Volume 1 / Part 1 — CHAPTER IX. (continued 2)

[1] This, however, is only to be understood of what may be termed the pretorian or royal horde, in a time of profound peace, travelling in their usual and perpetual round in quest of forage; the almost boundless space of the desert must have been interspersed with numerous subordinate hordes, and though the usual guard of Baatu might not have exceeded 500 heads of families, the military force of his dominions, though subordinate to Mangu-khan, certainly exceeded 200,000 fighting men.--E.

At length, about the Holyrood, 14th September, or festival of the exaltation of the Holy Cross, there came to us a certain rich Moal, whose father was a millenary or captain of a thousand horse, who informed us that he had been appointed to conduct us. He informed us that the journey would take us four months, and that the cold was so extreme in winter, as even to tear asunder trees and stones with its force. "Advise well with yourselves, therefore," said he, "whether you be able to endure it, for otherwise I shall forsake you by the way." To this I answered, that I hoped we should be able, with the help of God, to endure hardships like other men; but as we were sent by his lord under his charge, and did not go on any business of our own, he ought not to forsake us. He then said that all should be well, and having examined our garments, he directed us what we should leave behind in the custody of our host, as not useful for the journey; and next day he sent each of us a furred gown, made of sheep skins, with the wool on, and breeches of the same, likewise shoes or footsocks made of felt, and boots of their fashion, and hoods of skins. The second day after the holy cross day, 16th September, we began our journey, attended by three guides, and we rode continually eastwards during forty-six days, till the feast of All-Saints, 1st November. The whole of that region, and even beyond it, is inhabited by the people named Changle or Kangittae, who are descended from the Romans. Upon the north side we had the country of the Greater Bulgaria, and to the south the Caspian sea.

SECTION XXIII.

Of the River Jaic or Ural, and of sundry Regions and Nations.

At the end of twelve days journey from the Etilia or Volga, we came to a great river named the Jagag (Jaic or Ural); which, issuing from the land of Pascatir (of Zibier or of the Baschirs, now Siberia), falls into the Caspian. The language of the Baschirs and of the Hungarians is the same, and they are all shepherds, having no cities; and their land is bounded on the west by the Greater Bulgaria; from which country eastwards, in these northern parts, there are no cities whatsoever, so that the Greater Bulgaria is the last country which possesses towns and cities. From this country of Pascatir the Huns went, who were afterwards called Hungarians. Isidore writes, that with swift horses they passed the walls of Alexander, and the rocks of Caucasus, which opposed the barbarians, and even exacted tribute from Egypt, and laid waste the whole of Europe as far as France, being even more warlike in their day than the Tartars are now. With them the Blacians or Walachians, the Bulgarians, and the Vandals united. These Bulgarians came from the Greater Bulgaria, The people named Ilac or Vlac, who inhabit beyond the Danube from Constantinople, not far from Pascatir, are the same people, being properly named Blac or Blacians, but as the Tartars cannot pronounce the letter B, they are called Ilac, Vlac, or Wallachians. From them, likewise, the inhabitants of the land of the Assani are descended, both having the same name in the Russian, Polish, and Bohemian languages. The Sclavonians and the Vandals speak the same language; and all of these joined themselves formerly with the Huns, as they now do with the Tartars. All this that I have written concerning the land of Pascatir, I was informed by certain friars predicants, who had travelled there before the irruption of the Tartars; and as they had been subdued by their neighbours the Bulgarians, who were Mahometans, many of them adopted that faith. Other matters respecting these people may be known from various chronicles. But it is obvious, that those provinces beyond Constantinople, which are now called Bulgaria, Wallachia, and Sclavonia [1], formerly belonged to the Greek empire; and Hungary was formerly named Pannonia.

[1] Probably intended for what is now called Servia--E.

We continued riding through the land of the Changles or Kangittae, as before mentioned, from Holy Cross-day till All-Saints, travelling every day, as well as I could guess, about as far as from Paris to Orleans, and sometimes farther [2], according as we happened to be provided with relays; for sometimes we would change horses two or three times a-day, and then we travelled quicker; while sometimes we had to travel two or three days without finding any inhabitants to supply us, and then we were forced to travel more deliberately. Out of thirty or forty horses, we were always sure to have the worst, being strangers, as every one took their choice before it came to our turn. They always, however, provided me with a strong horse, because I was corpulent and heavy; but whether his pace happened to be hard or gentle, was all one to them, and I dared not to make any complaints. Our horses often tired before we could fall in with any of the inhabitants, and we were then obliged to beat and whip them up, being obliged to lay our garments upon spare horses, and sometimes two of us obliged to ride on one horse.

[2] This may be taken at a medium of thirty miles a day which, in forty-six days, would amount to 1380 miles; no doubt a very fatiguing journey for a corpulent heavy man as he describes himself--E.

SECTION XXIV.

Of the Hunger, Thirst, and other Miseries we endured.

There was no end of hunger and thirst, and cold and weariness. In the morning they gave us something to drink, or some boiled millet; but afterwards we had nothing to eat until the evening, when they bestowed some flesh upon us, being generally the shoulder and breast of a ram, and every one was allowed a proportion of the broth to drink; and we considered ourselves fortunate when we had enough of broth, as it was exceedingly refreshing, pleasant, and nutritive. Sometimes we were constrained to eat our meat half boiled, or even almost raw, for want of fuel, especially when we were benighted and obliged to pass the night in the fields, because we could not conveniently gather horse or cow-dung to make a fire, and we seldom found any other fuel, except a few thorns here and there, and a few rare woods on the banks of some rivers. Every Saturday I remained fasting until night, and was then constrained, to my great grief, to eat flesh, as I could not procure any other food in the desert. In the beginning of our journey our guide disdained us exceedingly, and seemed quite indignant at being obliged to take charge of such base fellows as he seemed to esteem us; but he afterwards behaved better, and often took us purposely to the courts of rich Moals, who requested us to pray for them; and if I had been so fortunate as to have a good interpreter, I might have been able to do some good among these ignorant people.

Zingis, the first great khan or emperor of the Tartars, left four sons, from whom descended many grandsons, who are daily multiplying and dispersing over that immense waste desert, which is boundless like the ocean. These Moals whom we visited and prayed for, were astonished when we refused their proffered gifts of gold and silver and fine garments. They often enquired whether the great Pope was actually 500 years old, as they had heard from report. They likewise enquired into the nature and productions of our country, especially whether we had abundance of cattle, sheep, and horses. When we spoke to them about the ocean, they could form no adequate conception of its immense expanse, without banks or limits.

On the feast of All-Saints, 1st November, as the people had now descended very much to the southwards, we now discontinued our eastern route, and journied directly south for eight days, along certain high mountains. In the desert we saw many wild asses resembling mules, called colan or coulan by the Tartars, which our guide and his companions often chased with great eagerness, but without success, owing to the great swiftness of these animals. Upon the seventh day of our southern route, we saw directly before us some exceedingly high mountains, and we entered upon a fine cultivated plain, which was irrigated like a garden. Next day, 7th November, we arrived at a town belonging to the Mahometans named Kenchat, the governor of which came out to meet our guide with ale and other refreshments; for it is the custom of all the subjected cities, to welcome the messengers of Baatu and Mangu with meat and drink on their arrival. At this season, the ice was fully bearing, and we found frost in the desert before the feast of St Michael, 29th September. I inquired the name of the province, but being in a strange land they could not inform me, and could only tell me the name of this city, which is very small. Into this district a large river descends from the mountains, which the inhabitants lead off to water or irrigate the whole region; so that this river does not discharge itself into any sea, but after forming many pools or marshes, is absorbed into the earth. In this region we saw vines growing, and drank twice of their wines.

SECTION XXV

Of the Execution of Ban, and concerning the residence of certain Germans.

The next day we came to another village nearer to the mountains, which, I understood, were called Caucasus, and that they reached from the eastern to the western sea, even passing the Caspian to the west. I likewise inquired concerning the town of Talas, in which, according to Friar Andrew [1], there were certain Germans in the service of one Buri and I had formerly made inquiries concerning them at the courts of Sartach and Baatu[2]. But I could only learn, that their master, Ban, had been put to death on the following occasion. This Ban happened to have his appointed residence in inferior pastures, and one day when drunk, he said to his people, that being of the race of Zingis as well as Baatu, whose brother or nephew he was, he thought himself entitled to feed his flocks on the fine plains of the Volga as freely as Baatu himself. These speeches were reported to Baatu, who immediately wrote to the servants of Ban to bring their lord bound before him. Then Baatu demanded whether he had spoken the words, which were reported, and Ban acknowledged them, but pled that he was drunk at the time, and it is usual among the Tartars to forgive the words and actions of drunk men. But Baatu reproached him for daring to use his name in his cups, and ordered his head to be immediately struck off.

[1] The person here alluded to was a monk named Andrew Luciumel, who had been sent ambassador, by the pope, to the emperor of the Mongals, in 1247 or 1248, with the same views as in the missions of Carpini and Asceline at the same period; but of his journey we have no account remaining.--E.

[2] It is exceedingly difficult, or rather impossible, to trace the steps of the travels of Rubruquis, for want of latitudes, longitudes, and distances, and names of places. After passing the Volga and Ural or Jaik, he seems to have travelled east in the country of the Kirguses, somewhere about the latitude of 50°. N. to between the longitudes of 65°. and 70°. E. then to have struck to the south across the Kisik-tag into Western Turkestan, in which the cultivated vale may have been on the Tshui or the Talas rivers.--E.

On my arrival at the court of Mangu-khan, I learnt, that the before mentioned Germans had been removed from the jurisdiction of Baatu to a place named Bolac, a months journey to the east of Talus, where they were employed to dig for gold, and to fabricate arms. In the before mentioned town we learnt that Talas was near the mountains behind us, at the distance of six days journey. From the before mentioned village near the mountains[3], we went directly eastwards, coasting these mountains; and from that time we travelled among the immediate subjects of Mangu-khan, who in all places sang and danced in honour of our guide, because he was the messenger of Baatu; it being the custom for the subjects of Mangu-khan to receive the messengers of Baatu in this manner, and reciprocally, the subjects of Baatu shew like honour to the messengers of Mnngu; yet the subjects of Baatu are more independently spirited, and do not evince so much courtesy. A few days afterwards, we entered upon the mountains where the Cara-Catayans used to dwell, where we found a large river which we had to pass in boats. We afterwards came to a cultivated valley, in which were the ruins of a castle, which had been surrounded by walls of mud or earth. After this we came to a large village called Equius, inhabited by Mahometans, who spoke Persian, although so far removed from Persia. On the day following, having passed those Alps which descend from the high mountains towards the south, we entered a most beautiful plain, having high mountains upon our right hand, and a sea or lake on our left, which is fifteen days journey in circumference[4]. This plain is watered or irrigated at will, by means of streams descending from these mountains, all of which fall into the before mentioned lake. In the subsequent summer we returned by the north side of this lake, where likewise there are great mountains[5]. In this plain there used to be many towns; but most of these have been destroyed by the Tartars, that the excellent lands around them might be converted into pastures for their cattle. We still found one large town named Cailac, in which was a market frequented by many merchants; and we remained fifteen days at this place, waiting for one of Baatu's scribes, who was to assist our guide in the management of certain affairs at the court of Mangu. This country used to be called Organum[6], and the people Organa, as I was told, because the people were excellent performers on the organ[7] or lute; and they had a distinct language and peculiar manner of writing. It was now entirely inhabited by the Contomanni, whose language and writing are used by the Nestorians of these parts. I here first saw idolaters, of whom there are many sects in the east.

[3] Probably near the north side of the Arguin or Alak mountains.--E.

[4] This position of Rubruquis is sufficiently distinct: Having ferried over the river Tshui, and crossed the Jimbai mountains, the route now lay between the Alak mountain on his right, or to the south, and the lake of Balkash or Palkati Nor, to the left or north.--E.

[5] The Kisik-tag, which he had before passed in descending into Western Turkestan.--E.

[6] This absurd derivation of the name of the country and people, is unworthy of credit. Organum was probably the country called Irgonekan or Irganakon by Abulgari; and the word signifies a valley surrounded by steep mountains, exactly correspondent with the description in the text.--Forst.

[7] The Contomanni or Kontomanians, were probably a Mongal tribe, originally inhabiting the banks of the Konta or Khonda, who had afterwards settled on the banks of the river Ili and lake of Balkash. --Forst.

SECTION XXVI.

How the Nestorians and Mahometans are mixed with Idolaters.

In the first place arc the Jugurs, whose country borders upon the land of Organum among the mountains towards the east, and in all their towns Nestorians and Mahometans are mixed among the natives. And they are diffused likewise in all the towns of the Mahometans towards Persia. In the city of Cailac, or Cealac, there are three idol temples, two of which I went into to observe their folly. In one of these I found a person having a cross marked with ink upon his hand, whence I supposed him a Christian, and to all my questions he answered like a Christian. I asked him wherefore he had not the cross and image of Christ, and he answered, that it was not their custom; wherefore I concluded the people were actually Christians, but omitted these things for want of instruction. Behind a certain chest, which served for an altar, and on which they placed candles and oblations, I saw an image with wings like that of St Michael; and other images holding out their fingers, as if blessing the spectators. That evening I could make no farther discovery; for though the Saracens invite one into their temples, they will not speak of their religion[1]; insomuch, that when I inquired at them about their ceremonies, they were much offended.

[1] The Saracens are here much abused by the mistake of our traveller; as, however erroneous their religious opinions, they worship the true God only, and abhor even the least semblance of idolatry.--E.

Next day being the Kalends, 1st December, was the passover of the Saracens, and I changed my lodging to the neighbourhood of another temple of idols; for the people of this place shew hospitality to all messengers, every one according to his abilities. In this other temple I found the priests of the idols, who open and adorn the temples at the Kalends, and the people make offerings of bread and fruits. I shall first describe the general rites of idolatry, and then those of the Jugurs, who are a kind of sect different from the others. They all worship towards the north, with joined hands, prostrating themselves upon their knees to the earth, and resting their foreheads on their hands. For which reason the Nestorians never join their hands in prayer, but spread their hands on their breasts. Their temples are built from east to west, having a chamber or vestry for the priests on the north; or if the building is square, they have a similar chamber on the middle of the north side in place of a choir, and before it is placed a long broad chest like a table, behind which, facing the south, stands the principal idol. That which I saw at Caracarum was as large as the picture of St Christopher. A Nestorian priest, who came from Catay, told me there was an idol in that country so large, that it could be seen at the distance of two days journey[2]. Other idols are placed around the principal one, and all are beautifully gilt; All the gates of their temples open to the south, contrary to the customs of the Mahometans; and they have large bells, as is the case with us, wherefore the oriental Christians will not use them, though they are customary among the Russians and the Greeks in Casaria.

[2] The Nestorian probably said an idol-house; meaning one of the high towers usually erected near Chinese temples: and even this must have stood upon a very elevated situation, in an extensive plain, to be seen from so great a distance, perhaps of sixty miles.--E.

SECTION XXVII.

Of their Temples and Idols, and the Worship of their Gods.

All their priests shave their heads and beards, and are clothed in yellow; and they live in companies of one or two hundred together, observing strict celibacy. On holy days, they sit in the temple on long benches, placed directly opposite each other, holding books in their hands, which they sometimes lay on the benches; and all the time they remain in the temples, they have their heads bare, and they read to themselves, keeping profound silence: Insomuch, that when I went into the temple, and endeavoured all I could to provoke them to speak, I could not succeed. Wherever they go, they carry a string with an hundred or two hundred nut-shells, like our rosaries, and they are continually uttering the words, Ou mam Hactani, which was explained to me as signifying, O God! thou knowest. And as often as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God, they expect a proportional reward[1]. Round the temple, there is always a handsome court, environed by a high wall, on the south side of which is a large portal, in which they sit to confer together; and over this portal they erect a long pole, rising if possible above the whole city, that every one may know where to find the temple. These things are common to all the idolaters.

[1] The following more complete account of this superstition, has been deemed worthy of insertion.

On going to visit this temple, I found the priests sitting under the outer portal; and those whom I saw, appeared, by their shaven beards, like French friars. They wore conical caps of paper on their heads; and all the priests of the Jugurs wear this cap continually, and yellow strait tunics fastened down the middle like those in France; besides which, they wear a cloak on their left shoulder, flowing loosely before and behind, but leaving the right arm free, somewhat like a deacon carrying the pix in Lent. Their mode of writing is adopted by the Tartars. They begin to write at the top of the page, and extend their lines downwards, reading and writing from left to right. They make great use of written papers in their magical incantations, and their temples are hung round with short written sentences. The letters sent by Mangu-khan to your majesty, are written in these characters, and in the language of the Moal. These people burn their dead in the manner of the ancients, and deposit the ashes on the top of certain pyramids. After sitting for some time beside these priests, and having entered their temple to look at their many images, some large and others small, I asked what was their belief concerning God? To which they answered, that they believed in one God only. On asking them whether he was a spirit or of a corporeal nature, they said he was a spirit. Being asked if God had ever assumed the human mature, they answered never. Since, then, said I, you believe God to be a spirit, wherefore do yow make so many images of him; and as you believe that he never took upon him the human form, wherefore do you represent him under the image of a man, rather than of any other creature? To this they answered, we do not make images of God; but when any of our rich men die, or their wives or children, or dear friends, they cause images to be made of the deceased, which are placed in the temple, which we venerate in respect to their memory. Then, said I, you do these things in flattery of men: but they insisted it was only in remembrance. They then asked me, as if in derision, where is God? To this I answered by another question, where is your soul? and they said, in our bodies. Then, said I, is it not in every part of your body, ruling over the whole, yet cannot be seen. Even in the same manner God is everywhere, ruling all things, yet is invisible, being intelligence and wisdom. I would willingly have proceeded in this conference, but my interpreter became weary and unable to express my meaning, so that I was obliged to desist.

The Moals and Tartars follow the same religion, in so far that they believe in one only God; but they make images in felt of their departed friends, which they cover with fine costly garments. These they carry about with them in one or two appropriate carts, which no person must touch, except their priests or soothsayers who have the care of them. This is to be understood only of the great men who are of the race of Zingis, for the poor or meaner people have none such. These soothsayers constantly attend upon the court of Mangu and other great personages; and when the court moves, these men precede the march, like the pillar of cloud before the children of Israel. They determine on the site of the new encampment, and unload their houses first, after which they are imitated by the whole court. On days of festival, such as the kalends or commencements of their months, these images are placed in order around their idol houses, and the Moals enter in and bow themselves before these images, to do them reverence. Strangers are never permitted to enter, so that once endeavouring to go into one of these tabernacles, I was sore chidden for my presumption.

"These supposed Nestorian Christians were undoubtedly professors of the religion of the Dalai-Lama, who had several usages and ceremonies resembling corrupt Christianity. Like the Roman catholics, they had rosaries, containing 108 beads, and their prayer is, Hom-Mani-Pema- Hum. This does not signify, as asserted by Rubruquis, God! thou knowest it; nor, as supposed by Messerschmid, God have mercy on us. But its true import is, that Mani, who holds the flowers of the Lotus, and is the beginning and end of the higher Magic, may hear their prayers, be propitious to them, and render them happy.

"They have rolls or cylinders inscribed with their prayers, which they twirl round on an axis, continually pronouncing these mystic words, and they believe that all the prayers on these rolls are virtually pronounced at each turn of the roll; The religion of the Dalai-Lama, is a branch of the Shamanian and Braminical superstitions, and has for its foundation the Manichaean doctrine of the two principles, which Manes attempted to incorporate into the Christian religion, so that it is no wonder the practices of the followers of the Dalai-Lama should resemble those of the Manichaean and Nestorian Christians."--Forst. Voy. and Disc. 105.

SECTION XXVIII.

Of sundry Nations, and of certain People who used to eat their Parents.

I am convinced that these Jugurs, who are mixed with Christians and Mahometans, have arrived at the knowledge and belief of one God, by frequent disputations with them. This nation dwells in cities, which were brought under subjection to Zingis, who gave his daughter in marriage to their king. Even Caracarum is in a manner in their territories. The whole country of Prester John and of Vut or Unc, his brother, lay round the territories of the Jugurs, only that the subjects of the former inhabited the pasture lands on the north, while the Jugurs dwelt among the mountains to the south. As the Moals have adopted the writing of the Jugurs, these latter are the chief Scribes among the Tartars, and almost all the Nestorians are acquainted with their letters.

Next to the Jugurs, among the mountains to the east, are the Tanguts, a powerful people who once made Zingis prisoner in battle; but having concluded peace, he was set at liberty, and afterwards subdued them. Among the Tanguts, there are oxen of great strength, having flowing tails like horses, and their backs and bellies covered with long hair. These are shorter legged than other oxen, but much fiercer, having long, slender, straight, and very sharp pointed horns, and they are much used for drawing the great houses of the Moals; but the cows will not allow themselves to be yoked unless they are sung to at the same time. These animals are of the nature of the buffalo, for when they see a person clothed in red, they run furiously upon him to put him to death.

Beyond these are the people of Tebet, who were wont to eat the dead bodies of their parents, from a motive of piety, considering that to be the most honourable sepulchre; but they have discontinued this custom, which was looked upon as abominable by all other nations. They still, however, continue to make handsome drinking cups of the skulls of their parents, that they may call them to remembrance even in their mirth. I received this information from an eye-witness. In their country there is much gold, so that any one who is in want, digs till he finds enough for his necessities, and leaves the rest behind for another occasion; for they have an opinion, that God would conceal all other gold from them in the earth, if they were to hoard any in their houses. I saw some of these people, who are much deformed. The people of Tangut are tall lusty men of a brown complexion. The Jugurs are of middle stature like ourselves, and their language is the root or origin of the Turkish and Comanian languages.

Beyond Tebet, are the people of Langa and Solanga[1], whose messengers I saw in the court of Mangu-khan, who had along with them more than ten great carts, each drawn by six oxen. These are little brown men like the Spaniards, and are dressed in tunics or jackets, like our deacons, with straiter sleeves. They wear a kind of caps like the mitres of our bishops; but the fore part is less than the hinder part, and ends square, instead of being pointed. These are made of straw, stiffened by great heat, and so well polished, that they glister in the sun like a mirror or well polished helmet. Round their temples, they have long bands of the same material, fixed to their caps, which stream to the wind like two long horns from their temples. When too much tossed by the wind, they fold these over the top of their caps. When the principal messenger entered the court, he held in his hand a smooth ivory tablet about a foot long and a palm broad; and when spoken to by the khan, or any other great man, he always looked on his tablet as if he had seen there what was spoken, never looking to the right or the left, or to the person who spoke to him. Even in coming into the presence and in retiring, he looked perpetually at his tablet.

[1] Forster conjectures that the original words of Rubruquis are here corrupted, and that this passage ought to have been "beyond Tangut," instead of beyond Tebet or Thibet; in which case, the countries of Langa and Solanga, may refer to that of the Lamuts and Solonians, the ancestors of the Mantschus or Mundschurians.--Voy. and Disc. 108.

Beyond these people, as I have been told for truth, there is a nation called Muc, inhabiting towns, in whose country there are numerous flocks and herds which are never tended, as no person appropriates any of these exclusively; but when any one is in need of a beast, he ascends a hill and gives a loud cry, on which all the cattle within hearing flock around him and suffer themselves to be taken, as if they were domesticated. When a messenger or any stranger goes into that country, he is immediately shut up in a house, where all necessaries are provided for him, till his business is concluded; for they affirm, that if any stranger were to travel about their country, the animals would flee away from his scent, and become wild.

Beyond the country of these people, lies Great Cathaya, whose inhabitants I believe to have been the Seres[2] of the ancients, as from thence came the most excellent silken stuffs; and these people were called Seres after the name of one of their towns. I have been told, that in that country there is a town having walls of silver and towers of gold. In that land there are many provinces, the greater part of which are not yet subjected to the Moals, and the sea is interposed between them and India. These Kathayans are men of small stature, with small eyes, and speak much through the nose. They are excellent workmen in all kinds of handicraft; their physicians judge exactly of diseases by the pulse, and are very skilful in the use of herbs, but have no knowledge in regard to the urine of sick persons. Some of these people I saw at Caracarum, where there are always considerable numbers; and the children are always brought up to the same employments with their fathers. They pay to the Moals or Mongals, a tribute of 1500 cassinos or jascots every day[3], besides large quantities of silks and provisions, and they perform many other services. All the nations between mount Caucasus, and from the north of these mountains to the east sea, and in all the south of Scythia, which is inhabited by the Moal shepherds, are tributary, and are all addicted to idolatry. The Nestorians and Saracens are intermixed with them as strangers, as far as Kathay, in which country the Nestorians inhabit fifteen cities, and have a bishop in a city called Segan[4]. These Nestorians are very ignorant, for they say their service in the Syrian tongue, in which all their holy books are written, and of which language they are entirely ignorant, and sing their service as our monks do who have not learnt Latin. They are great usurers and drunkards, and some of them who live among the Tartars, have adopted their customs, and even have many wives. When they enter the churches, they wash their lower parts like the Saracens, eat no flesh on Fridays, and hold their festivals on the same days with them. Their bishops come seldom into the country, perhaps only once in fifty years, and then cause all the little children to be made priests, some even in the cradle; so that almost every Nestorian man is a priest, yet all have wives, which is contrary to the decrees of the fathers. They are even bigamists, for their priests, when their wives die, marry again. They are all Simonists, as they give no holy thing without pay. They are careful of their wives and children, applying themselves to gain, and not to propagating the faith. Hence, though some of them are employed to educate the children of the Mongal nobility, and even teach them the articles of the Christian faith, yet by their evil lives they drive them from Christianity, as the moral conduct of the Mongals and Tuinians[5], who are downright idolaters, is far more upright than theirs.

[2] In this supposition Rubruquis was certainly mistaken, as the Seres of the ancients appear to have lived in Turkestan, Gete, and Uigur, and to have then ruled over a great track of eastern central Asia, and may have extended their commerce to northern China. Hence the original name of silk was certainly either adopted from or applied to the intermediate nation, through whom that precious commodity was transmitted to the western nations.--Forst.

[3] A jascot is described as a piece of silver weighing ten marks, so that the tribute is 15,000 marks daily, or about 5 1/2 millions of marks yearly, and is equal in weight of silver, to L. 8,650,000 Sterling; perhaps equal, in real efficacious value, to ten times that sum, and probably superior to the yearly revenue of all the sovereigns then in Europe.--E.

[4] Singan, or Singan-fu in the province of Shensee. In the year 1625, a stone was found here, inscribed with Chinese characters and a Syrian inscription round the borders, implying, that in the year 636, the Nestorians had sent Olopuen into China to propagate the gospel; and that the emperor Tai-sum-ven had approved this step, and allowed the Christian religion to be propagated through all China, with many other particulars relative to the history of Christianity in China. This stone bore to have been erected in 782 by Mar Isdabuzzid, priest, and Chorepiscopus of Cumdan, the royal city of the east, now Nankin. See a dissertation on this monument, following Renaudet's translation of the two Mahometan travellers, London, 1788, p. 76.--E.

[5] Mani or Manes is named Thenaoui by the oriental Christians, and the sect of Manicheans they call Al-Thenaouib, or those who hold the doctrines of the two principles. These Tuinians, therefore, of Rubruquis, are probably the Manicheans.--Forst.

SECTION XXIX.

Of Cailac, and the Country of the Naymans.

We departed from the city of Cailac on St Andrew's day, 30th of November, and in three leagues we found a village of Nestorians, where we went into their church, and sang salve regina, and other hymns, with great joy. In three days after we came to the entrance of that province, not far from the before mentioned sea, which seemed as tempestuous as the ocean, and in which we saw a large island. The water was slightly salt, yet might be drank. Opposite to it was a valley with another salt sea, from which a river ran into this one. There was so strong a wind that the passage was dangerous, as we much feared to be blown into the lake; wherefore we went north into the hilly country, covered with deep snow, and on St Nicholas day, 6th December, we hastened our journey, as we found no inhabitants except the Jani, or men appointed to conduct the messengers from one day's journey to another. On the 7th of December we passed between two terrible rocks, when the guide sent entreating me to pray to God: we sang accordingly with a loud voice, the credo and other hymns, and by the grace of God we got through in safety.

After this the Tartars entreated me to write papers for them; but I offered to teach them words to carry in their hearts, whereby their souls should be saved. Yet wanting an interpreter for this, I wrote them the creed and the Lord's prayer, desiring them to believe what was written in the one, and that the other contained a prayer to God for all that is necessary to man, and that though they could not understand these, I hoped God would save them.

SECTION XXX.

Description of the Country of the Naymans, with an Account of the Death of Ken-khan and of his Wife and Eldest Son.

After this we entered into the country where the court of Ken-khan used to be held, which was formerly called the country of the Naymans, who were the peculiar subjects of Prester John. Though I did not see that court till my return, I shall briefly mention what befel his son and wives. Ken-khan being dead, Baatu desired that Mangu should be khan, but I could not learn exactly the manner of Ken-khan's death. Friar Andrew says he died of the effects of a medicine, which Baatu was suspected of having procured to be given him. I heard, on the other hand, that he summoned Baatu to do him homage, who accordingly began his journey with much external pomp, but with great inward apprehensions, sending forward his brother Stichin; who, when he came to Keu-khan, and ought to have presented him with the cup, high words arose between them, and they slew one another. The widow of Stichin kept us a whole day at her house, that we might pray for her and bless her. When Ken was dead, and Mangu chosen emperor by the consent of Baatu, which was when friar Andrew was there, Siremon, the brother of Ken, at the instigation of the wife and peculiar vassals of Ken, went with a great train, as if to do homage to Mangu, but with the intention of putting him and all his court to death. When within a few days journey of the court of Mangu, one of his waggons broke down, and a servant of Mangu happened to assist the waggoner in repairing it. This man was very inquisitive into the objects of the journey, and the waggoner revealed the whole plot to him. Pretending to make very light of the matter, he went privately and took a good horse from the herd, and rode with great speed with the intelligence to the court of Mangu; who quickly assembled his forces, and placing a strong guard around his court; sent the rest against Siremon, and brought him and all his followers prisoners to court. He confessed his intentions, and he and his eldest son, with 300 noble Tartars of their party, were put to death. The ladies were also sent for who were concerned in the plot, and being beaten with burning fire-brands till they confessed, were slain likewise. Kon, the youngest son of Siremon, who was incapable of entering into the conspiracy, from his youth, was permitted to enjoy the inheritance of his father; but our guide durst not enter the house either in going or returning.

SECTION XXXI.

Arrival at the Court of Mangu-khan.

We still travelled in the high countries, trending towards the north; and on St Stephen's day, 26th December, we came to a great plain, on which not the smallest inequality was to be seen, and the next day we arrived at the court of the great Khan. While at the distance of five days, our host wanted us to have gone so far about as would have taken us fifteen day's journey, and our guide had much difficulty in being allowed to take the direct road. My opinion of this procedure in our host, was, that we might have gone by Onam and Cherule, the original residence of Zingis[1]. On the way, the secretary told me that Baatu, in his letters to Mangu, said that we wanted the assistance of a Tartar army against the Saracens; by which I was much astonished, as I knew the letters from your majesty required no army, and only advised the khan to be a friend to all Christians, to exalt the cross, and to be an enemy to all the enemies of the cross of Christ. And as all the interpreters were from the Greater Armenia, who greatly hated the Saracens, I feared they might have interpreted falsely to serve their own purposes. I therefore held my peace, fearing to gainsay the words of Baatu.

[1] The country on the Onon and Kerlon, in Daouria, or the land of the Tunguses.--Forst.

On our arrival at court, our guide had a large house appointed for him, and only a small cottage was given to us three, which would hardly contain our baggage, our beds, and a small fire. Many came to our guide with drink made of rice, in long necked bottles, which had no difference from the best wine, except that it smelt otherwise. We were called soon after, and examined upon our business. I answered, "That hearing Sartach had become a Christian, the king our master had sent us to him with a letter; that he had sent us to Baatu, who had sent us hither, and that he therefore ought to have assigned the cause of our being here." They then demanded if we would make peace with them. To this I answered, "That having done them no wrong, they had no cause of going to war with your majesty; that your majesty, as a just king, if you had done any wrong, would make reparation, and desire peace; but if warred against without cause, we trusted in the help of a just God." At this they seemed all astonished, constantly exclaiming, "Did you not come to make peace?" For they are so puffed up with pride, that they think the whole world should make peace with them; but if I might be suffered, I would preach war against them to the utmost of my power. I dared not deliver the true cause of my journey, lest, in so doing, I might contradict what had been written by Baatu, and therefore always said we came because he sent us.

The day following I went to the court barefooted, at which the people stared; but a Hungarian boy, who was among diem, knew our order, and told them the reason; on which a Nestorian, who was chief secretary, asked many questions at the Hungarian, and we went back to our lodgings. On our return, at the end of the court, towards the east, I saw a small house, with a little cross at top, at which I greatly rejoiced, supposing there might be some Christians there. I went in boldly, and found an altar well furnished, having a golden cloth, adorned with images of Christ, the Virgin, St John the Baptist, and two angels; the lines of their body and garments being formed with small pearls. On the altar was a large silver cross, ornamented with precious stones, and many other embroiderings; and a lamp with eight lights burned before the altar. Sitting beside the altar I saw an Armenian monk, somewhat black and lean, clad in a rough hairy coat to the middle of his leg, above which was a coarse black cloak, furred with spotted skins, and he was girded with iron under his haircloth. Before saluting the monk, we fell flat on the earth, singing Ave regina and other hymns, and the monk joined in our prayers. These being finished, we sat down beside the monk, who had a small fire before him in a pan. He told us that he had come a month before us, being a hermit in the territories of Jerusalem, who had been warned by God in a vision, to go to the prince of the Tartars. After some conversation, we went to our lodgings. Having eaten nothing that day, we made a little broth of flesh and millet for our supper. Our guide and his companions were made drunk at the court, and very little care was taken of us. Next morning the ends of my toes were so frostbit by the extreme cold of the country, that I could no longer go barefooted. From the time when the frost begins, it never ceases till May, and even then it freezes every night and morning, but thaws with the heat of the sun during the day. If they had much wind in that country during winter, as we have, nothing could live there; but they have always mild weather till April, and then the winds rise; and at that season, while we were there, the cold rising with the wind, killed multitudes of animals. In the winter little snow fell there; but about Easter, which was that year in the latter end of April, there fell so great a snow, that the streets of Caracarum were so full, it had to be carried out in carts.

SECTION XXXII.

The Introduction of Rubruquis to Mangu-khan.

The people brought us from the court ram-skin coats, and breeches of the same, with shoes, which my companion and interpreter accepted, but I thought the fur garment which I brought from Baatu was sufficient for me. On the 5th of January, we were brought to the court, and some Nestorian priests, whom I did not know to be Christians, came and asked me which way we worshipped; to which I said, that we worshipped to the east. The reason of their making this demand was, that we had shaven our heads by the advice of our guide, that we might appear before the khan after the fashion of our country, which made the Nestorians take us for Tuinians or idolaters. On being demanded what reverence we would pay to the khan, I said, that though as priests, dedicated to God, the highest in our country did not suffer us to bow the knee, yet we were willing to humble ourselves to all men for the sake of the Lord. That we came from a far country, and with permission, would first sing praises to God, who had brought us hither in safety, and should afterwards do whatever might please the khan; providing he commanded nothing that was derogatory to the worship and honour of God. Then they went into the presence, and reported what we had said, and they brought us before the entrance of the hall, lifting up the felt which hung before the decor, and we sung A solis ortus cardine, &c.

When we had sung this hymn, they searched our bosoms, to see that we had no concealed weapons, and they made our interpreter leave his girdle and knife with one of the doorkeepers. When we came in, our interpreter was made to stand at a sideboard, which was well supplied with cosmos, and we were placed on a form before the ladies. The whole house was hung with cloth of gold, and on a hearth, in the middle, there was a fire of thorns, wormwood- roots, and cowdung. The khan sat upon a couch covered with a bright and shining spotted fur, like seal's skin. He was a flat-nosed man, of middle stature, about forty-five years of age, and one of his wives, a pretty little young woman, sat beside him; likewise one of his daughters, named Cerina, a hard-favoured young woman, with some younger children, sat on another couch next to them. The house had belonged to the mother of Cerina, who was a Christian, and the daughter was mistress of this court, which had belonged to her deceased mother, We were asked whether we would drink wine of caracina, which is a drink made of rice, or caracosmos, or ball, which is mead made of honey; for they use these four kinds of liquor in winter. I answered, that we had no pleasure in drink, and would be contented with what he pleased to order; on which we were served with caracina, which was clear and well flavoured like white wine, of which I tasted a little out of respect. After a long interval, during which the khan amused himself with some falcons and other birds, we were commended to speak, and had to bow the knee. The khan had his interpreter, a Nestorian; but our interpreter had received so much liquor from the butlers at the sideboard, that he was quite drunk; I addressed the khan in the following terms:

"We give thanks and praise to God, who hath brought us from such remote parts of the world, to the presence of Mangu-khan, on whom he hath bestowed such great power; and we beseech our God to grant him a long and prosperous reign. Having heard that Sartach was become a Christian, the Christians of the west, especially the King of the French, were much rejoiced, and sent us onto him with letters, testifying that we were servants of the Lord, and entreating him to permit us to abide in his country, as it is our office to teach men the law of God. Sartach sent us forwards to his father Baatu, and he hath sent us to you, to whom God hath given great dominions upon the earth; we therefore entreat your highness to permit us to continue in your country, that we may pray to God for you, your wives, and children. We have neither gold nor silver, nor precious jewels to offer, but we present ourselves to do you service, and to pray to God for you. At least, be pleased to permit us to remain till the cold be past, as my companion is so weak, that he cannot travel on horseback without danger of Ms life." His answer was to this effect: "Even as sun sheds his beams everywhere, so our power, and that of Baata, extend everywhere around, so that we have no need of your gold or silver." I entreated his highness not to be displeased at me for mentioning gold and silver, as I spoke in that manner only to evince our desire to do him honour, and to serve him in heavenly things. Hitherto, I had understood our interpreter, but he was now drunk and could not make out any perfect sentence, and it appeared to me that the khan was drunk likewise; wherefore I held my peace. Then he made us rise and sit down again, and after a few words of compliment, we withdrew from the presence. One of the secretaries, and the interpreter, who had the charge of educating one of his daughters, went with us, and were very inquisitive about the kingdom of France, particularly inquiring whether it had plenty of sheep, cattle, and horses, as if they meant to make it all their own; and I had often to bridle my indignation and anger at their presumptuous boastings.

They appointed one to take care of us, and we went to the monk; and when we were about to return to; our lodging, the interpreter came to us, saying, that Mangu-khan gave us two months to stay, till the extreme cold were past; and we might either go ten day's journey from thence to the city of Caracarum, or might remain with the court. Then I answered, "God preserve Mangu-khan, and grant him a long and happy life: We have found this monk, whom we think a holy man, and we would willingly remain, and pray along with him for the prosperity of the khan." We then went to our dwelling, which we found very cold, as we had no fuel, and we were yet fasting, though it was then night; but he who had the care of us provided us some fuel and a little food; and our guide, who was now to return to Baatu, begged a carpet from us which we had left in that court, which we gave him, and he departed in peace.

SECTION XXXIII.

Of a Woman of Lorain, and a Goldsmith of Paris, and several other Christians, whom they found at the Court of Mangu-kkan.

We had the good fortune to meet with a woman, named Pascha, from Metz in Lorain, who belonged to the court of Cerina, who told us of the strange poverty she had endured before she came to this court, but who now lived well, as she had a young Russian husband, who was a skilful builder, and much esteemed among them, by whom she had three fine children, and this woman contributed all in her power to our comfort. She told us, that there was a goldsmith at Caracarura, one William Bouchier from Paris, the son of Lawrence Bouchier, and who had a brother, Roger Bouchier, yet living upon the Great Bridge. She told me likewise, that he had a son who was an excellent interpreter; but that Manga-khan had delivered to the goldsmith 300 jascots of silver, equal to 3000 marks, and fifty workmen, to make a certain piece of work, so that she feared he would not then be able to spare his son to interpret for us. I wrote to this goldsmith, requesting him to send his son to me; he said in answer, that he could not at the time, but would send him next moon, when his work would be finished. At the court of Baatu no intercourse could be had with other ambassadors, as each was under the charge of a particular Jani; but in that of Mangu, all were under one Jani, and might see and converse with each other. We found here a certain Christian from Damascus, who said that he came from the sultan of Mons Regalis and Crax, who desired to become the ally and tributary of the great khan.

The year before I came thither, there was a certain clerk of Aeon or Ptolemais in Syria, who called himself Raimund, but his true name was Theodolus. This man went with friar Andrew from Cyprus into Persia, and procured certain instruments from Amoricus, who remained in Persia after Andrew returned. Theodolus went forwards with these instruments to the khan, pretending that a certain bishop had received letters from heaven in gold characters, saying that the khan should be king of the whole earth, but that his horse had fled from him among woods and mountains, so that he had lost all. And Theodolus engaged to conduct ambassadors from the khan to the Pope and the king of France. Then Mangu caused an exceedingly strong bow to be made, which two men could hardly bend, and two arrows made of silver, full of holes in their heads, which whistled when they were shot; and he chose a Moal to accompany Theodolus as his ambassador, ordering him to present these things to the king of France, and to say, if he would have peace with the Tartars, they would conquer the country of the Saracens, and would grant him ail the other countries of the west. But if the king refused, the Moal was to bring back the bow and arrows, and to inform the king that the Tartars shot far and sharp with such bows. The khan then caused Theodolus to go out, and the son of William Bouchier, who acted as interpreter for Theodolus, heard the khan order the Moal, who was to accompany him, to mark well all the ways, and the castles, and the people, and the mountains, in the course of his journey. And the young man blamed Theodolus for engaging to conduct the Tartar messengers, as they went only to spy the land. But Theodolus said he would take them by sea, so that they should not know the way. Mangu gave to his Moal a golden bull or tablet of an hand breadth, and half a cubit long, inscribed with his orders; and whoever bears this, may everywhere command what he pleases. On their journey through the dominions of Vestacius, whence Theodolus meant to pass over to the Pope, that he might deceive him as he had done Mangu. Vestacius demanded of him whether he had letters for the Pope; but having none to show, Vestacius concluded he was an impostor, and cast him into prison. The Moal fell sick and died there, and Vestacius sent back the golden tablet by the servants of the Moal, whom I met at Assron, in the entrance into Turkey, and from them I learnt all that happened to Theodolus.

SECTION XXXIV.

Of a Grand Feast given by Mangu-khan and of the Ceremonies of the Nestorians.

Epiphany was now at hand, and the Armenian monk, Sergins, told me, that he was to baptize Mangu-khan on that day. I entreated him to use his utmost endeavours that I might be present on the occasion, which he faithfully promised. When the day came, the monk did not call me, but I was sent for to court at six o'clock, and I met the monk returning with his cross, and the Nestorian priests with their censers, and the gospel of the day. It is the custom of Mangu to make a feast on such days as are pointed out by his soothsayers, or the Nestorian priests; and on these days the Christians came first to court and pray for him, and bless his cup, after which the Saracen priests do the same, and after them the idolatrous priests. The monk pretended that he only believed the Christians, yet would have all to pray for him; but in this Sergius lied, for he believes none, but all follow his court as flies do honey. He gives to all, and all think they are his familiars, and all prophecy prosperity to him. Then we sat down before the court, and they brought us flesh to eat, which I refused, saying, that if they would provide for us, it ought to be at our house. They then desired us to go home, as we were only sent for that we might eat. On my return I called on the monk, who was ashamed of the lie he had told me, and would not, therefore, say any more of the matter; yet some of the Nestorians affirmed, that the khan had been baptized, but I said that I would neither believe it, nor report it to others, as I had not been present.

We came to our old empty house, where they provided us in bedding and coverlids, and gave us some fuel They gave us the carcase of a small lean sheep, as food for us three in six days, and lent us a pot and trivet to boil our flesh, and gave us a platter of millet every day. We boiled our meat first in water, and afterwards boiled our millet in the broth; and that was our whole allowance, which would have sufficed if we had been suffered to eat in peace, but there were many starved fellows about the court that thrust themselves in among us, and insisted to partake. The cold became very severe, and Mangu-khan sent us three fur coats, with the hair outwards, which we thankfully received; but we represented that we had not a house in which we could pray for the khan, our cottage being so small that we could scarcely stand up in it, neither could we open our books on account of smoke, after the fire was lighted. On this the khan sent to ask the monk if he would be pleased with our company, who gladly received us; and after this we had a better house before the court, where none lodged but we and the soothsayers, they in front of the first lady, and we at the farthest end, towards the east, before the palace of the last lady. We made this alteration on the 13th of January.

Next morning all the Nestorian priests collected at the chapel, and smote on a board, instead of ringing a bell. They then sang matins very reverently, put on all their ornaments, and prepared the censer and incense. After waiting some time, Cotata Caten[1], the principal wife of the khan, came into the chapel, attended by many ladies, and having with her Baltu, her eldest son, and several other children. All these prostrated themselves, ducking after the manner of the Nestorians; they then touched all the images and kissed their hands, and afterwards gave the right hand of fellowship to all who stood beside them, which is the custom among the Nestorians. The priest sang many hymns, and gave the lady some incense in her hand, which she threw into the fire, and then the priests perfumed her. After this she began to put off the ornaments of her head, called Bacca, and I saw her bareheaded; but as we were now commanded to leave the chapel, I know not what followed. As I was going out I saw a silver basin brought, but I am ignorant if she was then baptized, but rather think not; because at Easter I saw a fount consecrated with great solemnity, and some persons baptized, but no such ceremony was seen on the present occasion, and I know they do not celebrate the mass in a tent, but only in a standing church.

[1] Caten signifies lady and Cotata was her particular name.--Harris.

During our absence, Mangu-khan himself came to the chapel, into which a golden bed was brought, on which he sat with his queen, opposite the altar. We were then sent for, and a door-keeper searched us for concealed weapons. On going in with a bible, and breviary in my bosom, I first bowed down before the altar, and then made an obeisance to Mangu-khan, who caused our books to be brought to him, and enquired the signification of the images or pictures with which they were ornamented, to which the Nestorians answered as they thought proper, because we had not our interpreter. Being desired to sing a psalm after our manner, we chanted Veni sancte Spiritus. Then the khan departed, but the lady remained, and distributed gifts to all the Christians present. She gave the monk Sergius a jascot, and another to the archdeacon of the Nestorians, and she caused a nassic or large cloth like a coverlet, and a buckram, to be spread out before us; and as I declined the offer, she sent them to our interpreter, who sold the nassic at Cyprus, for eighteen gold sultanies, though it was much the worse for the carriage. Then red wine, like that of Rochelle, and caracina and cosmos were brought, and the lady holding a cupful in her hand, desired a blessing on her knees, and she drank it up, we and all the priests singing with a loud voice.

Another time, when they were mostly all drunk, the carcass of a sheep was brought in and presently devoured, and then some large fishes, resembling our carp, which they eat without bread or salt. And when the lady was drunk, she took her chariot and went away, the priests singing all the while. Next Sunday, the son of the khan, by a Christian mother, came to the chapel and acted in a similar manner, but not with so much solemnity, and only gave the priests to drink, and some parched millet to eat. Before the first Sunday in Lent, the Nestorians fast three days, which they call the fast of Jonas; and the Armenians fast five days in honour of St Lorkis, their tutelary saint. The Nestorians begin their fast on Tuesday and end it on Thursday, and on Friday they bless the flesh, as if it were the Paschal Lamb. The monk sent to Mangu to fast that week, which he did; and on the Armenian Easter, he went in procession to the house of Mangu, accompanied by us and the Nestorian priests. While we went in, some servants met us carrying out some shoulder-blades of sheep, burnt as black as coals; and on enquiring, I learnt that the khan performs a divination, before undertaking any important matter, in this manner. He causes three of these bones to be brought to him unburnt, which are sought for all over the Leskar or Tartar camp for this purpose; and these bones are burnt in a particular fire, and then brought to him again. If the bones are cracked across, or round pieces fly out of them in burning, it is considered an evil omen; but if they crack lengthways, even one of the three, he then proceeds in his design.

When we went in before Mangu, the Nestorian priests gave him incense, which he put upon the censer, with which they perfumed him. Then they sung and blessed his cup, which was done next by the monk, and lastly by us. After he had drunk, the attendants gave drink to the priests, but we went out; and my companion staying last, turned round near the door to make his obeisance to the khan, and hastily turning again to follow us, stumbled on the threshold, for which he was seized and carried before the Bulgai, who is the chancellor or chief secretary of the court, and judges those who are arraigned on matters of life and death. But I knew not of all this, as missing him on looking back, I thought he had been detained to receive thinner apparel, for he was very weak, and could hardly walk under his load of garments. He was sent home in the evening, and the monk sharply rebuked him for having touched the threshold. Next day, the Bulgai came to me, and demanded to know if any one had warned us against touching the threshold; to which I answered, that as we had not our interpreter along with us, we should not have understood them if the caution had been given. On this my companion was pardoned, but was never allowed, afterwards to come into any of the houses of Mangu-khan.

From the house of the khan, we went to that of his eldest son, who had two wives, and lodged next on the right from his father. As soon as he saw us approach, he leapt from his bed and prostrated himself before the cross, striking the ground with his forehead, then rising and kissing the cross, he caused it to be placed on a new cloth, in a high place, very reverently. He has a tutor, named David, to instruct him, who is a Nestorian priest and a great drunkard. The prince gave drink to the priests, and he drank himself, after the priests had blessed his cup. From him we went to the court of Cota, the khans second lady, who is an idolater, and whom we found very sick; yet the Armenian monk made her rise from bed and adore the cross on her knees, with many ceremonies. We then went to the third court, in which a Christian lady formerly resided; but on her death, she was succeeded by a young woman, who, with the khans daughter, joyfully received us, and worshipped the cross with great reverence. We went then into the house of the young lady Cerina, behind the third court, which had formerly belonged to her mother, who likewise worshipped the cross with great devotion. We next went into the court of the fourth and last lady, whose house was very old, but the khan gave her a new house and new chariots after Easter. This lady was an idolater, yet she worshipped the cross, according to the directions of the monk and priests. From that place we returned to our oratory, the monks accompanying us with great howlings and outcries in their drunkenness, as they had been plentifully supplied with drink at every visit; but this is not considered as blameable or unseemly, either in man or woman in these parts.

SECTION XXXV.

Of a great Cure performed by the Armenian monk Sergius, on one of the Wives of Mangu-khan.

Sometime after the lady Cota was sick almost to death, and the divination by lot of the idolaters did her no good. Mangu-khan then sent for the monk, who indiscreetly engaged to cure her on the forfeiture of his head. On this, the monk sent for us, and entreated us, with tears, to watch and pray all night along with him, which we did. He took of a certain root called rhubarb, which he beat to powder and put among water, along with a little crucifix, and he used to give of that water to all sick persons, which griped them by reason of its bitterness, and which they attributed to a miracle. I proposed to prepare some holy water, according to the rites of the church of Rome, which hath great power to cast out devils, as I understood the lady was vexed of a devil[1]. At his request, I consecrated some holy water, which he mingled with the rhubarb, and left his crucifix all night in the mixture.

[1] From the whole of this story, it would appear that the lady Cota was hysterical from constipation; and that Sergius had the good fortune to remove the cause by a few doses of rhubarb.--E.

Next morning I and the monk and two Nestorian priests went to the lady, who was then in a small house behind her great one. She sat up in her bed and worshipped the cross, laying it honourably by her upon a silken cloth; she drank of the holy water mixed with rhubarb, and washed her breast, and, at the desire of the monk, I read the passion of our Lord according to St John, over her. At length she felt herself relieved, and ordered four jascots to be brought, which she first laid at the foot of the cross, and gave three to the monk, offering one to me, which I refused; then the monk took this likewise, and gave one to each of the priests, keeping two to himself, so that she gave away forty marks in all at this time.[2] She then ordered wine, which she gave to the priests, and made me drink thrice from her hand in honour of the holy trinity. She likewise began to teach me the language, jesting with me, because I was silent for want of an interpreter.

[2] About L. 30, perhaps equal in efficacy to L. 300 of modern days; no bad fee for administering a dose of rhubarb.--E.

Next day Mangu-khan, hearing that we were passing, and having learned that the lady Cota was somewhat better, made us come in, and took the cross into his hand, asking several questions, which I did not understand, but I did not see that he worshipped it. The monk, by my suggestion, craved leave to carry the cross aloft on a lance, and Manga gave permission that it might be carried in any way we thought fit. Then paying our obeisance to the khan, we went to the lady Cota, whom we found strong and cheerful. She still drank the holy water, and we read the passion over her; but those miserable priests never taught her the articles of our holy faith, neither advised her to be baptized, nor did they find fault with any kind of sorcery. For I saw four swords half drawn out of their sheaths, one at the head of her bed, one at the foot, and one on either side of her door. I observed likewise one of our silver chalices, probably taken from some church in Hungary, which hung against the wall, full of ashes, on the top of which lay a black stone; but these priests not only do not teach them that such things are evil, but even practice similar things. We continued our visits for three days, by which time she was restored to perfect health. During these visits, she continued to rally me on my silence, and endeavoured to teach me their language.

I honoured the monk Sergius as my bishop, because he could speak the language, though he was totally uneducated; and I afterwards learnt, when I came to his own country on my return, that he was no priest, but merely an adventurous weaver. In many things he acted in a way that much displeased me, for he caused to be made for himself a folding chair such as bishops use, and gloves, and a cap of peacocks feathers, with a small gold cross; but I was well pleased with the cross. He had scabbed feet, which he endeavoured to palliate with ointments[3]; was very presumptuous in speech, was present at many of the vain and idolatrous rites of the Nestorians, and had many other vanities with which I was much displeased. Yet we joined his society for die honour of the cross, as he got a banner full of crosses on a cane as long as a lance, and we carried the cross aloft through among all the tents of the Tartars, singing Vexilla regis prodeant, &c. to the great regret of the Mahometans, who were envious of our favour.

[3] This surely was a sinless infirmity, and needed not to have been recorded to his dishonour. He was probably afflicted with chilblains, in consequence of the severity of the Tartarian climate.--E.

I was informed of a certain Armenian who came, as he said, from Jerusalem along with the monk Sergius, carrying a silver cross of about four marks weight, adorned with precious stones, which he presented to Mangu-khan, who asked what was his petition. He represented himself to be the son of an Armenian priest, whose church had been destroyed by the Saracens, and craved his help for rebuilding that church. Being asked how much that might cost, he said two hundred jascots, or two thousand marks; and the khan ordered letters to be given him, ordering those who received the tribute of Persia and the Greater Armenia, to pay him that sum in silver[4]. The monk continued to carry this cross about with him wherever he went, and the Nestorian priests became envious of the profit which he derived from its use.

[4] L. 1500 in weight, equal at least to L. 15,000 of our modern money; a most magnificent present to an itinerant beggar.--E.

SECTION XXXVI.

Account of the Country under the Dominion of the Great Khan of the Manners and Customs of his Subjects; of a Wonderful Piece of Mechanism, constructed by a French Goldsmith; and of the Palace of the Khan at Caracarum.

From the time of our arrival at the court of Mangu-khan, the leskar or camp made only two days journey towards the south; and it then began its progress northwards, in the direction of Caracarum. In the whole of my journey I was convinced of the truth of what I had been informed by Baldwin de Hainault at Constantinople, that the whole way eastwards was by a continual ascent, as all the rivers run from the east towards the west, sometimes deviating towards the north or south, more or less directly, but never running east, but this was farther confirmed to me by the priests who came from Kathay[1]. From the place where I found Mangukhan, it is twenty days journey south-east to Kathay, and ten days journey right east to Oman Kerule, the original country of the Moal and of Zingis[2]. In those parts there are no cities, but the country is inhabited by a people called Su-Moall, or Mongols of the waters, who live upon fish and hunting, and have neither flocks nor herds. Farther north, likewise, there is no city, but a poor people of herdsmen, who are called Kerkis. The Orangin are there also, who bind smooth bones under their feet, and thrust themselves with such velocity over the ice and snow, as to overtake beasts in the chase. There are many other poor nations in those parts, inhabiting as far to the north as the cold will permit, who join on the west with the country of Pascatir, or the Greater Hungary, of which I have made mention before[3]. In the north the mountains are perpetually covered with snow, and the bounds are unknown by reason of the extreme cold. All these nations are poor; yet they must all betake themselves to some employment, as Zingis established a law that none was to be free from service till so old as to be unable for work.

[1] So for as was travelled by Rubruquis, and in the route which he pursued on the north of the Alak mountains, this observation is quite correct to longitude 100° E. But what he here adds respecting Kathay, is directly contradictory to the fact; as all the rivers beyond Caracarum run in an easterly direction. The great central plain of Tangut, then traversed by the imperial horde of the Mongals, and now by the Eluts and Kalkas, must be prodigiously elevated above the level of the ocean.--E.

[2] The information here seems corrupted, or at least is quite incorrect. Kathay or northern China is due east, or east south-east from the great plain to the south of Karakum. Daouria, the original residence of the Mongols of Zingis, between the rivers Onon and Kerlon, is to the north-east.--E.

[3] The Kerkis must fee the Kirguses, a tribe of whom once dwelt to the south-west of lake Baikal. The Orangin or Orangey, inhabited on the east side of that lake. Pascatir is the country of the Bashkirs, Baschkirians, or Pascatirians in Great Bulgaria, called Great Hungary in the text, between the Volga and the Ural.--E.

I was inquisitive about the monstrous men of whom Isidore and Solinus make mention; but no one had ever seen any such, and I therefore doubt whether it be true. Once a priest of Kathay sat by me, clothed in red, of whom I asked how that colour was procured. He told me that on certain high; craggy rocks in the east of Kathay there dwelt certain creatures like men, not above a cubit long, and all hairy, who leapt rather than walked, and dwelt in inaccessible caves. That those who go to hunt them carry strong drink, which they leave in holes of the rocks, and then hide themselves. These little creatures come out from their holes, and having tasted the drink, call out chin-chin, on which multitudes gather together, and drink till they are drunk, and fall asleep. Then the hunters come and bind them, after which they draw a few drops of blood from the veins of the neck of each of these creatures, and let them go free; and this blood is the most precious purple dye. He told me, likewise, that there is a province beyond Kathay, into which, if a man enters, he always continues of the same age at which he entered; but this I do not believe[4].

[4] Rubruquis properly rejects the stories of monstrous men, related by the ancients, yet seems to swallow the absurd story of the purple dye, engrafted by the Kathayan priest on a very natural invention for catching apes. He disbelieves the last information of the priest, which must have been an enigmatical representation of the province of death, or of the tombs.--E.

Kathay is on the ocean, and I was told by the French goldsmith at Caracarum, that there is a people or nation called Tante and Manse, inhabiting certain islands, the sea around which is frozen in winter, so that the Tartars might invade them; but they sent messengers to the great khan, offering a tribute of 2000 tuemen or jascots yearly, to permit them to live in peace[5]. A tuemen, toman, or jascot, is a piece of money equal to ten marks.

[5] It is difficult to guess as to these people and their islands; which may possibly refer to Japan, or even Corea, which is no island. Such tribute could not have been offered by the rude inhabitants of Saghalien or Yesso.--E.

The ordinary money of Kathay is of paper made like pasteboard, the breadth and length of a hand, on which lines are printed, like the seal of Mangu. They write with a pencil like that used by our painters, and in one figure they comprehend many letters, forming one word[6]. The people of Thibet write as we do, and their characters are very like our own. Those of Tangut write from right to left, like the Arabs, and multiply their lines ascending; while the Jugurs write in descending columns. The common money of the Rutenians or Russians, consists in spotted or grizzled furs.

[6] This evidently but obscurely describes the Chinese characters; the most ingenious device ever contrived for the monopoly of knowledge and office to the learned class, and for arresting the progress of knowledge and science at a fixed boundary.--E.

When our Quinquagesima came, which is the Lent time of all the people of the east, the lady Cota fasted all that week, and came every day to our oratory, giving meat to the priests and other Christians, of whom a great company came daily to attend the service. But the porters of the court, seeing such multitudes come daily to our chapel, which was within the precincts of the court, sent one to tell the monk, that they would not allow such multitudes to come within their bounds; to this the monk made a sharp reply, and threatened to accuse them to the khan; but they prevented him, and lodged a complaint before Mangu, that the monk was too full of words, and gathered too great a multitude to hear him speak. On this he was called before the khan, who reproved him severely, saying, that as a holy man, he should employ himself in prayers to God, and not in speeches to men. But he was afterwards reconciled, by promising to go to the Pope, and to induce all the nations of the west to yield obedience to the khan. On his return to the oratory, the monk asked me if I thought he might gain admission to the Pope as the messenger of Mangu; and whether the Pope would supply him with horses to go to St James in Galicia; and whether your majesty would send your son to the court of Mangu. But I counselled him, to beware of making false promises to Mangu, and that God needed not the service of lies or deceitful speaking. About this time a dispute arose between the monk and one of the Nestorian priests, more learned than the rest, as the monk asserted that man was created before paradise, which the other denied; on reference to me, I said that paradise was created on the second day, when the other trees were made, whereas man was made on the sixth. Then the monk said, that the devil brought clay on die first day, from all the corners of the earth, of which he made the body of man, which God inspired with a soul. On this I sharply reproved him for his heretical ignorance, and he scorned me for my ignorance of the language: I departed, therefore, from him to our own house. But when he and the priests went afterwards in procession to the court without calling me, Mangu earnestly enquired the reason of my absence; and the priests being afraid, excused themselves as well as they could, and reported to me the words of the khan, murmuring at the monk. After this the monk was reconciled to me, and I entreated him to aid me in acquiring the language, promising to help him to the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures.

After the first week of fasting, the lady ceased from coming to the oratory, and to give meat and drink, so that we had nothing but brown bread, and paste boiled in melted snow or ice, which was exceedingly bad. My companion was much grieved at this diet, on which I acquainted David, the teacher of the khans eldest son, with our necessities, who made a report to the khan, and we were then supplied, with wine, flour, and oil. The Nestorians and Armenians eat no fish in Lent; but the monk had a chest under the altar, with almonds, and raisins, and dried prunes, and other fruits, on which he fed when alone.

About the middle of Lent, the goldsmiths son came from Caracarum, bringing a silver cross made in the French fashion, with an image of Christ, as a present for Bulgai, the chief secretary of the court; and the young man informed Mangu, that the great work he had commanded to be made by his father, was completed. In the neighbourhood of Caracarum, Mangu has a large court, inclosed with a brick wall like our priories. Within that court is a great palace, in which the khan holds feasts twice a-year, once in Easter, and the other in summer; but the latter is the greater, as all the nobles meet then at the court, when the khan distributes garments among them, and displays all his magnificence. Beside the palace there are many great buildings like our barns, in which the victuals and treasures belonging to the khan are stored. Because it was indecent to have flaggons going about the hall of the palace, as in a tavern, William, the goldsmith, constructed a great silver tree, just without the middle entrance of the great hall, at the root of which were four silver lions, having pipes discharging pure cows milk. Four pipes were conveyed up the body of the tree to its top, which spread out into four great boughs, hanging downwards; on each of these boughs was a golden serpent, all their tails twining about the body of the tree, and each of these formed a pipe, one discharging wine, a second caracosmos, a third ball, or mead made of honey, and the fourth teracina or drink made of rice; each particular drink having a vessel at the foot of the tree to receive it. On the top, between the four pipes, there stood an image of an angel with a trumpet. Under the tree there was a vault, in which a man was hidden, and from him a pipe ascended to the angel; and when the butler commands to sound the trumpet, the man below blows strongly, and the trumpet emits a shrill sound. In a chamber without the palace, the liquors are stored, and servants who are waiting, pour the liquors each in its proper pipe, at the signal, when they are conveyed by concealed pipes up the body of the tree, and discharged into, their appropriate vessels, whence they are distributed by the under butlers to the visitors. The tree is all ornamented with silver boughs, and leaves and fruit all of silver. The palace is like a church, having a middle aisle and two side ones, beyond two rows of pillars, and has three gates to the south, and before the middle gate stands the silver tree. The khan sits at the north wall, on a high place, that he may be seen of all, and there are two flights of steps ascending to him, by one of which his cup-bearer goes up, and comes down by the other. The middle space between the throne and the silver tree is left vacant for the cup-bearers and the messengers who bring presents; on the right side of the khan the men sit, and the women on the left. One woman only sits beside him, but not so high as he.

About Passion Sunday, the khan went before with his small houses only, leaving the great ones behind, and the monk and we followed. On the journey we had to pass through a hilly country[7] where we encountered high winds, extreme cold, and much snow. About midnight the khan sent to the monk and us, requesting us to pray to God to mitigate the severity of the weather, as the beasts in his train were in great jeopardy, being mostly with young, and about to bring forth. Then the monk sent him incense, desiring him to put it on the coals, as an offering to God: Whether he did this or no, I know not, but the tempest ceased, which had lasted two days. On Palm Sunday we were near Caracarum, and at dawn of day we blessed the willow boughs, on which, as yet, there were no buds. About nine o'clock we entered the city of Caracarum, carrying the cross aloft with the banner, and passing through the street of the Saracens, in which the market is held, we proceeded to the church, where the Nestorians met; us in procession. We found them prepared to celebrate the mass, and they all communicated; but I declined this, having already drank, and the sacrament should always be received lasting. After mass, being now evening, William Bouchier, the goldsmith, brought us to sup at his lodging. He had a wife, born in Hungary, of Mahometan parents, who spoke French, and the language of the Comanians. We found here also one Basilicus, the son of an Englishman, likewise born in Hungary, who was likewise skilled in these languages. After supper we retired to our cottage, which, with the oratory of the monk, were placed near the Nestorian church; which is of considerable size, and very handsomely built, and all the ceiling is covered with silk, wrought with gold.

[7] From this circumstance, it would appear that Rubruquis had found the court of the khan in the country of the Eluts, to the south of the Changai mountains, perhaps about latitude 44° N. and longitude 103° E, the meridian of the supposed site of Karakum on the Orchon. And it may be presumed, that the imperial suite was now crossing the Changai chain towards the north.--E.

I much deliberated with myself, whether I should continue in communion with the monk and the Nestorians, because I saw their actions full of idolatry and sorcery; but I feared to give offence to the khan in separating from the other Christians, as I saw that my presence pleased him, for which reason I always accompanied them to court; but when there I did not join in their mummeries, praying always in a loud voice for the church, and that God would direct the khan in the right way of salvation. On one occasion the khan promised to come to the church next day; but he departed on his journey to the northward, desiring the priests to excuse him, because he had learnt that the dead were carried thither. But we remained behind, that we might celebrate the festival of Easter. There were a vast multitude of Hungarians, Alans, Rutenians or Russians, Georgians, and Armenians, who had not received the sacrament since they were taken prisoners, as the Nestorians would not admit them into their church unless they were rebaptized; yet they offered their sacrament freely to us, and allowed me to see their manner of consecration; on the vigil of Easter I saw their ceremony of baptism. They pretend to have the ointment with which Mary Magdalen anointed the feet of Jesus, and they put in so much of that oil in kneading their sacramental bread; for all the people of the east use butter, or oil, or fat from a sheeps tail, in their bread, instead of leaven. They pretend also to have of the flour of which the bread was made which was consecrated by our Lord at his Last Supper, as they always keep a small piece of dough from each baking, to mix up with the new, which they consecrate with great reverence. In administering this to the people, they divide the consecrated loaf first into twelve portions, after the number of the apostles, which they afterwards break down into smaller pieces, in proportion to the number of communicants, giving the body of Christ into the hand of every one, who takes it from his own palm with much reverence, and afterwards lays his hand on the top of his head.

I was much at a loss how to act, as the Nestorians entreated me to celebrate the festival, and I had neither vestments, chalice, nor altar. But the goldsmith furnished me with vestments, and made an oratory on a chariot, decently painted with scripture histories; he made also a silver box or pix for the host, and an image of the blessed Virgin, and caused an iron instrument to be made for us to make hosts in our way. Then I made the before mentioned Christians to confess to me, as well as I could, by means of an interpreter, explaining to them the ten commandments, the seven deadly sins, and other matters, exhorting them to confession and penitence: But all of them publickly excused themselves respecting theft, saying that they could not otherwise live, as their masters neither provided them with food or raiment; and I said they might lawfully take necessaries from their masters, especially as they had forcibly deprived them of their subsistence and liberty. Some who were soldiers excused themselves from having gone to the wars, as otherwise they would be slain; these I forbid to go against Christians, declaring, that if slain for their refusal, God would account them as martyrs. After this I gave the holy communion to these people on Easter day, and I hope, with the blessing of God to many, being assisted by the Nestorians, who lent me their chalice and paten. They baptized above threescore persons on Easter eve with great solemnity, to the great joy of all the Christians.