them roots and the fruit of the palm tree, and some of their wine, which is the juice of a tree and is of the colour of whey. Sometimes we got wild honeycombs; and by means of these and other things we relieved our hunger; but nothing could relieve our grief, fatigue and want of sleep, and we were so sore depressed by the dreadful situation in which we were placed, that we were ready to die, and were reduced to extreme weakness. Having lost all hope of rejoining the ships, which we now concluded were either lost or gone homewards, we knew not how to conduct ourselves. We were in a strange and distant country, inhabited by a people whose manners and customs were entirely different from ours; and to attempt getting home in an open boat destitute of every necessary was utterly impossible. By this time we found we had passed to leeward of Melegete or the grain coast, and had got to the Mina or gold coast of Guinea, as the negroes who now came on board spoke some Portuguese, and brought off their weights and scales for the purpose of trade, asking where were our ships. To this we answered, in hopes of being the better treated, that we had two ships at sea, which would be with them in a day or two.

We now consulted together how they should best proceed. If we continued at sea in our boat, exposed by day to the burning heat of the sun which sensibly consumed us by copious perspiration, and to the frequent tornadoes or hurricanes by night, accompanied with thunder, lightning and rain; which deprived us of all rest, we could not possibly long hold out. We were often three days without a morsel of food; and having sat for twenty days continually in our boat, we were in danger of losing the use of our limbs for want of exercise, and our joints were so swollen by the scurvy, that we could hardly stand upright. It was not possible for us to remain much longer in the boat in our present condition, so that it was necessary to come to some resolution, and we had only three things to choose. The first was to repair to the castle of St George del Mina, which was not far off, and give ourselves up to the Portuguese who were Christians, if we durst trust them or expect the more humanity on that account. Even the worst that could happen to us from them was to be hanged out of our misery; yet possibly they might have some mercy on us, as nine young men such as we were might be serviceable in their gallies, and if made galley slaves for life we should have victuals enough to enable us to tug at the oar, whereas now we had both to row and starve.

The next alternative was to throw ourselves upon the mercy of the negroes, which I stated was very hopeless and discouraging, as I did not see what favour could be expected from a beastly savage people, whose condition was worse than that of slaves, and who possibly might be cannibals. It was likewise difficult for us to conform ourselves to their customs, so opposite to ours; and, we could not be expected, having always lived on animal food, to confine ourselves to roots and herbs like the negroes, which are the food of wild beasts. Besides, having been always accustomed to the use of clothes, we could not for shame go naked. Even if we could get the better of that prejudice, our bodies would be grievously tormented and emaciated by the scorching heat of the sun, for want of that covering and defence to which we had been accustomed. The only other course was to stay at sea in the boat, and die miserably. Being determined to run any risk at land, rather than to continue pent up in a narrow boat, exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather day and night, and liable to be famished for want of victuals, I gave it as my opinion that we had better place confidence in the Christian Portuguese than in the negroes who lived like so many brutes. We how determined to throw ourselves on the mercy of the Portuguese, and hoisting sail shaped our course for the castle of St George del Mina; which was not above 20 leagues distant. We went on all day without stopping till late at night, when we perceived a light on shore. Concluding that this might be a place of trade, our boatswain proposed to cast anchor at this place, in hopes that we might be able to procure provisions next morning in exchange for some of our wares. This was agreed upon, and on going next morning near the shore we saw a watchhouse upon a rock, in the place whence the light had proceeded during the night, and near the watchhouse a large black cross was erected. This made us doubtful whereabout we were, and on looking farther we perceived a castle which perplexed us still more[288].

[Footnote 288: It appears in the sequel that this fort or castle had been recently erected by the Portuguese at the western point or head-land of Cape Three-points, and of which there are no notices in any of the preceding voyages on this part of the coast.--Astley, I. 132, a.]

Our doubts were quickly solved by the appearance of some Portuguese, one of whom held a white flag in his hand which he waved as inviting us to come on shore. Though we were actually bound in quest of the Portuguese, yet our hearts now failed us, and we tacked about to make from the shore. On being seen from the castle, a gun was fired at us by a negro, the ball from which fell within a yard of our boat. At length we turned towards the shore to which we rowed, meaning to yield ourselves up; but to our great surprise, the nearer we came to the shore the more did the Portuguese fire at us; and though the bullets fell thick about us we continued to advance till we got close under the castle wall, when we were out of danger from their cannon. We now determined to land in order to try the courtesy of the Portuguese, but were presently assailed by showers of stones from the castle: wall, and saw a number of negroes marching down to the beach with their darts and targets, some of them having bows and poisoned arrows. Their attack was very furious, partly from heavy stones falling into the boat which threatened to break holes in her bottom, as well as from flights of arrows which came whizzing about our ears, and even wounded some of us: Therefore being in desperation, we pushed off from the shore to return to sea, setting four of our men to row, while the other five determined to repay some part of the civility we had received, and immediately handled our fire-arms and bows. We employed these at first against the negroes on the beach, some of whom soon dropped; and then against the Portuguese who stood on the walls dressed in long white-shirts and linstocks in their hands, many of which were dyed red by means of the English arrows. We thus maintained our ground a long while, fighting at our leisure, regardless of the threats of the enemy, as we saw they had no gallies to send out to make us prisoners. When we had sufficiently revenged their want of hospitality, we rowed off, and though we knew that we must pass through another storm of bullets from the castle, we escaped without damage.

When we got out to sea, we saw three negroes rowing after us in an almadia, who came to inquire to what country we belonged, speaking good Portuguese. We told them we were Englishmen, and said we had brought wares to trade with them if they had not used us so ill. As the negroes inquired where our ship was, we said we had two at sea well equipped, which would soon come to the coast to trade for gold, and that we only waited their return. The negroes then pretended to be sorry for what had happened, and intreated us to remain where we were for that day, and promised to bring us whatever we were in want of. But placing no confidence in their words, we asked what place that was, and being answered that it was a Portuguese castle at the western head-land of Cape Three-points, we hoisted sail and put to sea, to look out for some more friendly place.

We now resolved to have no more reliance on the kindness of the Portuguese, of which we had thus sufficient experience, and to make trial of the hospitality of the negroes; for which purpose we sailed back about 30 leagues along the coast, and coming to anchor, some natives came off to the boat, to all of whom we gave presents. By this we won their hearts, and the news of such generous strangers being on the coast soon brought the kings son to our boat. On his arrival, I explained our sad case to him as well as I could by signs, endeavouring to make him understand that we were quite forlorn, having been abandoned by our ships, and being almost famished for want of food, offering him all the goods in our boat if he would take us under his protection and relieve our great distress. The negro chief was moved even to tears, and bid us be comforted. He went then on shore to know his fathers pleasure regarding us, and returning presently invited us to land. This was joyful news to us all, and we considered him as a bountiful benefactor raised up to us by the goodness of Providence. We accordingly fell to our oars in all haste to pull on shore, where at least 500 negroes were waiting our arrival; but on coming near shore the surf ran so high that the boat overset, on which the negroes plunged immediately into the water and brought us all safe on shore. They even preserved the boat and all that was in her, some swimming after the oars, and others diving for the goods that had sunk. After this they hauled the boat on shore and brought every thing that belonged to us, not daring to detain the most trifling article, so much were they in awe of the kings son, who was a stout and valiant man, and having many excellent endowments.

They now brought us such provisions as they used themselves, and being very hungry we fed heartily, the negroes all the while staring at us with much astonishment, as the common people are used to do in England at strange outlandish creatures. Notwithstanding all this apparent humanity and kindness, we were still under great apprehensions of the negroes, all of whom were armed with darts. That night we lay upon the ground among the negroes, but never once closed our eyes, tearing they might kill us while asleep. Yet we received no hurt from them, and for two days fared well; but finding the ships did not come for us, as they expected would soon have been the case, when likewise they looked to have had a large quantity of goods distributed among them in reward for their hospitality, they soon became weary of us; and after lessening our allowance from day to day, they at length left us to shift for ourselves. In this forlorn state, we had to range about the woods in search of fruits and roots, which last we had to dig from the ground with our fingers for want of any instruments. Hunger had quite abated the nicety of our palates, and we were glad to feed on every thing we could find that was eatable. Necessity soon reconciled us to going naked, for our clothes becoming rotten with our sweat fell from our backs by degrees, so that at length we had scarcely rags left to cover our nakedness. We were not only forced to provide ourselves in food, but had to find fuel and utensils to dress it. We made a pot of clay dried in the sun, in which we boiled our roots, and roasted the berries in the embers, feasting every evening on these varieties. At night we slept on the bare ground, making a great fire round us to scare away the wild beasts.

What with the entire change in our manner of living, and the heat and unhealthiness of the climate, our people sickened apace; and in a short time our original number of nine was reduced to three. To those who died it was a release from misery, but we who remained were rendered more forlorn and helpless than before. At length, when we had abandoned all hopes of relief, a French ship arrived on the coast, which took us on board and carried us to France, which was then at war with England, where we were detained prisoners.

SECTION XI.

A Voyage to Guinea, in 1564:, by Captain David Carlet[289].

At a meeting of merchant adventurers, held at the house of Sir William Gerard, on the 11th July 1564, for setting forth a voyage to Guinea, the following chief adventurers were present, Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and John Castelin. It was then agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford for his letters to Peter Pet, to go about rigging of the Minion at the charges of the queens majesty, after which Francis Ashbie was to repair with these letters to Gillingham, with money to supply our charges there.

[Footnote 289: Hakluyt, II. 531. Astley, I. 134.]

It was also agreed that every one of the five partners shall forthwith call upon their partners to supply, towards this new rigging and victualling L.29, 10s. 6d., for every L.100 value. Also that every one of the five partners shall forthwith bring in L.50, towards the furniture of the premises. Likewise, if Mr Gonson give his consent that the Merlin shall be brought round from Bristol to Hampton, that a letter shall be drawn under his hand, before order be given in the same.

The ships employed in this voyage were, the Minion belonging to the queen, David Carlet, captain, the John Baptist of London, and the Merlin belonging to Mr Gonson. The success of this voyage in part appears by certain brief relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir John Hawkins to the West Indies, made in the year 1564, which I have thought good to set down for want of more direct information, which hitherto I have not been able to procure notwithstanding every possible endeavour[290].

[Footnote 290: This is the substance of Hakluyt's introduction to the following brief relation of the present voyage.--E.]

Sir John, then only Mr Hawkins, departed from Plymouth with a prosperous wind for the West Indies, on the 18th of October 1564, having under his command the Jesus of Lubec of 700 tons, the Salomon of 140 tons, a bark named the Tiger of 50 tons, and a pinnace called the Swallow of 30 tons, having in all 170 men, well supplied with ordnance and provisions for such a voyage. While casting loose the foresail, one of the officers in the Jesus was killed by the fall of a block, giving a sorrowful beginning to the expedition. After getting ten leagues out to sea, they fell in with the Minion, a ship belonging to the queen, of which David Carlet was captain, and her consort the John Baptist of London; which two ships were bound for Guinea. The two squadrons, as they may be called, saluted each other with some pieces of ordnance, after the custom of the sea; after which the Minion parted company to seek her other consort the Merlin of London, which was out of sight astern, leaving the John Baptist in company with Hawkins.

Continuing their voyage with a prosperous wind until the 21st, a great storm arose at N.E. about 9 o'clock at night, which continued 23 hours, in which storm Hawkins lost sight of the John Baptist and of his pinnace called the Swallow, the other three ships being sore tossed by the tempest. To his great joy the Swallow joined company again in the night, 10 leagues to the north of Cape Finister, having been obliged to go roomer, as she was unable to weather that cape against a strong contrary wind at S.W. On the 25th, the wind still continuing contrary, he put into Ferol in Galicia, where he remained five days, and gave out proper instructions to the masters of the other ships for keeping company during the rest of the voyage.

On the 26th of the month the Minion came into Ferol, on which Mr Hawkins saluted her with some guns, according to the custom of the sea, as a welcome for her safe arrival: But the people of the Minion were not in the humour of rejoicing, on account of the misfortune which had happened to their consort the Merlin, whom they had gone to seek on the coast of England when they parted from Mr Hawkins. Having met with her, they kept company for two days; when, by the negligence of one of the gunners of the Merlin, the powder in her gun-room took fire, by which her stern was blown out and three of her men lost, besides many sore hurt, who saved their lives in consequence of their brigantine being at her stern; for the Merlin immediately sunk, to the heavy loss of the owners and great grief of the beholders.

On the 30th of the month, Mr Hawkins and his ships, together with the Minion and her remaining consort the John Baptist, set sail in the prosecution of their voyage with a prosperous gale, the Minion having both brigantines at her stern. The 4th of November they had sight of Madeira, and the 6th of Tenerife, which they thought to have been grand Canary, as they reckoned themselves to the east of Tenerife, but were not. The Minion and her consort, being 3 or 4 leagues a head of the ships of Mr Hawkins, kept the course for Tenerife, of which they had a better view than the other ships, and by that means they parted company.

Hawkins and his ships continued his voyage by Cape Verd and Sierra Leone, after which he crossed the Atlantic ocean and came to the town of Burboroata on the coast of the Terra Firma in the West Indies, or South America; where he afterwards received information of the unfortunate issue of the Guinea voyage, in the following manner. While at anchor in the outer road on the 29th of April 1565, a French ship came in called the Green Dragon of Newhaven, of which one Bon-temps was captain, which saluted the English squadron after the custom of the sea, and was saluted in return. This ship had been at the Mina, or Gold coast of Guinea, whence she had been driven off by the Portuguese gallies, and obliged to make for the Terra Firma to endeavour to sell her wares. She informed that the Minion had been treated in the same manner; and that the captain, David Carlet, with a merchant or factor and twelve mariners, had been treacherously made prisoners by the negroes on their arrival on that coast, and remained in the hands of the Portuguese; besides which they had lost others of their men through the want of fresh water, and were in great doubts of being able to get home the ships[291].

[Footnote 291: Hakluyt might have said whether they did come home or not, which he certainly might have known; but he often leaves us in the dark as to such matters.--Astl. I. 185. a.]

Note.--It may not be improper to state in this place, that no ship need be reduced to utter distress for want of fresh water at sea; as distilled sea water is perfectly fresh and wholesome. For this purpose, all ships bound on voyages of any length, ought to have a still head worm and cooler adapted to the cooking kettle, to be used when needed, by which abundance of fresh water may always be secured while cooking the ships provisions, sufficient to preserve the lives of the crew. In default of that useful appendage, a still may be easily constructed for the occasion, by means of the pitch kettle, a reversed tea kettle for a head, and a gun barrel fixed to the spout of the tea kettle, the breach pin being screwed out, and the barrel either soldered to the spout, or fixed by a paste of flour, soap and water, tied round with rags and twine. The tea kettle and gun barrel are to be kept continually wet by means of swabs and sea water, to cool and condense the steam. This distilled water is at first vapid and nauseous, both to the taste and the stomach; but by standing open for some time, especially if agitated in contact with air, or by pumping air through it, as is commonly done to sweeten putrid water, this unpleasant and nauseous vapidness is soon removed.

The nautical world owes this excellent discovery, of distilled sea water being perfectly fresh, to the late excellent and ingenious Dr James Lino, first physician to the general hospital of the navy at Haslar near Portsmouth during the American war, the author of two admirable works, on the Scurvy, and the Means of Preserving the Health of Seamen during long voyages, to which the British navy, and seamen in general, owe inestimable advantages. The editor, while giving this useful hint to seamen engaged on long voyages, is happy in having an opportunity of bearing this feeble testimony of honourable respect to the friend of his youth, under whom he had the happiness and advantage of serving, in that magnificent asylum of the brave defenders of the glory and prosperity of our king and country, for the last three years of the American war. Besides being an eminent and experienced physician, Dr Lind was a man of exemplary humanity, and of uncommon urbanity and singleness of manners: He was truly the seaman's friend. The rules and expedients which he devised and proposed, founded on the solid basis, of observation and experience, for Preserving the Health of Seamen on long voyages, were afterwards employed and perfected by the great navigator and discoverer COOK, and by his pupils and followers; and are now universally established in our glorious navy, to the incalculable advantage of the service.

In high northern or southern latitudes, solid clear ice melted affords good fresh water, the first runnings being thrown away as contaminated by adhering sea water. White cellular ice is quite unfit for the purpose, being strongly impregnated with salt. In future articles of our work, several opportunities will occur in which these two expedients for supplying ships with fresh water will be amply detailed. But on the present opportunity, it seemed proper to mention these easy and effectual expedients for preserving the health and lives of seamen, when in want of fresh water by the ordinary means.--Ed.

SECTION XII.

A Voyage to Guinea and the Cape de Verd Islands in 1566, by George Fenner[292]

Three ships were employed on this voyage, the admiral, called the Castle of Comfort, George Fenner general[293] of the expedition, and William Bats master; the May-Flower, vice-admiral, William Courtise master; the George, John Heiwood captain, and John Smith of Hampton master; besides a small pinnace. Walter Wren, the writer of the narrative, belonged to the George.

[Footnote 292: Hakluyt, II. 533. Astley, I. 185.]

[Footnote 293: This general was probably head factor--E.]

We departed from Plymouth on the 10th December 1566, and were abreast of Ushant on the 12th. On the 15th we got sight of Cape Finister, and lost company of our admiral that night, for which reason we sailed along the coast of Portugal, hoping our admiral might be before us. Meeting a French ship on the 18th and getting no intelligence of our admiral, we made sail for the Canaries, and fell in with the island of Tenerife on the 28th, where we came to anchor in a small bay, at which there were three or four small houses, about a league from the town of Santa Cruz. In this island there is a marvellous high hill called the Peak, and although it is in lat. 28° N. where the air is as warm in January as it is in England at midsummer, the top of this hill, to which no man has ever been known to ascend, is seldom free from snow even in the middle of summer. On the 3d January 1567, we departed from this place, going round the western point of the island, about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz, and came into a bay right over against the house of one Pedro de Souza, where we came to anchor on the 5th, and heard that our admiral had been there at anchor seven days before us, and had gone thence to the island of Gomera, to which place we followed him, and coming to anchor on the 6th over against the town of Gomera, we found our admiral at anchor to our great mutual satisfaction. We found here Edward Cooke in a tall ship, and a ship of the coppersmiths of London, which had been treacherously seized by the Portuguese in the bay of Santa Cruz on the coast of Barbary, or Morocco, which ship we left there all spoiled. At this place we bought 14 buts of wine for sea stores, at 15 ducats a but, which had been offered to us at Santa Cruz for 8, 9, or 10 ducats. The 9th we went to another bay about three leagues off, where we took in fresh water; and on the 10th we sailed for Cape Blanco on the coast of Africa.

The 12th we came to a bay to eastwards of Cape Pargos, (Barbas?) which is 35 leagues from Cape Blanco, but being unacquainted with that part of the coast, we proceeded to Cape Blanco, off which we had 16 fathoms two leagues from shore, the land being very low and all white sand. At this place it is necessary to beware of going too near shore, as when in 12 or 10 fathoms you may be aground within two or three casts of the lead. Directing our course on the 17th S. and S. by E. we fell into a bay about 16 leagues east of Cape Verd, where the land seemed like a great number of ships under sail, owing to its being composed of a great number of hummocks, some high some low, with high trees upon them. When within three leagues of the land we sounded and had 28 fathoms over a ground of black ouze. This day we saw much fish in sundry sculs or shoals, swimming with their noses at the surface. Passing along this coast we saw two small round hills about a league from the other, forming a cape, and between them great store of trees, and in all our sailing we never saw such high land as these two hills. The 19th we came to anchor at the cape in a road, fast by the western side of two hills[294], where we rode in 10 fathoms, though we might safely have gone into five or six fathoms, as the ground is good and the wind always blows from the shore.

[Footnote 294: The paps of Cape Verd are about a League S.S.E. from the extreme west point of the Cape.--E.]

At this place some of our officers and merchants went on shore with the boat unarmed, to the number of about 20 persons, among whom were Mr George Fenner the general, his brother Edward Fenner, Thomas Valentine, John Worme, and Francis Leigh, merchants, John Haward, William Bats, Nicholas Day, John Thomson, and several others. At their coming on shore they were met by above 100 negroes armed with bows and arrows. After some talk pledges were interchanged, five of the English being delivered into their hands, and three negroes taken on board the admirals skiff. Our people mentioned the merchandize they had brought, being linen and woolen cloth, iron, cheese, and other articles; on which the negroes said that they had civet, musk, gold, and grains to give in exchange, with which our people were well pleased. The negroes desired to see our merchandize, on which one of the boats was sent back to the ships, while our general and merchants remained in the other with the three negroe pledges, our five men walking about on shore among the negroes. On the return of the boat from the ship with goods, bread, wine, and cheese were distributed among the natives. At this time two of the negroe pledges, on pretence of sickness, were allowed to go on shore, promising to send two others in their stead. On perceiving this, Captain Haiward began to dread some perfidy, and retreated towards the boat, followed by two or three negroes, who stopped him from going on board, and made signs for him to bring them more bread and wine, and when he would have stepped into the boat, one of them caught him by the breeches, but he sprung from him and leapt into the boat. As soon as he was in, one of the negroes on shore began to blow a pipe, on which the negroe pledge who remained in the boat, suddenly drew Mr Wormes sword, cast himself into the sea and swam on shore. The negroes immediately laid hands on our men that were on shore, and seized three of them with great violence, tore their clothes from their backs, and left them nothing to cover them. Then many of them shot so thick at our men in the boats that they could scarcely handle their oars, yet by God's help they got the boats away, though many of them were hurt by the poisoned arrows. This poison is incurable, if the arrow pierce the skin so as to draw blood, except the poison be immediately sucked out, or the part hurt be cut out forthwith; otherwise the wounded man inevitably dies in four days. Within three hours after any part of the body is hurt, or even slightly pricked, although it be the little toe, the poison reaches the heart, and affects the stomach with excessive vomiting, so that the person can take neither meat nor drink.

The persons seized in this treacherous manner by the negroes were Nicholas Day, William Bats, and John Thomson, who were led away to a town about a mile from the shore. The 20th we sent a boat on shore with eight persons, among whom was the before-mentioned John Thomson[295] and our interpreter, who was a Frenchman, as one of the negroes spoke good French. They carried with them two arquebuses, two targets, and a mantell? and were directed to learn what ransom the negroes demanded for Bats and Day whom they detained. On coming to the shore and telling the negroes the nature of their errand, Bats and Day were brought from among some trees quite loose, but surrounded by some 40 or 50 negroes. When within a stone's throw of the beach, Bats broke suddenly from them and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat; but immediately on getting into the water he fell, so that the negroes retook him, violently tearing off his clothes. After this some of the negroes carried our two men back to the town, while the rest began to shoot at our people in the boat with their poisoned arrows, and wounded one of our men in the small of the leg, who had nearly died in spite of every thing our surgeons could do for him. Notwithstanding this unjustifiable conduct, our general sent another message to the negroes, offering any terms they pleased to demand as ransom for our men. But they gave for answer, that three weeks before we came an English ship had forcibly carried off three of their people, and unless we brought or sent them back we should not have our men, though we gave our three ships and all their lading. On the 21st a French ship, of 80 tons came to the place where we were, intending to trade with the negroes, and seeing that the Frenchmen were well received by the natives, our general told them of our two men being detained, and wished them to endeavour to procure their release, promising L.100 to the Frenchmen if they succeeded. We then committed this affair to the management of the Frenchmen, and departed. Of our men who were hurt by the poisoned arrows, four died, and one had to have his arm cut off to save his life. Andrews, who was last hurt, lay long lame and unable to help himself, and only two recovered.

[Footnote 295: It is not said how he had got away from the negroes.--E.]

While between Cape Verd and Bonavista on the 26th, we saw many flying fishes of the size of herrings, two of which fell into the boat which we towed at our stern. The 28th we fell in with Bonavista, one of the Cape de Verd islands, which is 86 leagues from that cape. The north side of that island is full of white sandy hills and dales, being somewhat high land. That day we came to anchor about a league within the western point, in ten fathoms upon fine sand, but it is quite safe to go nearer in five or six fathoms, as the ground is every where good. The 30th we went into a bay within a small island about a league from our first anchorage, where we took plenty of various kinds of fish. Whoever means to anchor in this bay may safely do so in four or five fathoms off the south point of the small island; but must beware of the middle of the bay, where there is a ledge of rocks on which the sea breaks at low water, although then they are covered by three fathoms water. The last day of January, our general went on shore in the bay to some houses, where he found twelve Portuguese, the whole island not having more than 30 inhabitants, who were all banished men, some condemned to more years of exile and some to less, and among them was a simple man who was their captain. They live on goat's flesh, cocks and hens, with fresh water, having no other food except fish, which they do not care for, neither indeed have they any boats wherewith to catch them. They told us that this island had been granted by the king of Portugal to one of his gentlemen, who had let it at 100 ducats of yearly rent, which was paid by the profit on goats skins, of which 40,000 had been sent from that island to Portugal in one year. These men made us very welcome, entertaining us as well as they could, giving us the carcasses of as many he-goats as we pleased, and even aided us in taking them, bringing them down for us from the mountains on their asses. They have great store of oil procured from tortoises, which are fishes that swim in the sea, having shells on their backs as large as targets. It only rains in this island for three months in every year, from the middle of July to the middle of October; and the climate is always very hot. Cows have been brought here, but owing to the heat and drought they always died.

We left Bonavista, or Buenavista, on the 3d February, and fell in the same day with another island called Mayo, 14 leagues distant; there being a danger midway between the two islands, but it is always seen and easily avoided. We anchored in a fine bay on the N.W. side of Mayo, in eight fathoms on a good sandy bottom; but weighed next day and went to another island called St Jago, about five leagues E. by S. from Mayo. At the westermost point of this island, we saw a good road-stead, having a small town by the waterside, close to which was a fort or battery. We here proposed to have anchored on purpose to trade; but before we were within shot, they let fly two pieces at us, on which we went to leeward along shore two or three leagues, where we found a small bay and two or three houses, off which we anchored in 14 fathoms upon good ground. Within an hour after we had anchored, several persons both on foot and horseback were seen passing and repassing opposite the ships. Next day a considerable force of horse and foot was seen, and our general sent a message to know whether they were disposed to trade with us. They answered that we were made welcome as merchants, and should have every thing we could reasonably demand. On this our general ordered all the boats to be made ready, but doubting the good faith of the Portuguese, caused the boats to be well armed, putting a double base in the head of his pinnace and two single bases in the skiff, directing the boats of the May-flower and George to be similarly armed. On rowing towards the shore with all the boats, the general was surprised to see above 60 horsemen and 200 foot all armed to receive us, for which reason he sent a flag of truce to learn their intentions. Their answer was fair and smooth, declaring that they meant to treat us like gentlemen and merchants, and desired that our general might come on shore to converse with their captain. When our general approached the shore in his skiff, they came towards him in great numbers, with much seeming politeness, bowing and taking off their bonnets, and earnestly requesting our general and the merchants to come on shore. He declined this however, unless they would give sufficient hostages for our security. At length they promised to send two satisfactory hostages, and to give us water, provisions, money, and negroes in exchange for our merchandize, and desired a list of our wares might be sent on shore; all of which our general promised to do forthwith, and withdraw from the shore, causing our bases, curriers[296], and arquebuses to be fired off in compliment to the Portuguese, while at the same time our ships saluted them with five or six cannon shot. Most of the Portuguese now left the shore, except a few who remained to receive the list of our commodities; but, while we meant honestly and fairly to trade with them as friends, their intentions were treacherously to betray us to our destruction, as will appear in the sequel.

[Footnote 296: Bases and curriers must have been some small species of ordnance, capable of being used in boats; arquebuses were matchlock muskets.--E.]

About two leagues to the west of where we lay, there was a town behind a point of land, where the Portuguese had several caravels, and two brigantines or row barges like gallies. With all haste the Portuguese fitted out four caravels and these two brigantines, furnishing them with as many men and cannon as they could carry; and as soon as it was night these vessels made towards us with sails and oars, and as the land was high, and the weather somewhat dark and misty, we did not see them till they were almost close on board the May-flower, which lay at anchor about a gun-shot nearer them than our other ships. When within gun-shot of the May-flower, one of the watch chanced to see a light, and then looking out espied the four ships and gave the alarm. The Portuguese, finding themselves discovered, began immediately to fire their cannon, curriers, and arquebuses; then lighted up certain tubes of wild fire, and all their people both on shore and in their ships set up great shouts, while they continued to bear down on the May-flower. With all the haste we could, one of our guns was got ready and fired at them, on which they seemed to hesitate a little; But they recharged their ordnance, and again fired at us very briskly. In the mean time we got three guns ready which we fired at them, when they were so near that we could have shot an arrow on board. Having a fine breeze of wind from the shore, we hoisted our foresail and cut our cable, making sail to join our admiral to leeward, while they followed firing sometimes at us and sometimes at our admiral. At length one shot from our admiral had the effect to make them retire, when they made away from us like cowardly traitors. During all this time, though they continually fired all their guns at us, not a man or boy among us was hurt; but we know not what were the effects of our shot among them.

Seeing the villany of these men, we set sail immediately for an island named Fuego, or the Fire island, twelve leagues from St Jago, where we came to anchor on the 11th February, opposite a white chapel at the west end of the island, half a league from a small town, and about a league from the western extremity of the island. In this island, there is a remarkably high hill which burns continually, and the inhabitants told us, that about three years before, the whole island had like to have been destroyed by the prodigious quantity of fire which it discharged. About a league west from the chapel we found a fine spring of fresh water, whence we supplied our ships. They have no wheat in this island, instead of which they grow millet, which makes good bread, and they likewise cultivate peas like those of Guinea. The inhabitants are Portuguese, and are forbidden by their king to trade either with the English or French, or even to supply them with provisions, or any other thing unless forced. Off this island is another named Brava, or St John, not exceeding two leagues over, which has abundance of goats and many trees, but not above three or four inhabitants.

On the 25th of February we set sail for the Azores, and on the 23d of March we got sight of one of these islands called Flores, to the north of which we could see another called Cuervo, about two leagues distant. The 27th we came to anchor at Cuervo, opposite a village of about a dozen mean houses; but dragging our anchors in the night during a gale of wind, we went to Flores, where we saw strange streams of water pouring from its high cliffs, occasioned by a prodigious rain. The 18th April we took in water at Flores, and sailed for Fayal, which we had sight of on the 28th, and of three other islands, Pico, St George, and Graciosa, which are round about Fayal. The 29th we anchored in 22 fathoms water in a fine bay on the S.W. side of Fayal, over against a small town, where we got fresh water and fresh provisions. In this island, according to the report of the inhabitants, there grows green woad, which they allege is far better than the woad of St Michael or of Tercera.

The 8th of May we came to Tercera, where we found a Portuguese ship, and next morning we saw bearing down, upon us, a great ship and two caravels, which we judged to belong to the royal navy of Portugal, as they really were, and therefore made ready for our defence. The large ship was a galliass, of about 400 tons and 300 men, well appointed with brass guns both large and small, some of their shot being as large as a mans head; and the two caravels were both well appointed in men and ammunition of war. As soon as they were within shot of us, they waved us amain with their swords as if in defiance, and as we kept our course they fired at us briskly, while we prepared as well as we could for our defence. The great ship gave us a whole broadside, besides firing four of her greatest guns which were in her stern, by which some of our men were hurt, while we did our best to answer their fire. At this time two other caravels came from shore to join them, and two pinnaces or boats full of men, whom they put on board the great ship, and then returned to the shore with only two men in each. The ship and caravels gave us three attacks the first day, and when night came they ceased firing, yet kept hard by us all night, during which we were busily employed knotting and spicing our ropes and strengthening our bulwarks.

Next day the Portuguese were joined by four great caravels or armadas, three of which were not less than 100 tons each, the fourth being smaller, but all well armed and full of men. All these came up against us, in the admiral or Castle of Comfort, and we judged that one of the caravels meant to lay us on board, as we could see them preparing their false nettings and all other things for that purpose, for which the galliasse came up on our larboard side, and the caravel on our starboard. Perceiving their intention, we got all our guns ready with bar-shot, chain-shot, and grape; and as soon as they came up, and had fired off their guns at us, thinking to lay us on board, we gave them such a hearty salutation on both sides of us, that they were both glad to fall astern, where they continued for two or three hours, there being very little wind. Then our small bark the George came up to confer with us, and as the Portuguese ships and caravels were coming up again to attack us, the George, while endeavouring to get astern of us, fell to leeward, and was so long of filling her sails for want of wind, that the enemy got up to us, and she got into the middle of them, being unable to fetch us. Then five of the caravels assailed her all round about, yet she defended herself bravely against them all. The great ship and one caravel came to us and fought us all day. The May-flower being well to windward, took the benefit of that circumstance, and kept close hauled all that day, but would not come near us. When night came, the enemy ceased firing, yet followed us all night. During these repeated attacks we had some men slain and several wounded, and our tackle much injured; yet we did our best endeavour to repair all things, resolving to defend ourselves manfully, putting our trust in God. In the night the May-flower came up to us, on which our captain requested they would spare us half a dozen fresh men, but they would not, and bore away again.