ILLUSTRATIONS.

In the 36th page of the preceding Chronicle it is stated that “In this yere (1295) the kyng [Edward the first] was defraunded of his lond in Gascoigne in this manner, sothly: the kyng hadde yoven the forseyd lond of Gascoyne to the kynges suster of Fraunce, for that she schulde be yoyned to hym in fre mariage: and be some of his counseill enfeffed here in the sayd lond of Gascoigne, whiche lond of Gascoigne sche yaf to Charles here brother, and to other; and the matrymoigne betwen here and kyng Edward sche sette at noughte, and wolde noughte stonden therto.”—That circumstance is the subject of the following Fragment of a curious Poem preserved in the archives of the Corporation of the City of London, in the MS. entitled Liber Custumarium, fol. 84; from which it has been extracted by the obliging permission of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq. the Town Clerk. The leaf which contained the concluding stanzas has been lost; but judging from the number of those which remain, it originally consisted of about nine more verses. It is written in the hand of the period in which the events to which it alludes took place, and as the documents in the volume from which it is copied end in the succeeding reign, there is every reason to presume that it was entered in the Records of the City of London within a short period after it was composed. Every line of each verse contains the same letter in the middle of the line, and every line ends with the same letter: these two letters are placed in the middle and at the end of each verse, separated from the words to which they belong, but connected with them by lines in the manner in which the first verse of the Poem is here printed, and which has been considered sufficient to show the singular manner in which it was originally written.

HIC INCIPIT QUIDA’ RISMUS F’TUS DE P’DIC’ONE VASCON’ ET DE RIUSD’ CONQUESTU P’ R’ E’ FILIU’ REG’ H’.

Satis novit seculum Qualiter fit speculum Quia p’ p’fidiam Jam p’dit Vasconiam Rex fidem adhibuit Egit quod non debuit Seriem composuit Que Regi transposuit Per verba credencie Q’d magnates Francie Qdq; Regi Anglie Natam Regis Gallie Ad hec dux Burgundie Ait q’d in flumine Perierunt pridie Additis hastucie Ut ergo concordia Et omnis discordia Celsitudo regia Q’d sibi vasconia Proponit brevissime De terra vasconie Ius v’r’m certissime Si q’d petit p’pere Si seisinam habeat Tunc mandare placeat Gens anglor’ faciat Pars utraq; deleat Ait vir considera Nova sunt non vetera Pulcram inter cetera Prout dicit littera Hoc audito Langetum Ad regem consilium Et Lacy p’ sompnium Quin eiusdem devium Puellam rex diligens Penitus consensiens Fieri precipiens Pro dolor nam nesciens Demum in Vasconia Litteras ab Anglia Ac sub manu Gallia Anglis inutilia Gallici Vasconiam Et in manum Anglicam Neq; regis filiam Regi dare quoniam Exp’tem Vasconie Magni pares Francie Regem n’r’m Anglie Nam causam malicie Audiens p’fidiam Quam habet p’ F’nciam Jurat p’ ecc’iam Quousq; Vasconiam Rex vocat Pontifices Et Anglorum Comites Quinq; Portus fomites Volant ut irundines Clerus et milicia Vovent cum leticia Parantur ad omnia Francie sunt noxia Rex Anglor’ nobilis Ferox est et stabilis Fortis et non debilis Senciet id flebilis De lingua Gallorum Patens traditorum Pessimam ip’orum Princeps Anglicorum Dictus Gallicorum Nam fraus miserorum Quorumdam verborum Cetus nunciorum Nuncii dixerunt Simul tractaverunt Dare voluerunt Heu q’d hic venerunt Quidam nunciorum Multi Northmannorum Per nautas Anglorum Causis Bayonorum Pacis jam addatur Prorsus repallatur Francie precatur Totalis reddatur Vos tunc reseisire Nec quid deperire Potestis hoc scire Placet exaudire Per sex septimanas Q’d transire lanas Et sic causas vanas Res collando sanas Rex que petierunt Hec que tibi ferunt Tibi promiserunt Quam Galli miserunt Statim prosilivit Dedit sicut scivit Certe non dormivit Seisine nutrivit Vinculis amorum Dictis consultorum Litteras servorum Erat futurorum J. Lacy p’rexit Secumq; devexit Vascones contexit Heu’ q’d tot aspexit Sibi subjugarunt Dare recusarunt In spousam pararunt Ip’m subsannarunt Foris judicarunt Et exheredarunt Parum hunc amarunt Sibi demonstrarunt Rex exheredatus Satis est iratus Non erit letatus Fuerit lucratus Ad parliamentum Flores sapientum Barones p’ centum In mari p’ ventum Gentis Anglicane Q’d seroq; mane Que genti p’phane Nam sup’bit vane Vocatus Edwardus Tanq’m leopardus Velox et non tardus[135] Pomposus Picardus.

P. 37. Anno 24 Edward I, 1296. “Also in this yere Sr. Thomas Turbevyle for treson was drawen and hanged.”

Of the conduct which caused Sir Thomas Turbeville’s execution, the following fragment of a curious contemporary poem in the Cottonian MS. Caligula A. xviij, presents perhaps the most accurate information which is extant. It immediately precedes, and is written in the same hand as, the only contemporary copy of the Roll of Carlaverock which is known to exist, and hence it is highly probable that it was composed by the same person. Under any circumstances, however, it cannot fail to be deemed to possess sufficient interest to render it a valuable illustration to the passage in the text.

Seignurs e dames estutez De un fort tretur orrez Ke aveit pur veu une treson Thomas Turbelvile ot a non A Charlys aveit p’mis E jure par seint Denys Ke il li freit tute Englet’e Par quentise e treson conquere E Charles li premist grant don Teres e bon garison Li treitre a Charlis dit Ke il aparillast sanz respit De bone nefs grande navie E de gent forte co’paignie E il le freit par tens garner Ou il dussent ariver En Engleter sodeinement Li traiture sanz targement en Englet’e tot se mit Au rei sire Edewars vint e dist Ke si apres li vodera fere Tutes ses choses deust co’quer Ki sire Charlis li aveit A force e a tort tollet Issi ke’ li losengur de ambe part fu t’tur Sire Edeward nentendi mie Del treitre sa tricherie Ke il aveit issi purveu A grant honur le ad receu E en sa curt fut grant mestre Q’nt ot espie tut son estre E le conseil de Engleter Li treitre feseit un bref fere A sire Charlis priveme’t On ariver devisse’t sa gent En Engletere e li pais prendre A sire Edeward fu fet entendre Cum den le ont destine E le bref ly fut mustre E tout ensemble la treson Li rei fit prendir cel felon Thomas le treitur deva’t dit Ke fist fere cel estrit A Lundres par mie la citee Treigner le fist en une coree De une tor envolupe Nul autreme’t ne fut arme Haume nont ne habergun Cillante pierres a g’nt fusui’ Aveit il entur son flanc Ke li raerent le sanc Apres fu li traiture pendu E le alme a la Belzebub rendu Je aveit autre gareson Issi deit len servir felon En furches peut li malurez Des chenes e de fer liez Nul home nel deit enterrer Tant cu’ son cors porra durer Iloec pendra cel trichur Ten garison ad pur son labour Ore puira Charles pur ver Apres li longem’t garder Einz kil venge pur sa treison Demander de li garison Sire Edeward pur la g’nt navye De France ne dona une aylle De vaillante gent fist la mer De tut part mut ben garder De Engleter sunt failliz Ly Franceys e sunt honiz En la mer grant tens flote’nt Li cors plusurs de eus tuere’t A Dovere firent sodoineme’t Une assaut e de lur gent Plus de v sent y perdirent Unkes plus de prou ne firent Ore sunt tuz ieo quide neez Ou en lur teris retornez E penduz pur lur servise Ke Engleter naveyent prise E ceo Charles lour p’mist Si nul de ens revenist Sire Charles bon chevaler Lessez ester ton guerrer Acordez a ton cosin E pur pensez de la fin Si Engleter guerirez James ben nes pleyterez Je ne firent voz ancestres Ke se tindrent si grant mestres Ly ducs Lowys ton parent E stace le moyne enseme’t E autres Franceys assez Ke ne sunt pas ici nomez Damne deu omnipotent Vo’ doynt bon acordement avié.

P. 57. “This same yere [anno 14th Edw. III. 1340] the kyng faught with the Frensshmen at Scluse, where there were sclayn of Frensshmen xxx ml; and the kyng toke and scomfyted at the sayd bataill of Scluse cccx schippes.” Of this passage, the following letter from king Edward the Third to Edward the Black Prince, giving an account of his victory over the French fleet at Sclyse, on Saturday the 24th of June 1340,—which, with the permission of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq., the Town Clerk, has also been extracted from the City Archives, letter F. fol. 39,—is an interesting illustration. This document, which has escaped the attention of Historians, presents an authentic detail of that memorable event; and it is evident from it that Robert de Avesbury, the contemporary writer upon whom the greatest reliance has hitherto been placed, has fallen into some errors in his narrative of the transaction. He informs us that on the day after the battle a rumour of it reached London, but that it was discredited until the ensuing Wednesday, namely the 28th of June, when the Prince of Wales received a letter from the king informing him of his success, of which letter that writer asserts that the annexed was a copy:

“Edwardus Dei Gracia Rex Angliæ et Franciæ et Dominus Hiberniæ, &c. Effusam circa nos hiis diebus propiciacionis divinæ clemenciam, ad vestri contemplacionem et læticiam, vobis ducimus intimandam. Scitis autem, immo vos et alios[136] fideles nostri quadam participacione sensitis, quantis fuimus et sumus guerrarum lacessiti turbinibus, et velut in mari magno procellosis fluctibus agitati. Sed licet sint mirabiles elaciones maris, mirabilior tamen in altis Dominus, qui procellam convertens in auram, jam inter tot adversa clementissime nos respexit. Nam cum pridem ordinassemus passagium nostrum necessarium versus partes Flandriæ, Dominus Philippus de Valesio, persecutor noster infestissimus, hoc prævidens, classem maximam navium armatarum quam in expugnacionem nostram nostrorumque fidelium misit, ut vel sic nos caperet, vel nostrum transitum impediret. qui transitus si, quod absit, fuisset impeditus, ardua negocia, quæ prosequimur, fuissent penitus in ruina: quinimmo nos et nostri fuissemus verisimiliter confusionis[137] magnæ subjecti. Sed Deus misericordiarum, videns nos in tantis periculis constitutos, graciosius et cicius, quam humana racio judicare poterat, misit nobis magnum navale subsidium, et insperatum numerum armatorum, ac semper ventum prosperum juxta votum, et sic, sub spe cœlestis auxilii, et justiciæ nostræ fiducia, dictum portum navigio venientes, invenimus dictam classem et hostes nostros ibidem paratissimos ad prælium in multitudine copiosa; quibus, in festo Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistæ proximo præterito, ipse spes nostra Christus deus per conflictum fortem et validum nos prævalere concessit, facta strage non modica dictorum hostium, capta eciam quodammodo tota dicta classe, cum læsione gentis nostræ modica respective, sicque tucior de cetero patebit transitus nostris fidelibus supra mare, et alia bona plurima sunt ex hoc nobis et nostris fidelibus verisimiliter proventura, de quo spes pulcherima jam arridet. Nos autem, tantam cœlestem graciam devotissime contemplantes, ipsi Salvatori nostro laudes et gracias humiliter exsolvimus, deprecantes, ut, qui jam et semper in oportunitatibus copiosis graciis[138] nos prævenit continuatis, nos auxiliis prosequatur, et nobis regere temporaliter sic concedat in terris, ut in eo lætemur æternaliter in excelsis. Dileccionem vestram attente rogamus et per Dei misericordiam obsecramus, quatinus soli Deo vivo, qui tantum signum nobiscum fecit in bonum, in devotæ laudis præconium assurgentes, nos, jam in remotis agentes, et nedum jura nostra recuperare, sed sanctam ecclesiam catholicam attollere, et in justicia populum regere cupientes, sibi devotis oracionum instanciis recomendare curetis, facientes pro nobis missas, et alia piæ placacionis officia misericorditer exerceri, et ad hoc clerum et populum vestræ diocesis salutaribus monitis inducatis, ut Deus ipse, miseratus nobis, progressum felicem et exitum annuat graciosum, detque servo suo cor docile, ut recte judicare possimus et regere et sic facere quod præcipit, ut mereamur assequi quod promittit. Teste Edwardo duce Cornubiæ et Comite Cestriæ filio nostro carissimo Custode Angliæ apud Waltham Sanctæ Crucis xxviiivo. die Junii, anno Regni nostri Angliæ xiiiito. Regni vero Franciæ primo.”

It is however manifest from that document having been tested by the Prince of Wales, that it was rather a proclamation issued in consequence of the dispatch from the king to the prince, than the dispatch itself, of which the letter now for the first time printed may be deemed the only copy which is extant. Nor must it be forgotten that the date affixed to the article given by Avesbury tends to excite a suspicion of its authenticity; for it is tested by the prince at Waltham Holy Cross upon the precise day, the 28th of June, on which the king’s letter was written, and which could not therefore possibly have arrived on the day in question at Waltham. It is somewhat singular that as the battle was concluded on the 25th of June, the king should not have written until the 28th; but this may perhaps be accounted for by those arrangements which his success would necessarily have required, and which may be supposed to have engaged the monarch’s whole attention for some days. The letter in Avesbury’s Annals gives no particulars of the battle, though that writer relates that the enemy were beaten; that more than thirty thousand of them were slain; that many leapt into the sea from fear and were drowned; and that their fleet consisted of two hundred large ships, on board of one of which four hundred dead bodies were found. The Royal dispatch, however, affords much more minute information, and corrects the statements both in Avesbury and in the preceding Chronicle. It asserts that the French fleet amounted to one hundred and eighty sail; that they were nobly defended the whole of a day and a night; that they were all captured in the engagement excepting twenty-four which took to flight, and part of them were subsequently taken at sea; that the number of the men at arms and other armed persons amounted to thirty-five thousand, of whom five thousand escaped; that the English ships captured by the French at Middleburgh were then retaken; and that among the prizes were three or four as large as ’the Christopher,’ which we may infer was then the largest ship of the English navy.

It is unquestionable from what has been said, that this document supplies some important facts in the history of the times, whilst its entry among the Records of the City of London tends to establish that the Mayor of the city was accustomed at that early period to receive an official account of every public transaction, and of which another example will be found in a subsequent page.

The events which led to the battle of the Swyne, or as it is more generally termed of the Scluse, are too familiar to require repetition.

“Nota de Bello Aquatico:— l’ra d’ni e’ dirett’ filio suo duci cornub’ de bello sup’ mare p’cusso die nativit’ s’c’i joh’is bapt’

“Tresch’ fitz no’ pensoms bien q’ vo’ estes desirons assavoir bones novelles de no’ et coment il no’ est avenuz puys n’re aler Denglet’re si vo’ fesom savoir q’ le Joedi’[139] ap’s ceo q’ no’ dep’times du Port Dorewełł,[140] no’ siglames tut le iou ret la nuyt suaunte, et le vendredi[141] en tour hour de noune no’ venismes s’ la costere de fflaundres devant Blankebergh ou no’ avioms la vewe de la fflote de nos enemys qi estoyent tut amassez ensemble en port del Swyne et p’ ceo q’ la Tyde nestoit mis adonges p’ assembler a eux no’ yherbergeasmes tut cel noet le samady le iour de seint Johan[142] bien ap’s houre de noune a la Tyde nous en noun de Dieu et en espoire de n’re droite querele entrames en dit port s’ nos ditz enemys qi avoyent assemble lours niefs en moult fort array et lesqu’x fesoient ml’t noble defens tut cel iour et la noet ap’s, mes dieu p’ sa puissaunce et miracle no’ ottroia la victorie de mesmes noƷ enemys de qai no’ m’cioms si devoutement come no’ poems. Et si vo’ fesoms savoir q’ le nombre des niefs galeyes et g’nt barges de nos enemys amounta a ixxx et ditz, lessqueles estoient toutz pris sauve xxiiij. en tut lesqueles senfuirent et les uns sont puye pris s’ mier et le nombre des gentz darmes et autres gentz armez amounta a xxxv Miłł de quele nombre p’ esme cink’ Ml sont eschapees, et la remenaunt ensi come no’ est donc a entendre p’ ascuns gentz q’ sont pris en vie, si gissent les corps mortz et tut pleyn de lieux sr la costere de fflaundres. Dautre p’t totes nos niefs, cest assavoir Cristofre et les autres qi estoient p’dues a Middelburgh, sont ore regaignez, et il yount gaignez en ceste navie trois ou quatre auxi graundes come la Cristofre: les fflemengs estoient de bone volente davoir venuz a no’ ala bataille du commencement tanqe ala fin issint dieu n’re seignr ad assez de grace monstre de qei’ no’ et toutz nos amys sumes tut ditz tenutz de lui rendre grace et m’ciz. N’re entent est a demorer en pees en le ewe taunt qe no’ eoms pris c’teyn point ove no’ alliez et autres nos amys de fflandres de ceo q’ soit affaire. Trescher fitz dieu soit gardeyn de vo’. Don’ souz n’re secree seal en n’re nief Cogg[143] Thom’, le Mescredy en la veille seint Piere et seint Paoul.[144]

14o R. Edw. 3ii.”

P. 63. “And in this yere, that is to seye the yere of oure lord a ml ccclvjto, the xix day of Septembre, kyng John of Fraunce was taken at the bataill of Peyters be the doughty prynce Edward, the firste sone of kyng Edward.” &c.

It would be difficult to name a more interesting document connected with English History than that by which, through the courtesy of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq., Town Clerk of the City of London, the passage in the text will be illustrated; namely, a copy of the letter from Edward the Black Prince to the Mayor, Aldermen and Comonalty of London, acquainting them with the achievement of the battle of Poictiers. This important record, which has never before been printed, occurs among the archives of the city, in a contemporary MS. entitled Letter G. fol. 53b. and was, there can be little doubt, entered into that volume soon after the receipt of the original.

The greater part of the Prince’s letter is occupied by the detail of the proceedings of the army for some days previous to the battle, and in describing the efforts of the Cardinal Peregort to produce a peace or truce between the kings of France and England; whilst the conflict itself is mentioned in a few words. Independently of the particulars of the English forces and their rencontres with the enemy which this letter so minutely relates, its most important statement is that of the precise day when the battle took place, for historians have differed materially upon the point. The Prince, however, expressly says that it occurred on the eve of the feast of St. Matthew, i.e. the 20th of September. His letter was dated at Bordeaux on the 22nd of the following month, and was sent to the Mayor of London by the Prince’s chamberlain Sir Neel Loring; and the manner in which he refers the Mayor and Citizens to that distinguished knight for further information, cannot fail to be noticed, from its great similarity to the conclusion of a modern military dispatch. Another feature of this and other documents of the same nature in early periods, is the great simplicity and modesty with which they are written. An expression of gratitude to God alone interrupts the unadorned narrative; and the defeat of an army infinitely superior in numbers, and the capture of one of the most powerful sovereigns of the times together with his eldest son, are thus laconically related: “The battle took place on the eve of St. Matthew; and, praise be to God, the enemy were discomfited, and the king and his son were taken, and great numbers of other people taken and slain.” To present as many contemporary documents as could be collected relative to this memorable event, two other letters are introduced, as well as the affidavit of an individual who claimed to have been the person to whom king John of France surrendered himself.

One of the letters alluded to, which is printed in the Archæologia, vol. i. p. 213, is also from the Black Prince, to Reginald Bryan bishop of Worcester, dated at Bordeaux on the 20th of November, briefly informing him of his success, which he attributes in a great measure to the efficacy of that prelate’s prayers.

The other letter is from Robert Prite to some English nobleman, dated on the 8th of December 1356, whose clerk, or probably priest, he styles himself, and is taken from the original on vellum in the Cottonian MS. Caligula D. III. f. 33. After mentioning the battle of Poictiers, the particulars of which he says he will learn from a knight whom the duke of Lancaster had sent into England to the king, the writer acquaints him with some other news of the time, as well as with what had occurred in some of his towns; and entreats him to come over as soon as possible. This letter, which is now for the first time printed, though not so important as the others, is nevertheless of interest, as connected with the battle of Poictiers, and with other public and private transactions of the period.

The third document on the subject is the solemn declaration of Bernard du Troy, a Gascon gentleman, made on his death-bed the 1st of July 1361, that he was the person who took the king of France prisoner at the battle of Poictiers; which point it is evident from this instrument, as well as from historians, had been much disputed. This very curious article, which also occurs in the Cottonian MS. just mentioned, is highly interesting; for it not only shows who were the claimants to the honour of having captured the king, but the ardour with which that claim was supported. It is however doubtful whether the love of fame or pecuniary interest prompted this declaration at so awful a moment; but his motive, like those of most other human actions, was probably of a mixed nature; for whatever might be the renown which was attached to the exploit, the ransom to which the true claimant would be entitled must have been an object of great consideration to him or to his heirs. Du Troy carefully provides, that those who would support his pretensions with their swords should partake of the benefits which might arise from their valour; and this circumstance presents a curious picture of the manners of the age. Sir Denys de Morbeque of whom he speaks, is thus noticed by Froissart. “There was much pressing at this time through eagerness of taking the king: and those that were nearest to him, and knew him, cried out ‘Surrender yourself, surrender yourself, or you are a dead man.’ In that part of the field was a young knight from St. Omer, who was engaged by a salary in the service of the king of England: his name was Denis de Morbeque, who for five years had attached himself to the English, on account of having been banished in his younger days from France for a murder committed in an affray at St. Omer. It fortunately happened for this knight, that he was at the time near to the king of France when he was so much pulled about. He by dint of force, for he was very strong and robust, pushed through the crowd and said to the king in good French, ‘Sire, sire, surrender yourself.’ The king, who found himself very disagreeably situated, turning to him, asked ‘To whom shall I surrender myself; to whom? Where is my cousin the Prince of Wales? if I could see him I would speak to him.’ ‘Sire,’ replied Sir Denys, ‘he is not here; but surrender yourself to me, and I will lead you to him.’ ‘Who are you?’ said the king. ‘Sire, I am Denys de Morbeque, a knight from Artois, but I serve the king of England because I cannot belong to France, having forfeited all I possessed there.’ The king then gave him his right-hand glove, and said ‘I surrender myself to you.’ There was much crowding and pushing about, for every one was eager to cry out ‘I have taken him.’”

Most of the witnesses to Du Troy’s declaration were celebrated peers and knights both of England and France.

L’RA D’NI EDWARDI PRINCIPIS GALL’ MAIOR ALDR’S ET COM’ITATI CIVITATIS LONDON’ DIRECTA DE NOV’ BAT’I IUXta POYTERS.

Tresch’e et tres bien ameez endroit des novelles es p’ties ou nous sumes voillitz savoir qe puis l’eure qe nous certifiasmes a n’re tresredoute Sr et piere le Roi qe no’ estoions en p’pos de chivaucher env’s les enemis es p’ties de Fraunce no’ p’smes n’re chemyn p’ le pais de Peregort et de Lymosyn et tout droit v’s Burges en Were ou no’ entendismes davoir troues le fitz le Roi le counte de Peytiers et la sov’aigne cause de n’re aler v’s celles p’ties estoit qe nous entendismes davoir eu noveles de n’re dit Sr et piere le Roi come de son passage et puis q’ no’ ne trovasmes le dit counte ne nul autre g’unt poair illeosqes nous no’ treismes dev’s leyre et maundasmes noz gentz au chivaucher a conoistre si no’ p’uons nulle p’t avoir trovez passage lesqueles gentz encontrerent les enemis et avoient faire assemble si qe les uns des ditz enemys estoient mortz et pris les queuz p’soners disoient qe le Roi de France avoient envoiee Grismoton q’estoit encelle compaignie p’ lui faire asavoir c’teines novelles de no’ et de n’re poair et si avoit le dit Roi p’ mesmes le cause envoie en autre p’tie le Sr de Creon Monsr Busigaut le Mareschal de Clermount et aut’s et disoient les ditz p’soners qe le dit Roi avoit p’s certe in p’pos de combatre ovesq’ nous a quele heure nous estoioms sr le chymyn env’s Tours et encostoavit dev’s Orliens et lendemein la ou nous estoions loggiez aviens novelles qe les ditz Sire de Creon et Busigaut estoient en un chastel bien p’s de n’re loggiz et p’ismes p’pos de y aller et venismes loggier entour eux et acordasmes d’assailler le dit lieu lequel estoit gayne p’ force ou estoient tout plein de lo’r gentz p’s et mortz auxint les uns des n’res y furent mortz mes les ditz Sires de Creon et Busigaut se treerent en une fort Tour qil y avoit la quele se tenoit cynk jours avant qelle feust gaignee et la se rendirent ils et illeosqes estoions c’tifiez qe touz les pontz sr leyre estoient debruses et qe nulle p’t purriens avoir passage sr qei nous p’ismes n’re chemyn tout droit a Tours et la demourasmes devant la ville quatre iours deins quelle estoient le Counte Dangeo et le Mareschal de Clermount od g’nt poair des gentz. Et a n’re dep’tir d’illeoqs no’ p’ismes le chemyn p’ passer ascuns daung’ des eawes et en entente davoir encountree ovesqe n’re tres ch’ cosyn le ducs de Lancastre de qi no’ aviens certeins novelles qil se voillent afforcier de trere dev’s nous a quelle heure le Cardenal de Peregort vynt a nous a Monbezon a troiz lieues de Tours ou il no’ p’la tout plein des choses touchauntes trewes et pees sr quele p’lance no’ lui fesoiens respounse qe la pees ne avient poair a ffaire ne qe nous ent voloiens meller saunz le comaundement et le volunte de n’re tresch’ Sr et piere le Roi ne de trewe nestoiens al heure avisez qe se eust estee le meillo’ p’ noq de y avoir acordee car illeosqes estoiens non plus plenement c’tifiez qe le Roi se tailla p’ toutes voies de combatre ove nous si q’ nous no’ treismes dilleoqes v’s chastel Heraud sur le passage del eawe de la Vivane ou no’ desmourasmes quatre iors ettendauntz de savoir plus la c’tein de lui le quel Roi vint od son poair a chaveny a cynk lues de nous p’ passer mesme lewe v’s Poyters et sr ceo p’ismes p’pos de hastier dev’s lui sr le chemyn qil devereit passer p’ estre combatuz ove lui mes ses batailles estoient passeez devant qe no’ estoions venuz au lieu ou nous entendismes de lui avoir encountree hors pris p’tie des gentz de lour entour sept centz homes darmes qe se combatirent od les n’tres ou estoient p’s le countes de Soussoire et de Junhy le Sr de Chastillion et tout plein dautres pris et mortz p’ties de lour et des n’res et puis les p’suievrent noz gentz tanq’ a Chaveny bien a treis lieus loyns p’quoi il nous convienoit logger cel jour a plus pres de celle place qe nous poiens p’ recoiller noz gentz et lendemeyn p’ismes n’re chemyn tout droit dev’s le Roi et mandasmes noz descov’res qe troverent lui od son poair p’st bataille es champs a une lue de Peiters et alasmes a plus p’s de lui qe nos poiams p’ndre n’re places et nous mesmes a pie et en arraie de bataille et p’st de combatre ove lui ou vynt le dit Cardinal requerraunt molt entierment p’ une pettit suff’nce issint qe home purroit faire parler dasemble c’teins gentz des p’ties en atente d’acord et de bone pees quelle chose il emp’st qil amereit a bon fey sur quoi nous p’ismes avis et lui otreiasmes sa requeste sur quoi furent ordeyner c’teins gentz dune p’t e d’autre a tretir sur celle matirs lequel trete ne p’st nul exploit Et adonqes volleit le dit Cardinal avoir purchace une trewe en destourbaunce de la bataille a son gree a quel treve ne voilloit assentir Et demaunderent les Fraunceys c’teins chivalers d’une p’t et d’autre p’ prendre owelle place issint qe la bataille ne se purroit en nulle man’e failler et en tieu man’e estoit cel jour delaiee et demourerent les batailles d’une p’t et d’autre tote noet chescun en lour place et tanqe le demein entour un prime et p’ ascuns forces qe estoient p’ entre les ditz batailles nul ne voloit a autre taunte davauntage demp’ndre a venir l’un sur l’autre Et p’ defaute des vitailles si bien p’ aut’s enchessons acorde estoit qe nous deveriens prendre n’re chemyn encosteant p’ devant eux en tieu man’e q’ s’ils voilont la bataille ou trere dev’s nous en lieu q’ nestoit mye tres graundment a n’re desavauntage qe nous le preindreins et ensint estoit fait sr quoi le bataille se prist la surveile de seint Matheu et loiez ent soit dieux les enemys estoient desconfitz et pris le Roi et son fitz et tot plein des aut’s g’ntz pris et mortz si come n’re Tresch’ ame bach’r Monsr Neel Loereng n’re chaumberlein portr de cestes qu ent ad assetz pleine conisance vous sav’a plus pleinement dire a monstre come nous ne vous purroins escrire A qi voilletz pleine foi et credence doner Et n’re seignr vuis voille garder Donnez souz n’re secre seal a Burdeux le xxij jour d’Octobr’.

LETTER FROM THE BLACK PRINCE TO THE BISHOP OF WORCESTER, DATED 20TH OCTOBER 1356, RELATING TO THE BATTLE OF POITIERS, WHEREIN THE FRENCH KING WAS MADE PRISONER, &C. EX REGISTRO REGINALDI BRIEN WIGORN. EPISCOPI. FOL. 113. COMMUNICATED TO THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES BY DR. LYTTELTON, DEAN OF EXETER.

[Archæologia, Vol. I. No. XLIV. p. 213.]

L’RA D’NI PRINCIPIS WALL’ DE CAPCIONE R. FRANCIÆ PAR LE PRINCE DE GALES.

Reve’nt piere en Dieu, et tresch’ ami. Nous vous mercions entierement de ce que nous avons entendu q’ vous estes si bien et si naturelment porte dev’s nous, en p’ant Dieux p’r nous et p’r n’re exploit; et sumes tout certiens q’ p’r cause de vous devoutes p’eres et dautres, Dieu nous a en toutes nos besoignes be’ vueliz aide; de quoi nous sumes a touz jo’s tenuz de lui grazier, en p’ant que v’re part ancy vieullietz faire en continuant dev’s nous come devant ces heures avetz fait, de quoi nous nous tenons g’n’ment tenuz a vous. Et, rev’ent piere, endroit de n’re estat, dont nous penceons bien q’ vous desirez la v’re merci doier bones nouvelles, vuellietz entendre q’ a la faisance de cestes estions sains et heures et tout en bon point, loiez en soit Dieux q’ nous donit y ces mesmes de vous toutes soitz oir et saver, et de ce nous vueilletz certifier p’r vos l’res et p’ les entrevenantz a plus souvent q’ vous p’res bonement en droit de nouvelles ceandroitz. Vueilletz savoir q’ la veille de la translation Saint Thomas de Canterbire, nouz commenceasmes a chivauch’ ove n’re povar v’s les parties de France et souvraignement p’ cause q’ nous entendismes la venue de n’re treshonn’e seign’r et piere le Roy la endroit, et si neismes dev’s les parties de Burges en Berye, Orlions, et Tours, et avions nouvelles q’ le Roy de France ove g’nt povar bien pres de celles marches venoit p’ combattre ove no’s, et approcheasmes tant q’ la battaille se prist entre nous en tiele maniere q’ les ennemis estoient disconfitez, grace en soit Dieux, et le dit Roi et son fils et plusiers autres g’ntz pris et mortz, les noms de queaux nous vous envions p’ n’re tresch’ bachiler Mons’ Roger de Cottesford portoir de cestes. Rev’ent piere en Dieux, et n’re tresch’ ami, le Saint Esprit vous ait toute jours en sa guarde. Donne souz n’re seal a Birdeaux, le xxe jour d’ Octob’r.

[Tradita fuit ista l’ra Domino Reginaldo de Briene, Ep’o Wygorn, apud Alvech’, pr’mo die Decemb’, an’ Dom’ Mo. ccc. quinquagesimo sexto, cum cedula nomina continente capt’ et mortuorum in bello praedicto, cujus cedulae tenor insequitur p’ o’ia —— parte folii istius suprascriptus]

A Rev’ent Piere en Dieux Evesqe de Worcester, ces sont les noms de ceaux q’ estoient pris a la battaile de Poyters p’ le Prince de Gales fitz a noble Roi de Engleterre Edward Tierts.

John de Valoys, Roy de France. Mons. Philip son fitz. Arcevesque de Leyens.

Countes Viscontes Bannerets { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { { Mons. Jakes de Bourbonn, Counte de Pountois. Mons. John d’Artoys, Counte d’Eu. Mons. Charles de Artoys, Counte de Souggevil. Le Counte de Tankervill. Le Counte de Ventadour. Le Counte de Saussier. Le Counte de Salesberg. Le Counte de Vendome. Le Counte de Wademont. Le Counte de Dammartyn. Le Counte de John de Nasso. Le Counte de Salerplok. Le Chatelaine de Composta. Le Visconte de Narbone. Le Visconte de Vychichoart. Le Visconte de Walemont. Le Visconte de Beaumont. Le S. de Sully. Mess. Arnold Doudinham. Mess. Rauf de Coussy. Le S. de Danbeney. Le S. de Denyn. Le S. de Saint Dyser. Le S. de la Tour. Le S. Damboisa. Le S. de Derval. Le S. de Manhales. Le S. de Planuche. Le S. de Montagu. Le S. de Beaufremont. Le S. de Plamory. Mons. Giscard D’Angle Seneschal de Sentonge. Mons. Moris Mauvinct Sen. de Tours en Toreyne. Mons. Renaud de Guilhon Sen. de Peyton. Mons. Pierres de Creon. Mons. Giscard de Arx. Mons. Gauter de Castellion. Mons. Giscard de Beanyon. Le S. de Basentin.

Ceaux furent ceaux dessoutz p’s devant la battaile à Remoartin.

Bannerets Bachelers { { { { { { Le S. de Acon. Mons. Busignaut. Mons. Guy Turpin. Mons. Guilliaume de Lorak. Mons. Folles de Forsela. Mons. Jakelyn de Ponsey.

Et sont pris outre les noms dessus escptz des gentz d’armes. M. ixe. xxxiii. Gaudete in Domino semper.

Les nomes de ceaux q’furent mortz a la dite battaile sont ceux.

Ducs. { { { Le Duc de Bourbon. Le Duc Datermes. Le Evesque de Chalons. Mons. Rob de Duras. Le Marischal de Clermont. Le Visconte de Vrons. Mons. Geffrei de Charsey. Mons. Renaud de Pointz. Le S. de Landas. Le S. de Chastel Vileyn. Le S. de Argenton. Le S. de Mountgay. Le S. de Malevrer. Mons. John de Sausar. Mons. Lewis de Broyse. Mons. Guilliem de Viele. Mons. John de Jole. Mons. Andrew de Chaveny. Mons. Eustas de Kirpemont.

Et outre le noms surnometz sont mortz des gentz d’armes M.M. ccccxxvi. Iterum dico gaudete.

A LETTER FROM ROBERT PRITE, CLERK, TO SOME ENGLISH NOBLEMAN, DATED 8th DECEMBER 1356, GIVING HIM INFORMATION OF THE BATTLE OF POICTIERS, AND OTHER INTELLIGENCE.

[Original on vellum in the Cottonian MS. Caligula D. III. f. 33.]

Mon t’sg’nt et t’sredoute seign’. Nous tenons com’unement p’decea et p’ c’tein q’ le Roi de Fr’nce le duc d’Orliens deux filz du roi les deux mareschalx de [F’ance] et plusours autres g’ntz seign’s ont este mortz en la bataille q’ad este entre le P’nce de Gales et eux et dit ho’me q’ Monsr Loys v’re frere Monsr Martin [le] Roi les Navarrois ont en la p’m’e bataille et ceux descomfirent la busoigne et tua Monsr Martin le Roi et ce purrez vous savoir plus au plein p’ un Chivaler qi le duc de Lancastr’ ad envoie nadgaires en Englet’re dev’s le Roi. Et se p’ti de la busoigne le duc de Normandie qi sicome home dit est venuz a Paris et ad signifie ces novelles a Monsr Rob’t de Cleremont son lieutenant es p’ties de seint Loo. Des autres novelles de p’decea, plese vous savoir mon t’sredoute seignur q’ le poeple de ce paiis est molt esbay de la longe demoer q’ vous faites p’dela moemens les gentils genz; a qui Monsr Godefrey de Harecourt p’lemente touz les iours et les enhorte estre oveges lui et de lui faire hom[age] come a lieutenant le Roi d’Englet’re et especialement a ceux qi tenent p’decea fort’estes et fait pullier p’my voz villes q’ qicunqes voudra estre a lui obeissant il ne serra greve de taillee ne aut’s subsides p’ qeconqz affaire q’ ce soit et q’ ceux il gardera et defendera contre vous et aut’s dont plusours gentilz homes et autres bones villes lui ont entierement accordez sa volonte p’ sa petite puissance q’ils veient q’ vous avez et en outre ad fait le dit Godefrey mettre la main en la t’re qe feust vassailles Honriot de Pemot J de Chesnos et en plusours aut’s lieux et fait iniunccion q’ nul ne obbeisse a vous sr peine de la teste et tant d’autres choses plus g’nt q’si vous accordez a venir p’decea vous trouviez petit de voz gent qi pr’ vous face riens car de iour en iour. Il fait conu’tir le paiis et tiegne q’ a son poair. Il lev’a de voz gentes de la seint Michel la greigunure p’tie et navez ja p’sent officer a qi la people voille ore obeir p’ la doute de Godefrey, si vous voillez avancer sicome vous poez veer q’ busugne est et p’dela mettez tiel remede come vouz verrez q’ bon s’ra, car les Engleis p’decea tiennent sa p’tie, et si ne feust l’esp’ance, q’ iai de v’re brieve venue Je vous envoiasse p’chemement aucune finance. Mon t’sredoute Sr n’re Seignr vous doint bone vie et longe, et vous ait en sa seincte garde, t’stre a seint benet les viijne iour docenb’r.

V’re Clerc

Robt. Prite.

A DECLARATION OF BERNARD DU TROY, A GASCON GENTLEMAN, THAT HE WAS THE PERSON WHO TOOK KING JOHN OF FRANCE AT THE BATTLE OF POICTIERS.

[Lat. on vellum. Cottonian MSS. Caligula D. III. f. 74.]

In Dei Nomine Amen. Uniu’si nouerint p’ p’n’tes q’ Anno d’ni mill’imo cccmo. sexsagesimo primo die pima mens’ Julij Indict’one xiiija pontificat’ s’cissimi in xp’o p’ris et dni. d’ni Innocentij ppe. sexti anno nono inpresentia not’ et testiu’ subsc’ptor’ p’sonal’r constitut’. discretus vir Bernardus deu Troy scutifer de vasconia. licet infirm’ corpore mente t’n sanus et intellectu. Corpus sacatissimu’ ih’u x’p’i. q’d ut fidel’ xp’ian’ Recip’e volebat p’ ei’ Ai’e saluat’one in manu sacerdotis habens p’oc’lis in domo habitato’is sue London’ in Carreria et Rop’ia verba dixit et p’tulit que sequntur. Carissimi d’ni. q’ nil certius morte nec incertius hora mortis. Et quia tempus p’ic’losum est vt nulli lat’e possit Jus meu’. et cu’ctis notu’ fiat. Dico Ego Bernardus deu troy p’d’cs cor’ vob’ om’ib’. q’ in p’ic’lo Ai’e mee et p’ sacm corpus ih’u x’p’i q’d hic cor’ om’ib’ est sacatum et intendo Recip’e p’ saluato’e mee Ai’e pecaticis. q’ die belli de poitiers Ego cepi Rege’ francie. et se mi Reddidit Rex p’d’cs et meus ver’ pisionarius est et null’ ali’ ius habet in eo p’ter me de Jure u’l Rato’ne. Et querelam qam cora’ d’no n’ro Rege Anglie. Et ei’ consilio a d’co bello cita p’sequt’ sum sup’ d’to Rege francie pisionario meo est bona et in ea ut Attemptaui et p’sequt’ sum volo mori tanqam bona et iust’ querela. Al’ corpus ih’u xp’i sacatissimu’ quod ut supa dixi ut fidel’ xp’ian’ p’ salute Ai’e mee volo Recip’e sit ad dampnato’em mea’ q’d deus euertat. Et Rogo d’nm Geraldum de tartasia d’nm de poyana milite’ hic p’ntem Eo casu quo de hac infirmitate decederem q’ querela’ mea’ aucdacter Recipiat tanqa’ bona’ conta d’nm denisium de morbek milite’ et q’mcu’que aliu’ Jus meum sup’ d’co Rege francie vero pisionario meo vsurpar’ nitente’. qui conta deu’ et Justicia’. me et Jus meu’ absorbet. et p’ falsas suggestiones. et cautelas vsq’ inp’ntem die’ impediuit et impedit mi’ iuste et d’cam q’relam p’seqatur ad fine’ et bellu’ faciat si Judicet’ sup’ hoc sub p’ic’lo Ai’e mee qua’ quide’ q’rela’ d’c’s d’ns de poyana ibi p’ns p’seq’ndam et finiendam ac bellu’ si Indicetur aut Indicaret’ in se suscipiendum et faciend’ p’misit et fide sua media stipulauit. Eo Aute’ casu quo dict’ d’ns de poyana nollet d’cam querelam p’sequi aut no’ posset morte aut impedimento aliquo impedit’. volo Ego Bernardus deu troy p’d’cs q’ pelegin’ deu cause socius me’ in Armis d’cam q’relam p’seqatur et finiat Ac bellu’ Recipiat et faciat p’ d’ca q’rela si iudicatu’ fuit sub p’ic’lo Anime mee ut p’dixi de comodo aute’ et finantia qd’ p’ue’iat ex d’co Rege francie vero pisionar’ meo sup’ quo d’n’m n’r’m Rege’ eius Ai’am et conscientia’ onero, volo q’ deductis expen’ illi’ qui p’seq’t’ si bellu’ subseqatur exinde bellu’ faciens Ecia’ p’te, habeat duas alias p’tes inter hered’ meos, peleginu’ deu canse, et socios qui in Armis erant socij mei d’ca die, Rat’onab’l’r diuidant’ sicut ordinaret’ Rat’onab’l’r et Reperiretur ip’os Jus habere. si aute’ bellu’ non subseqatur ex querela p’d’ca qd’ absit. volo q’ de comodo qd’ p’ue’iat deductis expen’ p’seq’ut’ Recipiat ip’e p’sequens iuxta ei’ conscientia’. Residu’ ut supa dc’m est diuidat’. Sup’ d’co tamen p’ficus et emolume’to conscienta’ d’ci d’ni n’ri Regis onero ut p’dixi. Rogans et Reqirens magrm guill’m. de Wolneston’. et magr’m philipu’ de London’. et alios notarios hic p’ntes q’ sup’ hiis om’ibus faciant et Recipiant. Vnu’ duo v’l pl’a publica instr’a que concessim’ agenda in f—— et testimoniu’ p’missor’. Acta sunt hec sub anno indict’one pontificat’ mense die ... supad’cis. Test’ Nobiles viri d’ni Oliueri’ de Clisson. Guill’m’ de mont agut Bartholomeus de borearhs —— Rob’rt’ de holand’ thomas de Ros. Joh’n’s de br—— Joh’n’s —— ccl’ de london’ Berdus de Brotas. gerdus de menta R’ndus se —— —— p—— a—— a—— Berdus de la quinnada petrus de brassas Ardus de ——

P. 73. “And at the Tour hill they beheded maistre Simond Sudbury, than erchebisshop of Caunterbury and chaunceler of Englond; and frere Robert Hales priour of seynt Jones house, than tresorer of Engelond,” &c.

The rebellion noticed in the text is so important an event in the history of England as well as of the Metropolis, that no apology can be required for the insertion of an inedited document in any degree connected with it. In the Fœdera, tom. vii. are several proclamations on the same subject, and among them one tested at London on the 15th June 1381, directed to the sheriff of Kent; but the following, dated at Chelmsford on the 5th of July in that year, has never, it is believed, been printed. It appears from it that the rebels had asserted that they were supported by the king’s authority; and His Majesty therefore, not merely denies the fact, but commands the earl of Warwick and the other persons in that county to whom the instrument is addressed, to use every possible effort to suppress the disturbance of the public peace, in places under their jurisdiction.

COPIA PROCLAMATIONIS R. RICARDI IIdi SUPER INSURRECTIONE JACK STRAW ET WAT TYLER.

[Cottonian MS. Caligula D. III. super Membr. f. 100.]

Ricardus dei gr’a Rex Angl’ et Franc’ et Dominus Hib’n’ dil’cis et fidelib’ suis Thome Comiti Warr’ Joh’i Buttourt Joh’i de Bermyngeham Henr’ de Arden’ Will’o de Clynton Militib’ Rob’to Burgilon’ et Joh’i Catesby: sal’t’m Satis vob’ et aliis ligeis n’r’is credimus esse cognitum qualit’ qamplures malef’c’ores iam nouit’ conta pacem n’ra’ in diu’sis Com’ regni n’ri Angl’ in maximam turbaco’em fideliu’ ligeor’ n’ror’ in diu’sis congregac’o’ib’ et conuenticulis illicitis quasi hostilit’ insurrexerunt ven’abilem p’rem Simonem nup’ Archiep’m Cantuar’ tocius Angl’ Primatem Cancellar’ n’r’m et fr’em Rob’tum de Hales nup’ Priorem Hospitalis s’ci Joh’is Jer’l’m in Angl’ Thes’ n’r’m Joh’em Cauendish nup’ Capitalem Justic’ n’r’m et qamplures alios ligeos et s’uientes et fideles n’ros absq’ culpa crudelit’ occidendo arsuras incendia p’straco’es et varias alias destrucco’es eccl’iar’ Man’ior’ domor’ rer’ et aliar’ possessionu’ fideliu’ ligeor’ n’ror’ enormit’ et p’peram p’petrando Quia v’o malef’c’ores p’d’ci falso et mendacit’ asseruerunt et affirmarunt ip’os mala homicidia et dampna p’d’ca ex n’ris auctoritate et voluntate fecisse et p’petrasse vt ip’i sic maliciam suam continuare valeant et de p’missis licet indigni cicius excusent’ ad v’ram et alior fideliu’ ligeor’ n’ror’ quor’cumq’ volum’ p’uenire noticiam quod p’missa mala homicidia et dampna quecunq’ ex auctoritate et voluntate n’ris minime p’cesserunt neq’ fiunt set exinde vehemencius contristati ea in n’r’m maximu’ vitup’iu’ et Corone n’re p’iudiciu’ et tocius regni n’ri dampnu’ et turbac’o’em non modica redundare sentimus. Et ideo vob’ sup’ fide et ligeancia quib’ nob’ tenemini firmit’ munigendo mandamus qd’ p’sens mandatum n’r’m in singulis locis infra Com’ Warr’ tam infra lib’tates qam exta ubi melius expedire videritis ex p’te n’ra publice p’clamari et vlt’ius inhiberi fac’ ne qui cuiuscumq’ status seu condico’is fu’int infra Com’ p’d’c’m seu alibi insurg’e seu congregaco’es vel conuenticula huiusmodi fac’e vel levare seu quicqam aliud attemptare seu p’curare p’sumant seu p’sumat aliquis eor’ p’ quod pax n’ra ibidem infringi aut populus n’r inquietari aut turbari pot’it sub forisf’cura vite et membror’ et o’i’m alior’ que nob’ forisfac’e pot’unt in futur’ Damus eciam vob’ et cuil’t v’r’m et quibuscumq’ aliis fidelib’ n’ris tenore p’senciu’ potestatem et mandatum sp’ale quibuscumq’ malef’corib’ conta pacem n’ram et quietem p’p’li n’ri insurg’e seu huiusmodi congraco’es et conuenticula illicita fac’e volentib’ modis om’ib’ quib’ melius pot’itis vel sciu’itis eciam si oporteat manu forti tanqam rebellib’ et inimicis n’ris et tocius regni n’ri resistendi et que’l’t ip’or’ iuxta eor’ dem’ita et discreco’es v’ras castigandi et puniendi et insurrecc’o’es et turbac’o’es quascumq’. si que ibidem quod absit fiant pacificandi et sedandi et om’ia alia faciendi et exequendi que conseruaco’em pacis n’re et quietem p’p’li n’ri conc’nere pot’unt in Com’ p’d’co et p’tib’ eiusdem quibuscumq’. In cuius rei testimoniu’ has l’ras n’ras fieri fecim’ patentes T’ me ip’o apud Chelmersford’ quinto die Julij Anno R’ n’ quinto.

p’ ip’m Regem.

In pp. 99-102, as well as in pp. 157-159, an account is given of Henry the Fifth’s expedition into France in the year 1415, and of the battle of Agincourt. In the Harleian MS. No 565, from which the preceding Chronicle was transcribed, the following Poem occurs on the same subject, a correct copy of which has never been published, though at the end of Hearne’s edition of Elmham’s Life of Henry the Fifth, a poem is inserted so very similar to the annexed that it may be presumed to have been taken from another copy of the same. It is said to have been transcribed from the Cottonian MS. Vitellius D. xii., which is not now extant: but upon collating this piece with the one printed by Hearne, it appears, after allowing for the various readings which frequently occur in different copies of an early poem, that many words were erroneously given by that zealous antiquary. Notwithstanding that it possesses but little claim to poetical merit, it is highly curious, from its being nearly if not quite contemporary with the events which it relates; for there can be no doubt of its having been a production of the prolific pen of that “drivelling monk,” as he has been severely termed, the monk of Bury, John Lydgate, several of whose other pieces, from their presenting a faithful but rude picture of the manners and transactions of the times, are also inserted in this volume. The garrulous monk, in the article which is the subject of these remarks, particularly notices every circumstance in which the Mayor and Citizens of the Metropolis were concerned, and hence it is an appropriate illustration of a “Chronicle of London.” It is worthy of observation, that the story of the tennis-balls having been sent as a satirical present from the Dauphin to Henry the Fifth, and to which Shakspeare alludes, is frequently mentioned in the poem, and furnishes the writer with several metaphors.

“Ambass. He therefore sends you, meeter for your spirit, This tun of treasure; and, in lieu of this, Desires you, let the dukedoms that you claim, Hear no more of you—This the Dauphin speaks.

K. Hen. What treasure, uncle?

Exeter. Tennis-balls, my liege.

K. Hen. We are glad the Dauphin is so pleasant with us; His present, and your pains, we thank you for: When we have match’d our rackets to these balls, We will in France, by God’s grace, play a set, Shall strike his father’s crown into the hazard: Tell him, he hath made a match with such a wrangler, That all the courts of France will be disturb’d With chaces.... And tell the pleasant prince,—this mock of his Hath turn’d his balls to gun stones;[145] and his soul Shall stand sore charged for the wasteful vengeance That shall fly with them:”

Henry the Fifth, Act I. Scene II.

But besides the historical information with which the poem abounds, and which is corroborated by the best authorities, it cannot fail to be considered of much interest, from the description of the magnificent reception of the king into London, after his return from France.

A POEM BY JOHN LYDGATE, MONK OF BURY, DESCRIBING THE EXPEDITION OF HENRY THE FIFTH INTO FRANCE IN 1415, THE BATTLE OF AGINCOURT, AND THE KING’S RECEPTION INTO LONDON ON HIS RETURN.

[Harl. MSS. 565.]

PASSUS SECUNDUS.

PASSUS TERCIUS.

Harflu fert Mauric Augincourt p’lia Crispin.

P. 119. [Ao 10 Hen. VI.]—“John Welles, grocer, maior. This same yere, the xvj day of Decembre, G beynge the dominical lettre, kyng Herry the vjte was crowned kyng of Fraunce at Parys, in the chirche of Notre Dame, with gret solempnite and rialte; and anoon after he turned ayen into Engelond, and landed at Dovorr the ix day of Feverer’, and come to London the xxj day of the same month, where he was ryally resceyved, alle the craftes rydynge ayens hym, all in white.”

The following poem by Lydgate presents a very minute account of the manner in which the young monarch was received into London after his coronation as king of France, and of the pageant upon the occasion. Two copies exist in MS. in the British Museum; one in the Harleian MS. 565, which has been literally transcribed; the other in the Cottonian MS. Julius B. II; and the variations between them will be found in the notes. About one third of this article, taken from the former of those MSS., is printed in Malcolm’s London, vol. ii. p. 89, but it conveys a very imperfect idea of the whole composition; for not only has the orthography of the extract been modernized, but the most interesting descriptions do not occur. The annexed is therefore, it is presumed, the only correct copy which has ever been published, and it cannot fail to be deemed an exceedingly curious illustration of the passage in “The Chronicle,” as well as of the manners of the period. Lydgate does not mention upon what day of the month the circumstance took place, but says that it was “upon a Thorsday” “toward the ende of wyndy Februarie:” and as the 21st of February in 1431 fell on a Thursday, there is little doubt that it was on that day that Henry entered London.

“THE COMYNGE OF THE KYNG OUT OF FRAUNCE TO LONDON.” BY JOHN LYDGATE “THE MONK OF BURY.”

[Harleian MS. 565, and Cottonian MS. Julius B. II.]

“Sovereigne lord and noble kyng, ye be wolcome out of youre rem of Fraunce, into this youre blessyd rem of Ingelond, and in especial unto youre most notable Citee of London, otherwise callyd youre chambre, we thankynge Almyghty[156] God of the good and gracious athenyng of youre crowne of Fraunce, besechynge of his mercyful grace to sende yow prosperite and many yeris, to the comfort of alle your lovyng pepill.”

Inimicos ejus induam confusione.

Nature.

Natura Gracia et Fortuna.

Impleat te Deus sp’u sapiciencie et intellectus sp’u consilii et fortitudinis sciencie et pietatis et sp’u timoris Domin’.

Induat te Dominus corona glorie sceptro clemencie,[176] gladio iusticie,[177] pallio prudencie, scuto fidei, galea salutis, et vinculo pacis.

Per me Reges regnant et gloriam sapiencie possidebunt. Et nunc Reges intelligite et erudimini qui iudicatis terram.