SPECIAL MESSAGES

WASHINGTON CITY, December 13, 1842.

To the Senate of the United States:

I hereby communicate to the Senate a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, with accompanying documents.80

JOHN TYLER.

[The same message was sent to the House of Representatives.]

WASHINGTON, December 14, 1842.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate a treaty recently concluded with the Chippewa Indians of the Mississippi and Lake Superior, with communications from the War Department in relation thereto, and ask the advice and consent of the Senate to the ratification of the said treaty.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, December 14, 1842.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate a treaty recently concluded with the Sac and Fox Indians, with communications from the War Department in relation thereto, and ask the advice and consent of the Senate to the ratification of the said treaty.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, December 23, 1842.

To the Senate of the United States:

I have received the resolution of the 22d instant, requesting me "to inform the Senate of the nature and extent of 'the informal communications' which took place between the American Secretary of State and the British special minister during the late negotiations in Washington City upon the subject of the claims of the United States and Great Britain to the territory west of the Rocky Mountains," and also to inform the Senate what were the reasons which prevented "any agreement upon the subject at present" and which made it "inexpedient to include that subject among the subjects of formal negotiation."

In my message to Congress at the commencement of the present session, in adverting to the territory of the United States on the Pacific Ocean north of the forty-second degree of north latitude, a part of which is claimed by Great Britain, I remarked that "in advance of the acquirement of individual rights to these lands sound policy dictates that every effort should be resorted to by the two Governments to settle their respective claims," and also stated that I should not delay to urge on Great Britain the importance of an early settlement. Measures have been already taken in pursuance of the purpose thus expressed, and under these circumstances I do not deem it consistent with the public interest to make any communication on the subject.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, December 23, 1842.

To the Senate of the United States:

I herewith communicate to the Senate a report81 from the Secretary of State, in answer to a resolution of the Senate adopted on the 22d instant.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, December 29, 1842.

To the Senate of the United States:

I herewith transmit to the Senate a report82 from the Secretary of State, with accompanying papers, in answer to their resolution of the 27th instant.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, December 30, 1842.

To the Senate of the United States:

In reply to the resolution of the Senate of the 14th December, I transmit herewith the accompanying letter83 from the Secretary of the Navy and the statement thereto appended from the Bureau of Equipment and Construction.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, December 30, 1842.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

I communicate herewith to Congress copies of a correspondence which has recently taken place between certain agents of the Government of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands and the Secretary of State.

The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of interest, which is increasing by every successive proof that their inhabitants are making progress in civilization and becoming more and more competent to maintain regular and orderly civil government. They lie in the Pacific Ocean, much nearer to this continent than the other, and have become an important place for the refitment and provisioning of American and European vessels.

Owing to their locality and to the course of the winds which prevail in this quarter of the world, the Sandwich Islands are the stopping place for almost all vessels passing from continent to continent across the Pacific Ocean. They are especially resorted to by the great number of vessels of the United States which are engaged in the whale fishery in those seas. The number of vessels of all sorts and the amount of property owned by citizens of the United States which are found in those islands in the course of the year are stated probably with sufficient accuracy in the letter of the agents.

Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the Government of the islands is as yet feeble, but its dispositions appear to be just and pacific, and it seems anxious to improve the condition of its people by the introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral institutions, means of education, and the arts of civilized life.

It can not but be in conformity with the interest and wishes of the Government and the people of the United States that this community, thus existing in the midst of a vast expanse of ocean, should be respected and all its rights strictly and conscientiously regarded; and this must also be the true interest of all other commercial states. Far remote from the dominions of European powers, its growth and prosperity as an independent state may yet be in a high degree useful to all whose trade is extended to those regions; while its near approach to this continent and the intercourse which American vessels have with it, such vessels constituting five-sixths of all which annually visit it, could not but create dissatisfaction on the part of the United States at any attempt by another power, should such attempt be threatened or feared, to take possession of the islands, colonize them, and subvert the native Government. Considering, therefore, that the United States possesses so large a share of the intercourse with those islands, it is deemed not unfit to make the declaration that their Government seeks, nevertheless, no peculiar advantages, no exclusive control over the Hawaiian Government, but is content with its independent existence and anxiously wishes for its security and prosperity. Its forbearance in this respect under the circumstances of the very large intercourse of their citizens with the islands would justify this Government, should events hereafter arise to require it, in making a decided remonstrance against the adoption of an opposite policy by any other power. Under the circumstances I recommend to Congress to provide for a moderate allowance to be made out of the Treasury to the consul residing there, that in a Government so new and a country so remote American citizens may have respectable authority to which to apply for redress in case of injury to their persons and property, and to whom the Government of the country may also make known any acts committed by American citizens of which it may think it has a right to complain.

Events of considerable importance have recently transpired in China. The military operations carried on against that Empire by the English Government have been terminated by a treaty, according to the terms of which four important ports hitherto shut against foreign commerce are to be open to British merchants, viz, Amoy, Foo-Choo-Foo, Ningpo, and Chinghai. It can not but be interesting to the mercantile interest of the United States, whose intercourse with China at the single port of Canton has already become so considerable, to ascertain whether these other ports now open to British commerce are to remain shut, nevertheless, against the commerce of the United States. The treaty between the Chinese Government and the British commissioner provides neither for the admission nor the exclusion of the ships of other nations. It would seem, therefore, that it remains with every other nation having commercial intercourse with China to seek to make proper arrangements for itself with the Government of that Empire in this respect.

The importations into the United States from China are known to be large, having amounted in some years, as will be seen by the annexed tables, to $9,000,000. The exports, too, from the United States to China constitute an interesting and growing part of the commerce of the country. It appears that in the year 1841, in the direct trade between the two countries, the value of the exports from the United States amounted to $715,000 in domestic produce and $485,000 in foreign merchandise. But the whole amount of American produce which finally reaches China and is there consumed is not comprised in these tables, which show only the direct trade. Many vessels with American products on board sail with a primary destination to other countries, but ultimately dispose of more or less of their cargoes in the port of Canton.

The peculiarities of the Chinese Government and the Chinese character are well known. An Empire supposed to contain 300,000,000 subjects, fertile in various rich products of the earth, not without the knowledge of letters and of many arts, and with large and expensive accommodations for internal intercourse and traffic, has for ages sought to exclude the visits of strangers and foreigners from its dominions, and has assumed for itself a superiority over all other nations. Events appear likely to break down and soften this spirit of nonintercourse and to bring China ere long into the relations which usually subsist between civilized states. She has agreed in the treaty with England that correspondence between the agents of the two Governments shall be on equal terms—a concession which it is hardly probable will hereafter be withheld from other nations.

It is true that the cheapness of labor among the Chinese, their ingenuity in its application, and the fixed character of their habits and pursuits may discourage the hope of the opening of any great and sudden demand for the fabrics of other countries. But experience proves that the productions of western nations find a market to some extent among the Chinese; that that market, so far as respects the productions of the United States, although it has considerably varied in successive seasons, has on the whole more than doubled within the last ten years; and it can hardly be doubted that the opening of several new and important ports connected with parts of the Empire heretofore seldom visited by Europeans or Americans would exercise a favorable influence upon the demand for such productions.

It is not understood that the immediate establishment of correspondent embassies and missions or the permanent residence of diplomatic functionaries with full powers of each country at the Court of the other is contemplated between England and China, although, as has been already observed, it has been stipulated that intercourse between the two countries shall hereafter be on equal terms. An ambassador or envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary can only be accredited, according to the usages of western nations, to the head or sovereign of the state, and it may be doubtful whether the Court of Pekin is yet prepared to conform to these usages so far as to receive a minister plenipotentiary to reside near it.

Being of opinion, however, that the commercial interests of the United States connected with China require at the present moment a degree of attention and vigilance such as there is no agent of this Government on the spot to bestow, I recommend to Congress to make appropriation for the compensation of a commissioner to reside in China to exercise a watchful care over the concerns of American citizens and for the protection of their persons and property, empowered to hold intercourse with the local authorities, and ready, under instructions from his Government, should such instructions become necessary and proper hereafter, to address himself to the high functionaries of the Empire, or through them to the Emperor himself.

It will not escape the observation of Congress that in order to secure the important object of any such measure a citizen of much intelligence and weight of character should be employed on such agency, and that to secure the services of such an individual a compensation should be made corresponding with the magnitude and importance of the mission.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, December 31, 1842.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with your resolution of the 12th of February, 1841, requesting me to communicate to the House of Representatives the documents and other information in the possession of the Executive regarding claims of citizens of the United States on the Government of Hayti, I now transmit a letter from the Secretary of State and the accompanying documents.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, January 9, 1843.

To the Senate of the United States:

I have received a resolution of the Senate of the 27th of December, in the following terms:

Resolved, That the President be requested to inform the Senate, if compatible with the public interest, whether the quintuple treaty for the suppression of the slave trade has been communicated to the Government of the United States in any form whatever, and, if so, by whom, for what purpose, and what answer may have been returned to such communication. Also to communicate to the Senate all the information which may have been received by the Government of the United States going to show that the "course which this Government might take in relation to said treaty has excited no small degree of attention and discussion in Europe." Also to inform the Senate how far the "warm animadversions" and the "great political excitement" which this treaty has caused in Europe have any application or reference to the United States. Also to inform the Senate what danger there was that "the laws and the obligations" of the United States in relation to the suppression of the slave trade would be "executed by others," if we did not "remove the pretext and motive for violating our flag and executing our laws" by entering into the stipulations for the African squadron and the remonstrating embassies which are contained in the eighth and ninth articles of the late British treaty. Also that the President be requested to communicate to the Senate all the correspondence with our ministers abroad relating to the foregoing points of inquiry. Also that the President be requested to communicate to the Senate all such information upon the negotiation of the African squadron articles as will show the origin of such articles and the history and progress of their formation.

I informed the Senate, in the message transmitting the treaty with England of the 9th of August last, that no application or request had been made to this Government to become a party to the quintuple treaty. Agents of the Government abroad, regarding the signature of that treaty as a political occurrence of some importance, obtained, unofficially, copies of it, and transmitted those copies to the Department of State, as other intelligence is communicated for the information of the Government. The treaty has not been communicated to the Government of the United States from any other quarter, in any other manner, or for any other purpose.

The next request expressed in the resolution is in these words:

Also to communicate to the Senate all the information which may have been received by the Government of the United States going to show that the "course which this Government might take in relation to said treaty has excited no small degree of attention and discussion in Europe." Also to inform the Senate how far the "warm animadversions" and the "great political excitement" which this treaty has caused in Europe have any application or reference to the United States.

The words quoted in this part of the resolution appear to be taken from my message above mentioned. In that communication I said:

No application or request has been made to this Government to become a party to this treaty, but the course it might take in regard to it has excited no small degree of attention and discussion in Europe, as the principle upon which it is founded and the stipulations which it contains have caused warm animadversions and great political excitement.

In my message at the commencement of the present session of Congress I endeavored to state the principles which this Government supports respecting the right of search and the immunity of flags. Desirous of maintaining those principles fully, at the same time that existing obligations should be fulfilled, I have thought it most consistent with the honor and dignity of the country that it should execute its own laws and perform its own obligations by its own means and its own power. The examination or visitation of the merchant vessels of one nation by the cruisers of another for any purposes except those known and acknowledged by the law of nations, under whatever restraints or regulations it may take place, may lead to dangerous results. It is far better by other means to supersede any supposed necessity or any motive for such examination or visit. Interference with a merchant vessel by an armed cruiser is always a delicate proceeding, apt to touch the point of national honor as well as to affect the interests of individuals. It has been thought, therefore, expedient, not only in accordance with the stipulations of the treaty of Ghent, but at the same time as removing all pretext on the part of others for violating the immunities of the American flag upon the seas as they exist and are defined by the law of nations, to enter into the articles now submitted to the Senate.

The treaty which I now submit to you proposes no alteration, mitigation, or modification of the rules of the law of nations. It provides simply that each of the two Governments shall maintain on the coast of Africa a sufficient squadron to enforce, separately and respectively, the laws, rights, and obligations of the two countries for the suppression of the slave trade.

These opinions were expressed by me officially upon the occasion of making to the Senate a communication of very great importance. It is not perceived how the accuracy of this general statement can be doubted by those who are acquainted with the debates of public bodies in Europe, the productions of the press, and the other modes by which public opinion is manifested in an enlightened age. It is not to be supposed that excited attention to public and national transactions or general political discussions in Europe on subjects open to all the world are known only in consequence of private information communicated to the Government, and feeling a strong persuasion that it would be improper in the Executive to go into any discussion or argument upon such a subject with the Senate, I have no further remarks to make upon this part of the inquiry.

The third inquiry is:

What danger there was that "the laws and the obligations" of the United States in relation to the suppression of the slave trade would be "executed by others" if we do not "remove the pretext and motive for violating our flag and executing our laws."

I have already quoted from the message the entire paragraph to a part of which this portion of the inquiry is supposed to refer.

As to the danger there was that the laws and the obligations of the United States in relation to the suppression of the slave trade would be executed by others if we did not remove the pretext and motive for violating our flag and provide for executing our laws, I might say that this depends upon notorious facts and occurrences, of which the evidence has been in various forms before the country and all the branches of the Government.

When I came to occupy the Executive chair I could not be ignorant of the numerous complaints which had been made on account of alleged interruptions of American vessels engaged in lawful commerce on the coast of Africa by British cruisers on the ground of their being engaged in the slave trade. I could not be ignorant, at the same time, of the well-grounded suspicions which pervaded the country that some American vessels were engaged in that odious and unlawful traffic. There were two dangers, then, to be guarded against—the one, that this traffic would continue to be carried on in American ships, and perhaps much increased, unless some new and vigorous effort should be made for its suppression; the other, that acquiescence in the capture of American vessels, notorious slave dealers, by British cruisers might give countenance to seizures and detentions of vessels lawfully employed on light or groundless suspicions. And cases had arisen under the administration of those who preceded me well calculated to show the extent and magnitude of this latter danger; and believing that very serious consequences might in time grow out of the obvious tendency and progress of things, I felt it to be my duty to arrest that progress, to rescue the immunity of the American flag from the danger which hung over it, and to do this by recommending such a provision for the execution of our own laws as should remove all pretense for the interference of others.

Among the occurrences to which I have alluded, it may be useful to particularize one case.

The schooner Catharine, an American vessel owned by citizens of the United States, was seized on the coast of Africa by the British cruiser called the Dolphin and brought into the port of New York in the summer of 1839. Upon being brought into port, Benjamin F. Butler, esq., district attorney of the United States for the southern district of New York, appeared in the district court of the United States for that district and in the name and behalf of the United States libeled the schooner, her apparel and furniture, for a violation of the several acts of Congress passed for the suppression of the slave trade. The schooner being arrested by the usual process in such cases and possession taken of her from the hands of the British captors by officers of the United States, the cause proceeded, and by a decree of the circuit court in December, 1840, a forfeiture was pronounced. From this decree an appeal was taken, which is now pending in the Supreme Court of the United States.

It is true that in another case, that of the Tigris, of like general character, soon after arising, the then Secretary of State, on the 1st of March, 1841, informed Mr. Fox, the British minister, that "however strong and unchangeable may be the determination of this Government to punish any citizens of the United States who violate the laws against the African slave trade, it will not permit the exercise of any authority by foreign armed vessels in the execution of those laws."

But it is evident that this general declaration did not relieve the subject from its difficulties. Vessels of the United States found engaged in the African slave trade are guilty of piracy under the acts of Congress. It is difficult to say that such vessels can claim any interference of the Government in their behalf, into whosesoever hands they may happen to fall, any more than vessels which should turn general pirates. Notorious African slave traders can not claim the protection of the American character, inasmuch as they are acting in direct violation of the laws of their country and stand denounced by those laws as pirates. In case of the seizure of such a vessel by a foreign cruiser, and of her being brought into a port of the United States, what is to be done with her? Shall she be libeled, prosecuted, and condemned as if arrested by a cruiser of the United States? If this is to be done, it is clear that the agency of a foreign power has been instrumental in executing the laws of the United States. Or, on the other hand, is the vessel, with all her offenses flagrant upon her, to be released on account of the agency by which she was seized, discharged of all penalties, and left at liberty to renew her illegal and nefarious traffic?

It appeared to me that the best, if not the only, mode of avoiding these and other difficulties was by adopting such a provision as is contained in the late treaty with England.

The Senate asks me for the reasons for entering into the stipulations for the "remonstrating embassies" contained in the late treaty. Surely there is no stipulation in the treaty for any "remonstrating embassies," or any other embassies, nor any reference or allusion to any such thing. In this respect all that the treaty provides is in the ninth article and is in these words:

The parties to this treaty agree that they will unite in all becoming representations and remonstrances with any and all powers within whose dominions such markets [for African slaves] are allowed to exist, and that they will urge upon all such powers the propriety and duty of closing such markets effectually, at once and forever.

It always gives me sincere pleasure to communicate to both Houses of Congress anything in my power which may aid them in the discharge of their high duties and which the public interest does not require to be withheld. In transmitting the late treaty to the Senate everything was caused to accompany it which it was supposed could enlighten the judgment of the Senate upon its various provisions. The views of the Executive, in agreeing to the eighth and ninth articles, were fully expressed, and pending the discussion in the Senate every call for further information was promptly complied with, and nothing kept back which the Senate desired. Upon this information and upon its own knowledge of the subject the Senate made up and pronounced its judgment upon its own high responsibility, and as the result of that judgment the treaty was ratified, as the Journal shows, by a vote of 39 to 9. The treaty has thus become the law of the land by the express advice of the Senate, given in the most solemn manner known to its proceedings. The fourth request is—

That the President be requested to communicate to the Senate all the correspondence with our ministers abroad relating to the foregoing points of inquiry.

If this branch of the resolution were more definite, some parts of it might perhaps be met without prejudice to the public interest by extracts from the correspondence referred to. At a future day a communication may be expected to be made as broad and general as a proper regard to these interests will admit, but at present I deem any such communication not to be consistent with the public interest.

The fifth and last is—

That the President be requested to communicate to the Senate all such information upon the negotiation of the African squadron articles as will show the origin of such articles and the history and progress of their formation.

These articles were proposed to the British minister by the Secretary of State under my express sanction and were acceded to by him and have since been ratified by both Governments. I might without disrespect speak of the novelty of inquiring by the Senate into the history and progress of articles of a treaty through a negotiation which has terminated, and as the result of which these articles have become the law of the land by the constitutional advice of the Senate itself. But I repeat that those articles had their origin in a desire on the part of the Government of the United States to fulfill its obligations, entered into by the treaty of Ghent, to do its utmost for the suppression of the African slave trade, and to accomplish this object by such means as should not lead to the interruption of the lawful commerce of the United States or any derogation from the dignity and immunity of their flag. And I have the satisfaction to believe that both the Executive, in negotiating the treaty of which these articles form part, and the Senate, in advising to its ratification, have effected an object important to the Government and satisfactory to the people.

In conclusion I hope I may be permitted to observe that I have, out of a profound respect for the Senate, been induced to make this communication in answer to inquiries some of which at least are believed to be without precedent in the history of the relations between that body and the executive department. These inquiries were particularly unexpected to me at the present moment. As I had been so fortunate as to find my own views of the expediency of ratifying the late treaty with England confirmed by a vote of somewhat more than four-fifths of the Senators present, I have hitherto flattered myself that the motives which influenced my conduct had been fully appreciated by those who advised and approved it, and that if a necessity should ever arise for any special explanation or defense in regard to those motives it could scarcely be in that assembly itself.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, January 18, 1843.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 27th ultimo, I now transmit the letter and pamphlet84 which accompanies this.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, January 23, 1843.

To the Senate of the United States:

I herewith transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolution of the 19th instant, reports85 from the State and War Departments.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, January 23, 1843.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate herewith, in answer to their resolution of the 5th instant, a report86 from the Secretary of State, with accompanying documents.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, January 31, 1843.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th instant, requesting me to communicate answers to certain queries therein contained respecting instructions given to the commissioners appointed to adjudicate claims arising under the Cherokee treaty of 1835, I transmit herewith a report from the War Department, accompanied by a copy of the instructions referred to.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, January 31, 1843.

To the House of Representatives:

At the last session of Congress a resolution was passed by the House of Representatives requesting me to cause to be communicated to the House "the several reports made to the Department of War by Lieutenant-Colonel Hitchcock relative to the affairs of the Cherokee Indians, together with all information communicated by him concerning the frauds he was charged to investigate; also all facts in the possession of the Executive relating to the subject."

A resolution of the same import had been passed by the House of Representatives on the 18th of May last, requiring the Secretary of War to communicate to the House the same reports and matters. After consultation with me and under my directions, the Secretary of War informed the House that the reports referred to relative to the affairs of the Cherokees contained information and suggestions in reference to the matters which it was supposed would become the subject of a negotiation between that Department and the delegates of the Cherokee Nation. It was stated by him that the nature and subject of the report, in the opinion of the President and the Department, rendered its publication at that time inconsistent with the public interest. The negotiation referred to subsequently took place, and embraced the matters upon which Lieutenant-Colonel Hitchcock had communicated his views. That negotiation terminated without the conclusion of any arrangement. It may, and in all probability will, be renewed. All the information communicated by Lieutenant-Colonel Hitchcock respecting the Cherokees—their condition as a nation and their relations to other tribes—is herewith transmitted. But his suggestions and projects respecting the anticipated propositions of the delegates and his views of their personal characters can not in any event aid the legislation of Congress, and in my opinion the promulgation of them would be unfair and unjust to him and inconsistent with the public interest, and they are therefore not transmitted.

The Secretary of War further stated in his answer to the resolution that the other report referred to in it, relating to the alleged frauds which Lieutenant-Colonel Hitchcock was charged to investigate, contained such information as he (Colonel Hitchcock) was enabled to obtain by ex parte inquiries of various persons whose statements were necessarily without the sanction of an oath, and which the persons implicated had had no opportunity to contradict or explain. He expressed the opinion that to promulgate those statements at that time would be grossly unjust to those persons and would be calculated to defeat rather than promote the objects of the inquiry, and he remarked that sufficient opportunity had not been given to the Department to pursue the investigation or to call upon the parties affected for explanations or to determine on the measures proper to be adopted. And he hoped these reasons would be satisfactory for not transmitting to the House at that time the reports referred to in its resolution.

It would appear from the report of the Committee on Indian Affairs, to whom the communication of the Secretary of War was referred, and which report has been transmitted to me, together with the resolutions of the House adopted on the recommendation of the committee, and from those resolutions, that the reasons given by the Secretary were not deemed satisfactory and that the House of Representatives claims the right to demand from the Executive and heads of Departments such information as maybe in their possession relating to "subjects of the deliberations of the House and within the sphere of its legitimate powers," and that in the opinion of the House the reports and facts called for by its resolution of the 18th of May related to subjects of its deliberations and were within the sphere of its legitimate powers, and should have been communicated.

If by the assertion of this claim of right to call upon the Executive for all the information in its possession relating to any subject of the deliberation of the House, and within the sphere of its legitimate powers, it is intended to assert also that the Executive is bound to comply with such call without the authority to exercise any discretion on its part in reference to the nature of the information required or to the interests of the country or of individuals to be affected by such compliance, then do I feel bound, in the discharge of the high duty imposed upon me "to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States," to declare in the most respectful manner my entire dissent from such a proposition. The instrument from which the several departments of the Government derive their authority makes each independent of the other in the discharge of their respective functions. The injunction of the Constitution that the President "shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed" necessarily confers an authority commensurate with the obligation imposed to inquire into the manner in which all public agents perform the duties assigned to them by law. To be effective these inquiries must often be confidential. They may result in the collection of truth or of falsehood, or they may be incomplete and may require further prosecution. To maintain that the President can exercise no discretion as to the time in which the matters thus collected shall be promulgated or in respect to the character of the information obtained would deprive him at once of the means of performing one of the most salutary duties of his office. An inquiry might be arrested at its first stage and the officers whose conduct demanded investigation may be enabled to elude or defeat it. To require from the Executive the transfer of this discretion to a coordinate branch of the Government is equivalent to the denial of its possession by him and would render him dependent upon that branch in the performance of a duty purely executive.

Nor can it be a sound position that all papers, documents, and information of every description which may happen by any means to come into the possession of the President or of the heads of Departments must necessarily be subject to the call of the House of Representatives merely because they relate to a subject of the deliberations of the House, although that subject may be within the sphere of its legitimate powers. It can not be that the only test is whether the information relates to a legitimate subject of deliberation. The Executive Departments and the citizens of this country have their rights and duties as well as the House of Representatives, and the maxim that the rights of one person or body are to be so exercised as not to impair those of others is applicable in its fullest extent to this question. Impertinence or malignity may seek to make the Executive Departments the means of incalculable and irremediable injury to innocent parties by throwing into them libels most foul and atrocious. Shall there be no discretionary authority permitted to refuse to become the instruments of such malevolence?

And although information comes through a proper channel to an executive officer it may often be of a character to forbid its being made public. The officer charged with a confidential inquiry, and who reports its result under the pledge of confidence which his appointment implies, ought not to be exposed individually to the resentment of those whose conduct may be impugned by the information he collects. The knowledge that such is to be the consequence will inevitably prevent the performance of duties of that character, and thus the Government will be deprived of an important means of investigating the conduct of its agents.

It is certainly no new doctrine in the halls of judicature or of legislation that certain communications and papers are privileged, and that the general authority to compel testimony must give way in certain cases to the paramount rights of individuals or of the Government. Thus no man can be compelled to accuse himself, to answer any question that tends to render him infamous, or to produce his own private papers on any occasion. The communications of a client to his counsel and the admissions made at the confessional in the course of religious discipline are privileged communications. In the courts of that country from which we derive our great principles of individual liberty and the rules of evidence it is well settled—and the doctrine has been fully recognized in this country—that a minister of the Crown or the head of a department can not be compelled to produce any papers or disclose any transactions relating to the executive functions of the Government which he declares are confidential or such as the public interest requires should not be divulged; and the persons who have been the channels of communication to officers of the State are in like manner protected from the disclosure of their names. Other instances of privileged communications might be enumerated if it were deemed necessary. These principles are as applicable to evidence sought by a legislature as to that required by a court.

The practice of the Government since its foundation has sanctioned the principle that there must necessarily be a discretionary authority in reference to the nature of the information called for by either House of Congress.

The authority was claimed and exercised by General Washington in 1796. In 1825 President Monroe declined compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives calling for the correspondence between the Executive Departments of this Government and the officers of the United States Navy and others at or near the ports of South America on the Pacific Ocean. In a communication made by the Secretary of War in 1832 to the Committee of the House on the Public Lands, by direction of President Jackson, he denies the obligation of the Executive to furnish the information called for and maintains the authority of the President to exercise a sound discretion in complying with calls of that description by the House of Representatives or its committees. Without multiplying other instances, it is not deemed improper to refer to the refusal of the President at the last session of the present Congress to comply with a resolution of the House of Representatives calling for the names of the members of Congress who had applied for offices. As no further notice was taken in any form of this refusal, it would seem to be a fair inference that the House itself admitted that there were cases in which the President had a discretionary authority in respect to the transmission of information in the possession of any of the Executive Departments.

Apprehensive that silence under the claim supposed to be set up in the resolutions of the House of Representatives under consideration might be construed as an acquiescence in its soundness, I have deemed it due to the great importance of the subject to state my views, that a compliance in part with the resolution may not be deemed a surrender of a necessary authority of the Executive.

Many of the reasons which existed at the date of the report of the Secretary of War of June 1, 1842, for then declining to transmit the report of Lieutenant-Colonel Hitchcock concerning the frauds which he was charged to investigate have ceased to operate. It has been found wholly impracticable to pursue the investigation in consequence of the death and removal out of the country of those who would be called upon to testify, and in consequence of the want of adequate authority or means to render it effectual. It could not be conducted without expense. Congress at its last session prohibited the payment of any account or charge whatever growing out of or in any way connected with any commission or inquiry, except military and naval courts-martial and courts of inquiry, unless special appropriations should be made for the payment of such accounts and charges. Of the policy of that provision of law it does not become me to speak, except to say that the institution of inquiries into the conduct of public agents, however urgent the necessity for such inquiry may be, is thereby virtually denied to the Executive, and that if evils of magnitude shall arise in consequence of the law I take to myself no portion of the responsibility.

In relation to the propriety of directing prosecutions against the contractors to furnish Indians rations who are charged with improper conduct, a correspondence has been had between the War Department and the Solicitor of the Treasury, which is herewith transmitted in a conviction that such prosecution would be entirely ineffectual.

Under these circumstances I have thought proper to direct that the report of Lieutenant-Colonel Hitchcock concerning the frauds which he was charged to investigate be transmitted to the House of Representatives, and it accordingly accompanies this message. At the same time, I have to request the House to consider it so far confidential as not to direct its publication until the appropriate committee shall have examined it and expressed their opinion whether a just regard to the character and rights of persons apparently implicated, but who have not had an opportunity to meet the imputations on them, does not require that portions at least of the report should not at present be printed.

This course is adopted by me from a desire to render justice to all and at the same time avoid even the appearance of a desire to screen any, and also to prevent the exaggerated estimate of the importance of the information which is likely to be made from the mere fact of its being withheld.

The resolution of the House also calls for "all facts in the possession of the Executive, from any source, relating to the subject." There are two subjects specified in the resolution—one "relative to the affairs of the Cherokee Indians," and another "concerning the frauds he [Lieutenant-Colonel Hitchcock] was charged to investigate."

All the papers in the War Department or its bureaus relating to the affairs of the Cherokee Indians, it is believed, have been from time to time communicated to Congress and are contained in the printed documents, or are now transmitted, with the exception of those portions of Lieutenant-Colonel Hitchcock's report hereinbefore mentioned, and excepting the correspondence with the Cherokee delegates in the negotiations which took place during the last summer, which are not supposed to be within the intent of the resolution of the House. For the same reason a memorial from the Old Settlers, or Western Cherokees, as they term themselves, recently presented, is not transmitted. If these or any other public documents should be desired by the House, a specification of them will enable me to cause them to be furnished if it should be found proper.

All the papers in the War Office or its bureaus known or supposed to have any relation to the alleged frauds which Lieutenant-Colonel Hitchcock was charged to investigate are herewith transmitted.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 8, 1843.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I herewith transmit to the House of Representatives, in answer to their resolution of the 28th ultimo, a report87 from the Secretary of State.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 9, 1843.

To the House of Representatives:

In order to enable Congress to approve or disapprove the selection of a site for a Western armory made by the board of commissioners appointed by me for that purpose pursuant to the act of September 9, 1841, I transmit herewith their report and proceedings, as required by that act.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 13, 1843.

To the House of Representatives:

I herewith transmit to the House of Representatives a report made to me on the 9th instant by the Secretary of the Treasury, on the subject of the present and prospective condition of the finances.

You will perceive from it that even if the receipts from the various sources of revenue for the current year shall prove not to have been overrated and the expenditures be restrained within the estimates, the Treasury will be exhausted before the close of the year, and that this will be the case although authority should be given to the proper Department to reissue Treasury notes. But the state of facts existing at the present moment can not fail to awaken a doubt whether the amount of the revenue for the respective quarters of the year will come up to the estimates, nor is it entirely certain that the expenditures which will be authorized by Congress may not exceed the aggregate sum which has hitherto been assumed as the basis of the Treasury calculations.

Of all the duties of the Government, none is more sacred and imperative than that of making adequate and ample provision for fulfilling with punctuality its pecuniary engagements and maintaining the public credit inviolate. Any failure in this respect not produced by unforeseen causes could only be regarded by our common constituents as a serious neglect of the public interests. I feel it, therefore, to be an indispensable obligation, while so much of the session yet remains unexpired as to enable Congress to give to the subject the consideration which its great importance demands, most earnestly to call its attention to the propriety of making further provision for the public service of the year.

The proper objects of taxation are peculiarly within the discretion of the Legislature, while it is the duty of the Executive to keep Congress duly advised of the state of the Treasury and to admonish it of any danger which there may be ground to apprehend of a failure in the means of meeting the expenditures authorized by law.

I ought not, therefore, to dissemble my fears that there will be a serious falling off in the estimated proceeds both of the customs and the public lands. I regard the evil of disappointment in these respects as altogether too great to be risked if by any possibility it may be entirely obviated.

While I am far from objecting, under present circumstances, to the recommendation of the Secretary that authority be granted him to reissue Treasury notes as they shall be redeemed, and to other suggestions which he has made on this subject, yet it appears to me to be worthy of grave consideration whether more permanent and certain supplies ought not to be provided. The issue of one note in redemption of another is not the payment of a debt, which must be made in the end by some form of public taxation.

I can not forbear to add that in a country so full of resources, of such abundant means if they be but judiciously called out, the revenues of the Government, its credit, and its ability to fulfill all its obligations ought not to be made dependent on temporary expedients or on calculations of an uncertain character. The public faith in this or in all things else ought to be placed beyond question and beyond contingency.

The necessity of further and full provision for supplying the wants of the Treasury will be the more urgent if Congress at this present session should adopt no plan for facilitating the financial operations of the Government and improving the currency of the country. By the aid of a wise and efficient measure of that kind not only would the internal business and prosperity of the country be revived and invigorated, but important additions to the amount of revenue arising from importations might also be confidently expected. Not only does the present condition of things in relation to the currency and commercial exchanges produce severe and distressing embarrassments in the business and pursuits of individuals, but its obvious tendency is to create also a necessity for the imposition of new burdens of taxation in order to secure the Government and the country against discredit from the failure of means to fulfill the public engagements.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 18, 1843.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

A resolution has been communicated to me, which was adopted by the House of Representatives on the 2d instant, in the following terms:

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to inform this House by what authority and under whose instructions Captain Thomas ap Catesby Jones, commander of the squadron of the United States in the Pacific Ocean, did, on or about the 19th of October last, invade in warlike array the territories of the Mexican Republic, take possession of the town of Monterey, and declare himself the commander of the naval and military expedition for the occupation of the Californias.

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this House copies of all the instructions given by him or under his authority to the said Captain Jones from the time of his appointment to the command of the said squadron; also copies of all communications received from him relating to his expedition for the occupation of the Californias; and also to inform this House whether orders have been dispatched to the said Captain Jones recalling him from his command.

The proceeding of Captain Jones in taking possession of the town of Monterey, in the possessions of Mexico, was entirely of his own authority, and not in consequence of any orders or instructions of any kind given to him by the Government of the United States. For that proceeding he has been recalled, and the letter recalling him will be found among the papers herewith communicated.

The resolution of the House of Representatives asks for "copies of all the instructions given to Captain Jones from the time of his appointment to the command of the said squadron, also copies of all communications received from him relating to his expedition for the occupation of the Californias," without confining the request to such instructions and correspondence as relate to the transactions at Monterey, and without the usual reservation of such portions of the instructions or correspondence as in the President's judgment could not be made public without prejudice or danger to the public interests.

It may well be supposed that cases may arise even in time of peace in which it would be highly injurious to the country to make public at a particular moment the instructions under which a commander may be acting on a distant and foreign service. In such a case, should it arise, and in all similar cases the discretion of the Executive can not be controlled by the request of either House of Congress for the communication of papers. The duties which the Constitution and the laws devolve on the President must be performed by him under his official responsibility, and he is not at liberty to disregard high interests or thwart important public objects by untimely publications made against his own judgment, by whomsoever such publications may be requested. In the present case, not seeing that any injury is likely to arise from so doing, I have directed copies of all the papers asked for to be communicated; and I avail of the opportunity of transmitting also copies of sundry letters, as noted below.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 20, 1843.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit to the House of Representatives a report from the Secretary of State, accompanied by a copy of the correspondence88 requested by their resolution of the 29th of December last.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 20, 1843.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate a report89 from the Secretary of State, in answer to their resolution of the 14th instant.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 24, 1843.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, in answer to their resolutions of the 20th of December and of the 9th instant, the inclosed copies of papers90 from the Department of State, with an accompanying list.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 27, 1843.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d instant, requesting me to communicate to the House "whatever correspondence or communication may have been received from the British Government respecting the President's construction of the late British treaty concluded at Washington as it concerns an alleged right to visit American vessels," I herewith transmit a report made to me by the Secretary of State.

I have also thought proper to communicate copies of Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 20th December, 1841, to Mr. Everett, Mr. Everett's letter of the 23d December in reply thereto, and extracts from several letters of Mr. Everett to the Secretary of State.

I can not forego the expression of my regret at the apparent purport of a part of Lord Aberdeen's dispatch to Mr. Fox. I had cherished the hope that all possibility of misunderstanding as to the true construction of the eighth article of the treaty lately concluded between Great Britain and the United States was precluded by the plain and well-weighed language in which it is expressed. The desire of both Governments is to put an end as speedily as possible to the slave trade, and that desire, I need scarcely add, is as strongly and as sincerely felt by the United States as it can be by Great Britain. Yet it must not be forgotten that the trade, though now universally reprobated, was up to a late period prosecuted by all who chose to engage in it, and there were unfortunately but very few Christian powers whose subjects were not permitted, and even encouraged, to share in the profits of what was regarded as a perfectly legitimate commerce. It originated at a period long before the United States had become independent and was carried on within our borders in opposition to the most earnest remonstrances and expostulations of some of the colonies in which it was most actively prosecuted. Those engaged in it were as little liable to inquiry or interruption as any others. Its character, thus fixed by common consent and general practice, could only be changed by the positive assent of each and every nation, expressed either in the form of municipal law or conventional arrangement. The United States led the way in efforts to suppress it. They claimed no right to dictate to others, but they resolved, without waiting for the cooperation of other powers, to prohibit it to their own citizens and to visit its perpetration by them with condign punishment. I may safely affirm that it never occurred to this Government that any new maritime right accrued to it from the position it had thus assumed in regard to the slave trade. If before our laws for its suppression the flag of every nation might traverse the ocean unquestioned by our cruisers, this freedom was not, in our opinion, in the least abridged by our municipal legislation.

Any other doctrine, it is plain, would subject to an arbitrary and ever-varying system of maritime police, adopted at will by the great naval power for the time being, the trade of the world in any places or in any articles which such power might see fit to prohibit to its own subjects or citizens. A principle of this kind could scarcely be acknowledged without subjecting commerce to the risk of constant and harassing vexations.

The attempt to justify such a pretension from the right to visit and detain ships upon reasonable suspicion of piracy would deservedly be exposed to universal condemnation, since it would be an attempt to convert an established rule of maritime law, incorporated as a principle into the international code by the consent of all nations, into a rule and principle adopted by a single nation and enforced only by its assumed authority. To seize and detain a ship upon suspicion of piracy, with probable cause and in good faith, affords no just ground either for complaint on the part of the nation whose flag she bears or claim of indemnity on the part of the owner. The universal law sanctions and the common good requires the existence of such a rule. The right under such circumstances not only to visit and detain but to search a ship is a perfect right and involves neither responsibility nor indemnity. But, with this single exception, no nation has in time of peace any authority to detain the ships of another upon the high seas on any pretext whatever beyond the limits of her territorial jurisdiction. And such, I am happy to find, is substantially the doctrine of Great Britain herself in her most recent official declarations, and even in those now communicated to the House. These declarations may well lead us to doubt whether the apparent difference between the two Governments is not rather one of definition than of principle. Not only is the right of search, properly so called, disclaimed by Great Britain, but even that of mere visit and inquiry is asserted with qualifications inconsistent with the idea of a perfect right.

In the dispatch of Lord Aberdeen to Mr. Everett of the 20th of December, 1841, as also in that just received by the British minister in this country made to Mr. Fox, his lordship declares that if in spite of all the precaution which shall be used to prevent such occurrences an American ship, by reason of any visit or detention by a British cruiser, "should suffer loss and injury, it would be followed by prompt and ample remuneration;" and in order to make more manifest her intentions in this respect, Lord Aberdeen in the dispatch of the 20th December makes known to Mr. Everett the nature of the instructions given to the British cruisers. These are such as, if faithfully observed, would enable the British Government to approximate the standard of a fair indemnity. That Government has in several cases fulfilled her promises in this particular by making adequate reparation for damage done to our commerce. It seems obvious to remark that a right which is only to be exercised under such restrictions and precautions and risk, in case of any assignable damage to be followed by the consequences of a trespass, can scarcely be considered anything more than a privilege asked for and either conceded or withheld on the usual principles of international comity.

The principles laid down in Lord Aberdeen's dispatches and the assurances of indemnity therein held out, although the utmost reliance was placed on the good faith of the British Government, were not regarded by the Executive as a sufficient security against the abuses which Lord Aberdeen admitted might arise in even the most cautious and moderate exercise of their new maritime police, and therefore in my message at the opening of the last session I set forth the views entertained by the Executive on this subject, and substantially affirmed both our inclination and ability to enforce our own laws, protect our flag from abuse, and acquit ourselves of all our duties and obligations on the high seas. In view of these assertions the treaty of Washington was negotiated, and upon consultation with the British negotiator as to the quantum of force necessary to be employed in order to attain these objects, the result to which the most deliberate estimate led was embodied in the eighth article of the treaty.

Such were my views at the time of negotiating that treaty, and such, in my opinion, is its plain and fair interpretation. I regarded the eighth article as removing all possible pretext on the ground of mere necessity to visit and detain our ships upon the African coast because of any alleged abuse of our flag by slave traders of other nations. We had taken upon ourselves the burden of preventing any such abuse by stipulating to furnish an armed force regarded by both the high contracting parties as sufficient to accomplish that object.

Denying as we did and do all color of right to exercise any such general police over the flags of independent nations, we did not demand of Great Britain any formal renunciation of her pretension; still less had we the idea of yielding anything ourselves in that respect. We chose to make a practical settlement of the question. This we owed to what we had already done upon this subject. The honor of the country called for it; the honor of its flag demanded that it should not be used by others to cover an iniquitous traffic. This Government, I am very sure, has both the inclination and the ability to do this; and if need be it will not content itself with a fleet of eighty guns, but sooner than any foreign government shall exercise the province of executing its laws and fulfilling its obligations, the highest of which is to protect its flag alike from abuse or insult, it would, I doubt not, put in requisition for that purpose its whole naval power. The purpose of this Government is faithfully to fulfill the treaty on its part, and it will not permit itself to doubt that Great Britain will comply with it on hers. In this way peace will best be preserved and the most amicable relations maintained between the two countries.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 27, 1843.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit to Congress sundry letters which have passed between the Department of State and the Chevalier d'Argaïz, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of Spain near the Government of the United States, on the subject of the schooner Amistad since the last communication of papers connected with that case. This correspondence will show the general grounds on which the Spanish minister expresses dissatisfaction with the decision of the Supreme Court in that case and the answers which have been made to his complaints by the Department of State.

In laying these papers before Congress I think it proper to observe that the allowance of salvage on the cargo does not appear to have been a subject of discussion in the Supreme Court. Salvage had been denied in the court below and from that part of the decree no appeal had been claimed.

The ninth article of the treaty between the United States and Spain provides that "all ships and merchandise of what nature soever which shall be rescued out of the hands of any pirates or robbers on the high seas shall be brought into some port of either State and shall be delivered to the custody of the officers of that port in order to be taken care of and restored entire to the true proprietor as soon as due and sufficient proof shall be made concerning the property thereof." The case of the Amistad, as was decided by the court, was not a case of piracy, and therefore not within the terms of the treaty; yet it was a case in which the authority of the master, officers, and crew of the vessel had been divested by force, and in that condition the vessel, having been found on the coast, was brought into a port of the United States; and it may deserve consideration that the salvors in this case were the officers and seamen of a public ship.

It is left to Congress to consider, under these circumstances, whether, although in strictness salvage may have been lawfully due, it might not yet be wise to make provision to refund it, as a proof of the entire good faith of the Government and of its disposition to fulfill all its treaty stipulations to their full extent under a fair and liberal construction.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 28, 1843.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to ratification, a convention further to provide for the payment of awards in favor of claimants under the convention between the United States and the Mexican Republic of the 11th of April, 1839, signed in the City of Mexico on the 30th day of last month. A copy of the instructions from the Department of State to the minister of the United States at Mexico relative to the convention and of the dispatches of that minister to the Department is also communicated. By adverting to the signatures appended to the original draft of the convention as transmitted from the Department of State to General Thompson it will be seen that the convention as concluded was substantially approved by the representatives of a large majority in value of the parties immediately interested.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, February 28, 1843.

To the House of Representatives:

I communicate to the House of Representatives a report from the Secretary of State, which, with the documents91 accompanying it, furnishes the information requested by their resolution of the 18th instant.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, March 3, 1843.

To the Senate of the United States:

In submitting the name of Henry A. Wise to the Senate for the mission to France, I was led to do so by considerations of his high talent, his exalted character, and great moral worth. The country, I feel assured, would be represented at Paris in the person of Mr. Wise by one wholly unsurpassed in exalted patriotism and well fitted to be the representative of his country abroad. His rejection by the Senate has caused me to reconsider his qualifications, and I see no cause to doubt that he is eminently qualified for the station. I feel it, therefore, to be my duty to renominate him.

I nominate Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, to be envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the Court of His Majesty the King of the French, in place of Lewis Cass, resigned.

JOHN TYLER.

MARCH 3, 1843.

To the Senate of the United States:

In submitting to you the name of Caleb Cushing as Secretary of the Treasury, I did so in full view of his consummate abilities, his unquestioned patriotism and full capacity to discharge with honor to himself and advantage to the country the high and important duties appertaining to that Department of the Government. The respect which I have for the wisdom of the Senate has caused me again, since his rejection, to reconsider his merits and his qualifications. That review has satisfied me that I could not have a more able adviser in the administration of public affairs or the country a more faithful officer. I feel it, therefore, to be my duty to renominate him.

I nominate Caleb Gushing to be Secretary of the Treasury, in the place of Walter Forward, resigned.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, March 3, 1843.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I herewith transmit to the House of Representatives copies of the final report and appendices of the joint commission appointed to explore and survey the boundary line between the States of Maine and New Hampshire and the adjoining British Provinces, together with a general map showing the results of their labors.

JOHN TYLER.

Report of the commissioners appointed by the President of the United States for the purpose of exploring and surveying the boundary line between the States of Maine and New Hampshire and the British Provinces.92

WASHINGTON, January 27, 1843.

Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER, Secretary of State.

SIR: The operations of the divisions under the direction of the several commissioners during the past season have been as follows, viz:

I.

The work remaining to be performed by the division under the direction of the chairman of the board was as follows:

1. The completion of the survey of the line of highlands around the sources of the Rimouski, filling up the gap left in former surveys in the line of boundary claimed by the United States.

2. The survey of the line of highlands rising from the northern side of the Bay of Chaleurs at its western extremity from the point visited and measured in 1840 to its connection with the line surveyed in 1841 in the vicinity of Lake Metis.

3. The astronomical determination of the longitude of one or more points in the surveyed lines, in order to the compilation of a geographical map of undeniable accuracy.

The party, which was dispatched at the earliest possible period, having been recalled by a special messenger as soon as the signature of the treaty of Washington was made known to the commissioner, no more than the first of these objects was attempted, and some of the observations that would have been considered necessary to make this survey useful as evidence in case of a further discussion of the subject of boundary were not completed. The expedition has, however, obtained for its results an accurate survey of the Green River of St. John from its mouth to the portage between it and the South Branch of the Katawamkedgwick, a survey of that portage, and a careful chain and compass survey of the highlands surrounding the sources of Rimouski. The first of these is connected with the survey of the river St. John made by Major Graham; the last was united at its two extremities with stations of the survey of 1841. Throughout the whole of the surveys the latitudes were carefully determined, by the methods employed during the former years, at a sufficient number of points. The longitudes have been estimated by the use of chronometers, but the sudden recall of the party left the latter part of the task incomplete. Any defect arising from the latter cause may be considered as in a great degree compensated by the connections referred to with the work of Major Graham and the surveys of the previous years.

The party left Portland to take the field on the 18th June, and reached the Grand Falls of the St. John on its return on the 25th August.

The surplus stores, with the boats and camp equipage, were stored there, and were afterwards transferred to the parties of the two other commissioners.

A map of the operations of this division was placed on file in the State Department on the 27th December.

The distance surveyed along Green River from its mouth to the portage is 57 miles, the length of the portage 5-1/2 miles, the distance measured in exploration of the remaining portion of the boundary claimed by the United States 61-1/2 miles, making in all 124 miles.

II.

The parties under the direction of A. Talcott entered upon their field duties about the middle of September, and completed that branch of the service by the 5th of November.

During that period the following rivers and streams were surveyed:

1. The "main St. John River" from the mouth of the "Alleguash" to the Forks.

2. The "Southwest Branch" to its source at the Metjarmette portage.

3. The "South Branch," or "Wool-as-ta-qua-guam," to 5 miles above Bakers Lake and near to the exploring line of 1841 along the highlands claimed by Great Britain.

4. The "West Branch," or "Mat-ta-wa-quam," to its source in the highlands.

5. The "Northwest Branch" to its source in the highlands.

6. The "Big Black River," or "Chim-pas-a-ooc-ten," to its source.

7. The "Little Black River," or "Pas-a-ooc-ten."

8. The "Chim-mem-ti-cook River" as far as navigable.

The character of all these streams is the same—slack water of moderate depth alternating with rapids. They can never be navigated by anything larger than a bateau.

The method of survey was to trace the course of each stream by compass, estimating distances by the eye, or by pacing when the nature of the margin of the river would permit.

The average distance coursed per day was about 9 miles, and at the camps formed at night astronomical observations north and south of the zenith were made to determine their position in latitude, and observations for the local time to ascertain their differences of longitude.

Meridian observations of the sun were also made at a point intermediate to the camps whenever they could be obtained.

Thirty-three of these points have been used in the correction of the paced and estimated distances.

Tables exhibiting these observations, their calculation and results, will accompany the detailed maps.

With a view to facilitate the operations of the joint commission it was conceived to be important that the intersection of the parallel of 46° 25' with the Southwest Branch should be ascertained, as also the point on the Northwest Branch (10 miles from the main St. John) where the boundary line from the outlet of Lake Pohenagamook intersects the said branch.

It is believed that these points are projected on the map which accompanies this report so near to their true position that the line indicating the boundary as drawn on the map may be considered to substantially exhibit the division of territory as effected by the late treaty.

The more thorough knowledge acquired through these explorations of the character of the territory which has been relinquished by the United States fully confirms the opinion previously entertained of its little value, either for its timber growth or for purposes of agriculture.

Bordering on the "Big Black" and "Little Black" rivers the growth of pine is large and apparently of good quality, and it is believed that most of the smaller streams falling into the St. John below the "Seven Islands" will be found fringed with pine, but it is quite certain that very little will be found included between the lines of boundary and the highlands as claimed by the United States to the westward of St. Francis River.

The office work of this party is nearly completed, all the calculations arising from the astronomical observations have been made, and the detailed maps (five in number) drawn to the scale of 1:50,000 (or nearly 1-1/4 inches to 1 mile), exhibiting the result of the surveys in 1840, 1841, and 1842, are in such a state of forwardness as to insure their completion by the middle of February.

These explorations and surveys embrace—

1. The highlands as claimed by the United States, extending from the northwesternmost head of the Connecticut River to the portage road which leads from the St. Lawrence River to Lake Temiscouata.

2. The highlands as claimed by Great Britain from the Metjarmette portage to the source of the Aroostook River.

3. All the principal heads or branches of the Connecticut River north of the forty-fifth degree of latitude.

4. The St. John and all its principal branches or tributaries west of the Alleguash River.

III.

The division under the direction of Major Graham has been employed during the past season in making the following surveys, viz:

1. In prolonging the meridian of the monument at the source of the river St. Croix.

2. In making a survey of the Little Madawaska River, a tributary to the Aroostook, from its mouth to its source in the Madawaska Lakes.

3. In surveying the group of lakes lying northwest of the Madawaska Lakes, known by the appellation of the Eagle Lakes, or sometimes by the aboriginal one of the Cheaplawgan Lakes, and especially to ascertain if those lakes, or any of them, emptied their waters into the river St. John by any other outlet than Fish River.

4. A survey of the portion of Fish River included between the outlet of Lake Winthrop and the river St. John.

5. A survey of the river St. John between the Grand Falls and the mouth of the Alleguash.

6. A survey of the Alleguash from its mouth to its source.

7. A survey of the river St. Francis from its mouth to the outlet of Lake St. Francis.

8. In making astronomical observations for the latitude and longitude of the Grand Falls and the mouths of the Grand, the Green, Madawaska, Fish, and St. Francis rivers.

Early in July a party under the direction of an officer of Topographical Engineers was sent into the field and directed to occupy the most northern astronomical station fixed the preceding year upon the true meridian of the monument at the source of the river St. Croix, with the view of being prepared to complete its trace to the northwest angle of Nova Scotia before the termination of the season in case the pending negotiations for a conventional boundary should fail.

The true meridian was in this way prolonged to a point 19 miles north of the station alluded to of last year, or 13-1/2 miles north of its intersection with the river St. John, reaching to the summit of the height immediately south of Grand River, where a permanent station was fixed. The point thus fixed is 90-3/4 miles north of the monument at the source of the St. Croix.

This portion of the work was performed by the 15th of August, at which period it was considered inexpedient to incur the expense of continuing it any farther.

A party under the direction of another officer of Topographical Engineers, which took the field also in July was charged with the surveys of the Little Madawaska River, the Eagle or Cheaplawgan Lakes, the portion of Fish River from the outlet of Lake Winthrop—one of the Eagle group—to its débouché into the St. John, of the river St. John, thence to the meridian of the source of the St. Croix, and finally of the Alleguash from its mouth to its source.

The Little Madawaska was ascended in bateaux from its mouth to its source, which is found in the Madawaska Lakes, and a trace of the river was made by coursing with a compass and estimating the distances, which were checked by astronomical observations for latitude and longitude.

The position of its mouth had been fixed by the surveys of the preceding year, and observations for latitude and longitude were made at a point intermediate between its mouth and its source and also at the junction of the two lakes which form its source. The trace of the river was corrected so as to agree with the results of these observations before being laid down upon the map.

A portage of 5-1/4 miles was cut from the Madawaska to the Eagle Lakes, which are only 4-3/4 miles apart in a direct line. The party transported their baggage and boats by this portage and launched them on Lake Sedgwick, the most southern and largest of the Eagle group.

This group, which is composed of the Winthrop, Sedgwick, Preble, Bear, and Cleveland lakes, being all connected one with another by water communications between them, was carefully surveyed by triangulating them and coursing their shores with the chain and compass, except those parts which were so straight as to render the work sufficiently accurate by sketching those portions between consecutive points of triangulation of no great distance apart. They were also sounded so far as to obtain their general depths.

The survey was continued from the outlet of Lake Winthrop down Fish River to its mouth, which was found to be the only outlet from this group to the river St. John.

Lake Cleveland, the most northern and deepest of the group, was connected in position with the river St. John at a point 2 miles below the upper chapel of the Madawaska settlement, by a chained and coursed line following the portage represented on the map 5-1/6 miles long.

The Alleguash was ascended in the month of October in bateaux and canoes from its mouth to its source in Lake Telos, a distance of about 94 miles. The river and its lakes were coursed by a compass, the distances estimated, and the projection resulting therefrom corrected before being placed upon the map by means of astronomical observations at eight intermediate points between its mouth and its source. The lakes were triangulated by means of magnetic bearings as far as was practicable, in order to obtain their widths and general contour. In the vicinity of Chamberlain Lake use has also been made of a recent survey of Mr. Parrott, a surveyor in the employ of the State of Maine, to whom we acknowledge ourselves indebted for the aid which this portion of his valuable labors furnished us.

Between the head of Lake Telos and Webster Pond, one of the sources of the East Branch of the Penobscot, there is a portage of only 1 mile and a half. This, together with a small cut or canal, made in 1841 to connect the waters of Lake Telos with those of Webster Pond, enabled the party which made this survey to proceed with their boats and baggage down the Penobscot to Bangor, where they and their surplus stores were disposed of.

A survey of the river St. John was made in the month of September with the chain and compass from the mouth of Fish River to the intersection of the meridian of the monument at the source of the St. Croix with the St. John. This survey was afterwards extended eastward to the Grand Falls, in order to connect with the astronomical station established there, and westward to the mouth of the Alleguash, embracing a distance of 87 miles. The islands were all surveyed, and the channels on either side of them sounded.

The commissioner, having had other duties assigned him in reference to the question of boundary, did not take the field in person until September. Between the middle of that month and the middle of December he was occupied in performing the field duties assigned him by the Department of State.

The party conducted by him in person made the astronomical observations for the determination of the latitude and longitude of the Grand Falls of the St. John, and of the mouths of the Grand, Green, Madawaska, Fish, and St. Francis rivers, all tributary to the St. John.

The same party also made a survey of the river St. Francis from its mouth to the outlet of Lake St. Francis, a distance of 81 miles.

This river was coursed by means of a compass, and whenever the nature of the shores would permit the distances from bend to bend were either measured with a chain or paced. Through the greater part of the stream, however, the impediments offered by the thick and small growth near the shores rendered this degree of minuteness impracticable and a resort to estimating the distances by the eye, well practiced by previous actual measurements, became necessary.

Before putting the trace of the river thus derived upon the map it was adjusted to correspond with the results of astronomical observations for latitude and longitude at twelve intermediate points between its mouth and the outlet of Lake St. Francis. Its three principal lakes, viz, Pettiquaggamas, Petteiquaggamak, and Pohenagamook, were triangulated and sounded as exhibited by the maps of detail yet to be handed in of the operations of this division.

A profile of the river, exhibiting the slope of the country through which it flows, was obtained by barometric observations made at fifteen points between its mouth and the bridge where it is intersected by the Grand portage road.

A connection was made with Long Lake, a tributary to Lake Temiscouata, by a chained line from a point on the St. Francis 2 miles below the mouth of Blue River to the western shore of Long Lake, by which it was ascertained that the shore of this lake approached within 2-3/4 miles of the river St. Francis.

The outlet of Lake Pohenagamook was reached in a distance of 49-3/4 miles from the mouth of the St. Francis following the sinuosities of the river on the 18th of October.

A camp was established on the southwest shore of the lake at its outlet for the purpose of making the necessary astronomical observations to determine the latitude and longitude of this position. Ten days were spent here for this object, out of which we had only three nights that were favorable for observation. These were improved as far as possible, and the results obtained, combined with those obtained by Captain Talcott's parties on the Northwest and Southwest branches of the St. John, have furnished the elements for laying down upon the general map the straight lines which show the boundary as it is required to run between the highlands and the river St. John under the treaty of 1842. These furnish data for an accurate exhibition of the extent of territory included by this portion of the boundary as fixed by that treaty.

The south shore of Lake Pohenagamook forms an angle of about 100° with the direction of the stream which flows from it, and marks with great certainty the point at which, according to the late treaty, the straight line is to be commenced in running the boundary southwestward to the Northwest Branch of the river St. John.

The work of this division was connected with that of Captain Talcott's division of the preceding year by noting the position of a common point on the western shore of Lake Pohenagamook near its head.

The commissioner and his party reached the Grand portage, or British military road, where it crosses the river St. Francis on the 2d of November, and connected their work with that of Professor Renwick's division of the preceding year at the bridge near Fournier's house.

Observations were also made at this bridge for the latitude and longitude, when the weather was favorable, between the nights of the 2d and 5th of November, and a connection was made in longitude with the meridian of Quebec by comparisons of the local time with three chronometers transported from the first to the last mentioned place between the 6th and 10th of November.

This comparison was repeated on the return of the commissioner by observing again at the St. Francis bridge before mentioned on the night of the 10th of December, with the thermometer ranging during these observations from 11 to 15° below zero of Fahrenheit's scale, there being then near 4 feet of snow upon the ground. The commissioner then proceeded by the Grand portage road, and the road which pursues the margin of Temiscouata Lake and the valleys of the Madawaska and St. John rivers, to the mouth of Green River, where on the night of the 12th of December he again observed at the same point where his observations of the 29th of September were made while ascending the St. John. These completed, he proceeded to the Grand Falls, and on the 14th of December discharged his party, which terminated his field duties for the season.

The distance surveyed along the new line of boundary by this division the past season is—

Miles.

1. Along the river St. John from the meridian of the monument of the source of the St. Croix to the mouth of the river St. Francis71-1/2

2. Along the river St. Francis from its mouth to the outlet of Lake Pohenagamook49-3/4

Total121-1/4

IV.

A map marked L², on a scale of 1:400,000, exhibiting the lines respectively claimed by the two nations under the treaty of 1783, as well as that adopted by the treaty of 1842, is herewith presented. By reference thereto the operations of the several divisions during the present and previous years will be better understood.

For a more particular view of the surveys and explorations made under the direction of each of the commissioners, including descriptions of the face of the country, navigation of streams, etc., the undersigned respectfully refer to their respective narratives hereto appended, and to the maps of detail deposited by each in the Department of State.

All which is respectfully submitted.

JAS. RENWICK, A. TALCOTT, JAMES D. GRAHAM, Commissioners.

APPENDIX No. 1.

OPERATIONS OF THE DIVISION UNDER THE DIRECTION OF JAMES RENWICK, LL.D., CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD.

I.—Operations during the year 1841.

1. At as early a period as there was any probability of the country being accessible two engineers were dispatched from the city of New York for the purpose of exploring the Rimouski River. This had been crossed by the commissioner late in the previous season. It had been ascertained that it took its source much farther to the south than was represented on any map, and that at its head would be the greatest difficulty in the intended researches. It was, besides, considered necessary that skillful boatmen and practiced woodsmen should be engaged in Canada. These it was believed could be found in Quebec, and the chief of this detachment, with an appointment as acting commissioner, was directed to perform this duty on his route.

This detachment accordingly left New York on the 22d May. On reaching Quebec it was found that the proper persons could only be engaged at Trois Rivieres. A delay was thus occasioned before this part of the duty could be performed. The detachment, however, reached Rimouski 4th June, where the snow was still found upon the ground and the river barely fit for the access of boats. No time had therefore been lost, and the reconnoissance of the river was successfully performed. The detachment, after passing all the establishments of lumberers, extended its explorations beyond the remotest Indian paths, and leaving its boats penetrated on foot several miles to the south of the highest point of the stream in which boats could float. In this progress through unexplored ground a lake wholly unknown was discovered. The results of this expedition were embodied in a map, which on examination by parties furnished with better means was found accurate.

It was found by this party that the Rimouski presented difficulties which would forbid its ascent by a party provided with stores and instruments for the prosecution of a survey along the height of land, and that it would be impracticable even to make it the route of an expedition to reach its own source. The little knowledge which was possessed of its upper course and the fact that it had probably never been explored even by Indian hunters were accounted for by its difficulty of access, which would forbid the carriage of a sufficient supply of provisions for consumption during its ascent and descent. On other streams difficulties of this sort had been and were afterwards overcome by the use of the bateaux of the Penobscot, of greater burthen and strength than the birch canoes, but the continual repetition of portages on the Rimouski forbade the use of any vessel heavier than the latter.

2. The main body of engineers, etc., was ordered to assemble in New York on the 15th May, for which time a vessel was chartered for the purpose of conveying them, with stores sufficient for an expedition of five months and the necessary instruments and camp equipage, to Metis, on the St. Lawrence. The experience of the former season had shown that the country was so poor as to furnish little for the support of a numerous party, and it was believed that even game and fish would be found scarce at the points where supplies would be most needed. It was therefore to be chosen between laying in the supplies in New York or in Quebec, and while the great advantage of conveying all the important instruments by sea turned the scale in favor of the former place, it has been ascertained that the decision was in other respects correct, for the dangers and difficulties of navigating the St. Lawrence might have frustrated altogether, and would certainly have materially delayed, the commencement of the main survey.

The sailing of the vessel was delayed, in expectation of the arrival of instruments from Europe, until the 30th of May, when a sufficient supply for beginning the operations arrived.

In the meantime Mr. Lally, one of the first assistants, was directed to proceed to Bangor, in Maine, for the purpose of procuring boats and men to manage them. These were obtained and brought down the Penobscot to Castine, where they were on the 8th June embarked in the vessel which carried the rest of the party, and which had orders to call at that port for the purpose. The experience of the previous year had manifested the great superiority of the bateaux of the Penobscot over all other vessels in the navigation of shallow and rapid rivers. The physical energy and enterprise of the boatmen of that river had also been known. It was believed that it was not only essential that a considerable proportion of the laboring force should be American citizens, but that much good would result from emulation between the boatmen of the Penobscot and the Canadian voyageurs. This expectation was in a great degree confirmed by the result, for although it must be stated with regret that it became necessary at an early period to discharge some of the Americans, the remainder were models of intelligence, sobriety, industry, and perseverance, and entered into the work, not with the feelings of hired laborers, but with those of men who felt that the interest of their country was at stake.

3. The commissioner did not leave New York until 30th of June, being delayed in expectation of more instruments. A part of these only had arrived, but further delay might have been injurious. Proper instructions had been given for setting the party in motion in case it could be organized before he joined it, but these were rendered nugatory by the length of the vessel's passage. This did not reach Metis till 7th July, so that the commissioner, arriving on the 9th, was in time to direct the first operations in person. The stores, boats, and instruments had been landed and partially carried to a camp on the river above the falls. A heavy rain on the 10th July rendered the roads almost impassable, and it was not till the morning of the 12th that the first detachment could be embarked. This was comprised of Dr. O. Goodrich, the assistant commissary, two surveyors, and an assistant engineer. The first was in charge of stores sufficient for six weeks' consumption. The surveyors had orders to survey the river for the purpose of connecting it with the line of exploration, and the latter was directed to make barometric observations. The commissioner and the remaining engineers were detained at Metis by the necessary astronomic observations. These being completed, the instruments, camp equipage, and a portion of the stores were embarked, and the main body proceeded up the river about noon on the 15th July.