Note FOOTNOTES — INDEX.

[1] Miss Lamond's edition of Walter of Henley did not appear until the greater part of my book was in type. I had studied the work in MS. So also I studied the Cartulary of Battle Abbey in MS. without being aware that it had been edited by Mr. Scargill Bird. Had Mr. Gomme's Village Communities come to my hands at an earlier date I should have made more references to it.

[2] English Historical Review, No. 1.

[3] In his Considérations sur l'histoire de France.

[4] History of Boroughs.

[5] Ancient Rights of the Commons of England.

[6] Quoted by Palgrave, English Commonwealth, i. 192, from the second edition of 1786. The first appeared in 1784.

[7] The first edition of the Commentaries appeared in 1765. I have been using that of 1800.

[8] 'Es war eine Zeit, in der wir Unerhörtes und Unglaubliches erlebten, eine Zeit, welche die Aufmerksamkeit auf viele vergessene und abgelebte Ordnungen durch deren Zusammensturz hinzog.' Niebuhr in the preface to the first volume of his Roman history, quoted by Wegele, Geschichte der deutschen Historiographie, 998.

[9] Enquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Royal Prerogative, 1831.

[10] History of the English Commonwealth, 1832; Normandy and England, 1840.

[11] I do not give an analysis of Hallam's remarkable chapters on England in his work on the Middle Ages (first edition, 1818), because they are mostly concerned with Constitutional history, and the notes on the classes of Saxon and Anglo-Norman Society are chiefly valuable as discussions of technical points of law. Hallam's general position in historical literature must not be underrated; he is the English representative of the school which had Guizot for its most brilliant exponent on the Continent. In our subject, however, the turning-point in the development of research is marked by Palgrave, and not by Hallam. Heywood (Dissertation on Ranks and Classes of Society, 1818) is sound and useful, but cannot rank among the leaders.

[12] Histoire de la conquête de l'Angleterre par les Normands.

[13] Histoire du tiers état.

[14] Histoire du droit municipal.

[15] Prolégomènes au polyptyque de l'abbé Irminon.

[16] Histoire des institutions de la France; Recherches sur quelques problèmes d'histoire.

[17] Gregor von Tours und seine Zeit.

[18] Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte.

[19] Geschichte des Beneficialwesens, 1856; Feudalität und Unterthanenverband, 1863.

[20] Roth is very strong on this point.

[21] Ueber angelsächsische Rechtsverhältnisse, in the Munich Kritische Ueberschau, i. sqq. (1853).

[22] K. Maurer is very near Waitz in this respect.

[23] See especially his Englische Verfassungsgeschichte.

[24] Einleitung in die Geschichte der Hof-, Dorf-, Mark- und Städteverfassung in Deutschland, 1 vol.; Geschichte der Frohnhöfe, 4 vol.; Geschichte der Dorfverfassung, 1 vol.; Geschichte der Markenverfassung, 1 vol.; Geschichte der Städteverfassung, 4 vol.

[25] Collected in 2 volumes of Agrarhistorische Untersuchungen.

[26] Zur Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Feldgemeinschaft in England, 1869.

[27] I do not mention some well-known books treating of medieval husbandry and social history, because I am immediately concerned only with those works which discuss the formation of the medieval system. Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices, and Six Centuries of Work and Wages, begins with the close of the thirteenth century, and the passage from medieval organisation to modern times. Ochenkovsky, Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung Englands am Ende des Mittelalters, and Kovalevsky, England's Social Organisation at the close of the Middle Ages (Russian), start on their inquiry from even a later period.

[28] Is it necessary to say that I am speaking of general currents of thought and not of the position of a man at the polling booth? An author may be personally a liberal and still his work may connect itself with a stream of opinion which is not in favour of liberalism. Again, one and the same man may fall in with different movements in different parts of his career. Actual life throws a peculiar light on the past: certain questions are placed prominently in view and certain others are thrown into the shade by it, so that the individual worker has to find his path within relatively narrow limits.

[29] The last great German work on our questions, Lamprecht, Deutsches Wirthschaftsleben im Mittelalter, is nearer Maurer than Sternegg.

[30] Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices, i. 70; Six Centuries of Work and Wages, 44. Cf. Chandler, Five Court Rolls of Great Cressingham in the county of Norfolk, 1885, pp. viii, ix.

[31] Stubbs, Seventeen Lectures, 304, 305; Maitland, Introduction to the Note-book of Bracton, 4 sqq.

[32] Dial. de Scacc. ii. 10 (Select Charters, p. 222). Cf. i. 10; p. 192.

[33] Glanville, v. 5; Bracton, 4, 5; Fleta, i. 2; Britton, ed. Nichols, i. 194.

[34] Bracton, 5; Britton, i, 197. Pollock, Land-laws, App. C, is quite right as to the fundamental distinction between status and tenure, but he goes too far, I think, in trying to trace the steps by which names originally applying to different things got confused in the terminology of the Common Law. Annotators sometimes indulged in distinctions which contradict each other and give us no help as to the law. The same Cambridge MS. from which Nichols gives an explanation of servus, nativus, and villanus (i. 195) has a different etymology in a marginal note to Bracton. 'Nativus dicitur a nativitate—quasi in servitute natus, villanus dicitur a villa, quasi faciens villanas consuetudines racione tenementi, vel sicut ille qui se recognoscit ad villanum in curia quae recordum habet, servus vero dicitur a servando quasi per captivitatem, per vim et injustam detentionem villanus captus et detentus contra mores et consuetudines juris naturalis' (Cambr. Univers. MSS. Dd. vii. 6. I have the reference from my friend F.W. Maitland).

[35] Placita Coram Rege, Easter, 14 Edw. I, m. 9: 'Willelmus Barantyn et Radulfus attachiati fuerunt ad respondendum Agneti de Chalgraue de placito quare in ipsam Agnetem apud Chalgraue insultum fecerunt et ipsam verberaverunt, vulneraverunt et male tractaverunt, et bona et catalla sua in domibus ipsius Agnetis apud Chalgraue scilicet ordeum et avenam, argentum, archas et alia bona ad valenciam quadraginta solidorum ceperunt et asportaverunt; et ipsam Agnetem effugaverunt de uno mesuagio et dimidia virgata terre de quibus fuit in seysina per predictum Willelmum que fuerunt de antiquo dominico per longum tempus; nec permiserunt ipsam Agnetem morari in predicta villa de Chalgraue; et eciam quandam sororem ipsius Agnetis eo quod ipsa soror eam hospitavit per duas noctes de domibus suis eiecit, terra et catalla sua abstulit. Et predicti Willelmus et Radulfus veniunt. Et quo ad insultacionem et verberacionem dicunt quod non sunt inde culpabiles. Et quo ad hoc quod ipsa Agnes dicit quod ipsam eiecerunt de domibus et terris suis, dicunt quod predicta Agnes est natiua ipsius Willelmi et tenuit predicta tenementa in villenagio ad voluntatem ipsius Willelmi propter quod bene licebat eidem Willelmo ipsam de predicto tenemento ammouere.—Juratores dicunt ... quod predicta tenementa sunt villenagium predicti Willelmi de Barentyn et quod predicta Agnes tenuit eadem tenementa ad voluntatem ipsius Willelmi.' Cf. Y.B. 12/13 Edw. III (ed. Pike), p. 233 sqq., 'or vous savez bien qe par ley de terre tout ceo qe le vileyn ad si est a soun seignour;' 229 sqq., 'qar cest sa terre demene, et il les puet ouster a sa volunte demene.'

[36] Coram Rege, Mich., 3 4 Edw. I, m. 1: 'Ricardus de Assheburnham summonitus fuit ad respondendum Petro de Attebuckhole et Johanni de eadem de placito quare, cum ipsi teneant quasdam terras et tenementa de predicto Ricardo in Hasseburnham ac ipsi parati sunt ad faciendum ei consuetudines et servicia que antecessores sui terras et tenementa illa tenentes facere consueverint, predictus Ricardus diversas commoditates quam ipsi tam in boscis ipsius Ricardi quam in aliis locis habere consueverint eisdem subtrahens ipsos ad intollerabiles servitutes et consuetudines faciendas taliter compellit quod ex sua duricia mendicare coguntur. Et unde queruntur quod, cum teneant tenementa sua per certas consuetudines et certa servicia, et cum percipere consueverunt boscum ad focum et materiam de bosco crescente in propriis terris suis, predictus Ricardus ipsos non permittit aliquid in boscis suis capere et eciam capit aueria sua et non permittit eos terram suam colere.—Ricardus dicit, quod non debet eis ad aliquam accionem respondere nisi questi essent de vita vel membris vel de iniuria facta corpori suo. Dicit eciam quod nativi sui sunt, et quod omnes antecessores sui nativi fuerunt antecessorum suorum et in villenagio suo manentes.'

[37] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1237: 'dominus Rex non vult se de eis intromittere.'

[38] It occurs in the oldest extant Plea Roll, 6 Ric. I; Rot. Cur. Regis, ed. Palgrave, p. 84: 'Thomas venit et dicit quod ipsa fuit uxorata cuidam Turkillo, qui habuit duos filios qui clamabant libertatem tenementi sui in curia domini Regis ... et quod ibi dirationavit eos esse villanos suos, et non defendit disseisinam ... Et ipsi Elilda et Ricardus defendunt vilenagium et ponunt se super juratam,' etc.

[39] Maitland, Select Pleas of the Crown (Selden Soc. I), pl. 3: 'Quendam nativum suum quem habuit in vinculis eo quod voluit fugere.' Bract. Notebook, pl. 1041: 'Petrus de Herefordia attachiatus fuit ad respondendum R. fil. Th. quare ipse cepit Ricardum et eum imprisonauit et coegit ad redempcionem 1 marce. Et Petrus venit alias et defendit capcionem et imprisonacionem set dicit quod villanus fuit,' etc.

It must be noted, however, that in such cases it was difficult to draw the line as to the amount of bodily injury allowed by the law, and therefore the King's courts were much more free to interfere. In the trial quoted on p. 45, note 2, the defendants distinguish carefully between the accusation and the civil suit. They plead 'not guilty' as to the former. And so Bishop Stubbs' conjecture as to the 'rusticus verberatus' in Pipe Roll, 31 Henry I, p. 55 (Constit. Hist. i. 487), seems quite appropriate. The case is a very early one, and may testify to the better condition of the peasantry in the first half of the twelfth century.

[40] As to the actual treatment experienced by the peasants at the hands of their feudal masters, see a picturesque case in Maitland's Select Pleas of the Crown (Selden Soc.), 203.

[41] Stubbs, Constitutional History, ii. 652, 654; Freeman, Norman Conquest, v. 477; Digby, Introduction to the Law of Real Property, 244.

[42] Sir Thomas Smith, The Commonwealth of England, ed. 1609, p. 123, shows that the notion of two classes corresponding to the Roman servus and the Roman adscriptus glebae had taken root firmly about the middle of the sixteenth century. 'Villeins in gross, as ye would say immediately bond to the person and his heirs.... (The adscripti) were not bond to the person but to the mannor or place, and did follow him who had the mannors, and in our law are called villains regardants (sic), for because they be as members or belonging to the mannor or place. Neither of the one sort nor of the other have we any number in England. And of the first I never knew any in the Realme in my time. Of the second so fewe there bee, that it is not almost worth the speaking, but our law doth acknowledge them in both these sorts.'

[43] Section 182 is not quite consistent with such an exposition, but I do not think there can be any doubt as to the general doctrine.

[44] I need not say that the work done by Mr. Horwood, and especially by Mr. Pike, for the Rolls' Series quite fulfil the requirements of students. But in comparison with it the old Year Books in Rastall's, and even more so in Maynard's edition, appear only the more wretchedly misprinted.

[45] For instance, Liber Assisarum, ann. 44, pl. 4 (f. 283): 'Quil fuit son villein et il seisi de luy come de son villein come regardant a son maneir de B. en la Counte de Dorset.'

[46] Y.B. Hil. 5 Edw. II: 'Iohan de Rose port son [ne] vexes vers Labbe de Seint Bennet de Holme, et il counta qil luy travaille, etc., e luy demande.' Migg.: 'defent tort et force, ou et quant il devera et dit qil fuist le vilein Labbe, per qi il ne deveroit estre resceve.' Devom.: 'il covient qe vous disez plus qe vous estes seisi, ut supra,' etc. Migg.: 'il est nostre vileyn, et nous seisi de luy come de nostre vileyn.' Ber.: 'Coment seisi come,' etc.? Migg.: 'de luy et de ces auncestres come de nos vileynes, en fesant de luy nostre provost en prenant de luy rechate de char et de saunk et redemption pur fille et fitz marier de luy et de ces auncestres et a tailler haut et bas a nostre volente, prest,' etc. (Les reports des cases del Roy Edward le II. London, 1678; f. 157.)

[47] I do not think it ever came into any one's mind to look at the Plea Rolls in this matter. Even Hargrave, when preparing his famous argument in Somersett's case, carried his search no further than the Year Books then in print. And in consequence he just missed the true solution. He says (Howell's State Trials, xx. 42, 43),'As to the villeins in gross the cases relative to them are very few; and I am inclined to think that there never was any great number of them in England.... However, after a long search, I do find places in the Year Books where the form of alledging villenage in gross is expressed, not in full terms, but in a general way; and in all the cases I have yet seen, the villenage is alledged in the ancestors of the person against whom it was pleaded.' And he quotes 1 Edw. II, 4; 5 Edw. II, 157 (corr. for 15); 7 Edw. II, 242, and 11 Edw. II, 344. But all these cases are of Edward II's time, and instead of being exceptional give the normal form of pleading as it was used up to the second quarter of the fourteenth century. They looked exceptional to Hargrave only because he restricted his search to the later Year Books, and did not take up the Plea Rolls. By admitting the cases quoted to indicate villainage in gross, he in fact admitted that there were only villains in gross before 1350 or thereabouts, or rather that all villains were alike before this time, and no such thing as the difference between in gross and regardant existed. I give in App. I the report of the interesting case quoted from 1 Edw. II.

[48] Y.B. 32/33 Edw. I (Horwood), p. 57: 'Quant un home est seisi de son vilein, issi qil est reseant dans son vilenage.' Fitzherbert, Abr. Vill. 3 (39 Edw. III): '... villeins sunt appendant as maners qe sount auncien demesne.' On the other hand, 'regardant' is used quite independently of villainage. Y.B. 12/13 Edw. III (Pike), p. 133: 'come services regardaunts al manoir de H.'

[49] Y.B. Hil. 14 Edw. II, f. 417: 'R. est bailli ... del manoir de Clifton ... deins quel manoir cesti J. est villein.'

[50] See App. I and II.

[51] Y.B. Trin. 9 Edw. II, f. 294: 'Le manoir de H. fuit en ascun temps en la seisine Hubert nostre ael, a quel manoir cest vileyn est regardant.'

[52] Y.B. Trin. 29 Edw. III, f. 41. For the report of this case and the corresponding entry in the Common Pleas Roll, see Appendix II.

[53] Cf. Annals of Dunstaple, Ann. Mon. iii. 371: 'Quia astrarius eius fuit,' in the sense of a person living on one's land.

[54] Bracton, f. 267, b.

[55] Bract. Note-book, pl. 230, 951, 988. Cf. Spelman, Gloss. v. astrarius. Kentish Custumal, Statutes of the Realm, i. 224. Fleta has it once in the sense of the Anglo-Saxon heorð-fæst, i. cap. 47, § 10 (f. 62).

[56] Bracton, f. 190.

[57] Littleton, sect. 187. Cf. Fortescue, 'De laudibus legum Angliae,' c. 42.

[58] Littleton, sect. 188.

[59] Bracton, ff. 5, 193, b.

[60] I need not say that there were very notable variations in the history of the Roman rule itself (cf. for instance, Puchta, Institutionen, § 211), but these do not concern us, as we are taking the Roman doctrine as broadly as it was taken by medieval lawyers.

[61] Mater certa est. Gai. Inst. i. 82.

[62] See Fitz. Abr. Villenage, pl. 5 (43 Edw. III): 'Ou il allege bastardise pur ceo qe si son auncestor fuit bastard il ne puit estre villein, sinon par connusance.' There was a special reason for turning the tables in favour of bastardy, which is hinted at in this case. The bastard's parents could not be produced against a bastard. He had no father, and his mother would be no proof against him because she was a woman [Fitz. Abr. Vill. 37 (13 Edw. I), Par ce qe la feme ne puit estre admise pur prove par lour fraylte et ausi cest qi est demaunde est pluiz digne person qe un feme]. It followed strictly that he could be a villain by confession, but not by birth. The fact is a good instance of the insoluble contradictions in which feudal law sometimes involved itself.

[63] Bracton, f. 5: 'Servus ratione qui se copulaverit villanae in villenagio constitutae.' Bract. Note-book, 1839: 'Juratores dicunt quod predictus Aluredus habuit duos fratres Hugonem [medium] medio tempore natum et Gilibertum postnatum qui nunc petit, set Hugo cepit quamdam terram in uillenagio et duxit uxorem [uillanam] et in uillenagio illo procreauit quemdam filium qui ad huc superest.... Et bene dicunt quod ... iste Gilibertus propinquior heres eius est, ea racione quod filius Hugonis genitus fuit in uillenagio.'

[64] Y.B. 30/31 Edw. I, p. 167 sqq.: 'Usage de Cornwall est cecy qe la ou neyfe deyt estre marier hors de maner ou ele est reseant, qe ele trovera seurte ... de revenir a son ny ov ses chateux apres la mort de son baroun.' Bracton, f. 26, 'Quasi avis in nido.'

[65] Bract. Note-book, pl. 702: 'Nota quod libera femina maritata uillano non recuperat partem alicuius hereditatis quamdiu uillanus uixerit.'

[66] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1837: 'Nota quod mulier que est libera uel in statu libero saltem ad minus non debet disseisiri quin recuperare possit per assisam quamuis nupta fuerit uillano set hereditatem petere non poterit.' Bract. Note-book, pl. 1010: 'Et uillani mori poterunt per quod predicte sorores petere possint ius suum.' Fitzherb. Villen. 27 (P. 7 Edw. II.): 'Les femmes sont sans recouverie vers le seignior uiuant leur barons pur ce que ils sont villens.' Cf. Bracton, f. 202.

[67] Another instance of the influence of marriage on the condition of contracting parties is afforded by the enfranchisement of the wife in certain cases. The common law was, however, by no means settled as to this point. Y.B. 30/31 Edw. I, p. 167 sqq.: 'La ou le seygnur espouse sa neyfe, si est enfranchi pur toz jurs; secus est la ou un homme estrange ly espose, qe donk nest ele enfraunchi si non vivant son baroun, et post mortem viri redit ad pristinum statum.' Fitzherb. Vill. 21 (P. 33 Edw. III): 'Si home espouse femme qe est son villein el est franke durant les espousailles. Mes quand son baron est mort el est in statu quo prius, et issint el puis estre villein a son fils demesne.' It is quite likely that gentlemen sometimes got into a state of moral bondage to their own bondwomen, and were even led to marriage in a few instances, but the law had not much to feed upon in this direction, I imagine.

[68] Fitzherbert, Vill. 24 (H. 50 Edw. III; P. 40 Edw. III, 17): 'Si home demurt en terre tenue en villenage de temps dount, etc., il sera villen, et est bon prescripcion et encountre tel prescripcion est bon ple a dire qe son pere ou ayle fuit adventiffe,' etc. I suppose ayle here to be a simple error for ayl or ael, grandfather.

[69] Cambridge Univ., Dd. vij. 6, f. 231: 'Nota de tempore quo servus dicere poterit quia fecerit consuetudines villanas racione tenementi non racione persone. Et sciendum, quod quamdiu servus poterit verificare stipitem suam liberam non dicitur nativus, set quam citius dominus dicere poterit villicus noster est ex auo et tritauo, tunc primo desinit gaudere replicacione omnimoda et privilegio libertatis racione stipitis, ut si A. primo ingressus villenagium tenuerit de F. per villana servitia, deinde B. filius A., deinde C. filius B., deinde D. filius C., et sic tenuerint in villenagium de gradu in gradum usque ad quartum gradum de F. et heredibus suis, ille uillanus inuentus in quinto gradu descendente natiuus dicitur.' I am indebted for this passage to the kindness of Prof. Maitland.

[70] Britton, i. 196, 206.

[71] Hale, Pleas of the Crown (ed. 1736), ii. 298, gives an interesting record from Edward I's reign, which shows that even the general theory was doubtful.

[72] Dial. de Scacc. i. 10. p. 193: 'Ea propter pene quicumque sic hodie occisus reperitur, ut murdrum punitur, exceptis his quibus certa sunt ut diximus servilis condicionis indicia.' On the other hand the Dialogus lays stress on the fact, that if a villain's chattels get confiscated they go to the king and not to the lord (ii. 10. p. 222), but this is regarded as a breach of a general principle.

[73] Glanville, xiv. 1: 'Per ferrum callidum si fuerit homo liber, per aquam si fuerit rusticus.'

[74] Lighter offences committed by the lord could not give rise to prosecution, but the persona standi in iudicio was admitted in a general way even in this case. A curious illustration of the different footing of villains in civil and criminal cases is afforded by a trial of Richard I's time. Richard of Waure brings an appeal against his man and reeve, Robert Thistleful, for conspiring with his enemies against his person. He offers to prove it against him, 'ut dominus, vel ut homo maimatus, sicut curia consideraverit.' Reeves were mostly villains, and the duty of serving as a reeve was considered as a characteristic of base condition. The lord probably goes to the King's court because he wants his man subjected to more severe punishment than he could inflict on him by his own power. (Rot. Cur. Regis Ricardi, 60.)

[75] The lord had power over their property, but against everybody else they were protected by the criminal law.

[76] Sometimes the system is used so as to enforce servitude. See Court Rolls of Ramsey Abbey. Augmentation Court Rolls, Edw. I, Portf. 34, No. 46, m. 1 d. (Aylington): 'Adhuc dicunt quod Johannes filius Ricardi Dunning est tannator et manet apud Heyham, set dat per annum pro recognicione duos capones. Et quia potens est et habet multa bona, preceptum fuit Hugoni Achard et eius decennae ad ultimum visum ad habendum ipsum ad istam curiam, et non habuit. Ideo ipse et decenna sua in misericordia.' (This case is now being printed in Selden Soc. vol. ii. p. 64.)

[77] Bracton, 124 b: 'Quia omnis homo siue liber siue seruus, aut est aut debet esse in franco plegio aut de alicuius manupastu, nisi sit aliquis itinerans de loco in locum, qui non plus se teneat ad unum quam ad alium, vel quid habeat quod sufficiat pro franco plegio, sicut dignitatem vel ordinem vel liberum tenementum, vel in civitatem rem immobilem.' Nichols, Britton, i. 181, gives a note from Cambr. MS. Dd. vii. 6, to the effect that 'Villeins and naifs ought not to be in tithings, secundum quosdam.' This is certainly a misunderstanding, but it can hardly be accounted for either by the enfranchisement of the peasant or the decay of the frank-pledge. I think the annotator may have seen the passages in Leg. Cnuti or Leg. Henrici I, which speak about free men joining the tithings, or speculated about the meaning of 'plegium liberale.' There could be no thought of excluding the villains in practice during the feudal period. As to the allusion in the Mirror of Justices, I shall refer to it in Appendix III.

[78] See below, Essay I. chap. vi.

[79] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1256: 'Et Ricardus dicit quod assisa non debet inde fieri quia predictus Iohannes dedit terram illam cuidam uillano ipsius Ricardi, et ipse uillanus reddidit terram illam domino suo sicut emptam catallis domini sui, et quod ita ingressum habuit per uillanum illum in terram illam ponit se super iuratam.' Liber Assisarum, ann. 41. pl. 4. f. 252, shows that the statute de religiosis could be evaded by the lord entering into his villain's acquest. 'Levesque d'Exester port un Assise de no. diss. vers le tenaunt et Persey pur Leuesque en euidence dit, que un A. que fuit villeine le Evesque come de droit de sa Eglise purchase les tenements a luy et ses heyres et morust seisie, apres que mort entra B. come fitz et heire, sur que possession pur cause de villeinage entra Leuesque.—Wich. Home de religion ne puit pas recoverer per assise terre si title de droit ne soit troue en luy, et ou le title que est trouue en Leuesque est pur cause de la purchace de son villein, en quel cas Leuesque ne fuit compellable de entre sil nust vola mes puit auer eu ses seruices, et le statute voit Quod terrae et tenementa ad manum mortuam nullo modo deueniant, per que il semble que nous ne possomus pas doner iudgement pur Leuesque en ceo cas. Sanke: de son villein ne puit il pas leuer ses seruices, ne accepter lesse par sa maine, car a ceo que ieo entend par acceptacion de homage ou de fealty per sa maine il serra enfraunchi, per quey necessite luy arcte dentre, et le statut nestoit pas fait mes de restreindre purchaus a faire de nouel, et non pas a defaire ceo qe fuit launcien droit dez eglises. Et sur ceo fuerent aiournes en common bank, et illonque le judgement done pur Leuesque sans difficultie,' etc. (See also the report of the same case in Y.B. Mich. 41 Edw. III, pl. 8. f. 21.)

[80] Bracton, f. 25: 'Si ... stipulatus sit servus sibi ipsi, et non domino, id non statim acquiritur domino, quamuis illud (corr. ille) sit sub voluntate et potestate sua, antequam dominus apprehensus fuerit possessionem. Quod quidem impune facere poterit, si voluerit, propter exceptionem,' etc. Fitz. Abr. Vill. pl. 22 (Pasch. 35 Edw. III): 'Si le villen le roy purchase biens ou chatteux le properte de eux est en le roy sauns seisier. Mes auter est de auter home, etc. Mes sil purchas terre le roy doit seisier, etc. car Thorp. dit que terre demurt terre tout temps, mes biens come boefs ou vache puit estre mange.'

[81] Bracton, f. 25 b: 'Sic constat, quod qui sub potestate alterius fuerit, dare poterit. Sed qualiter hoc cum ipse, qui ab aliis possidetur, nihil possidere possit? Ergo videtur quod nihil dare possit, quia non potest quis dare quod non habet, et nisi fuerit in possessione rei dandae. Respondeo, dare potest qui seisinam habet qualemcunque, et servus dare potest,' etc. In case of an execution for debt due to the king the goods of the villain were to be taken only when the lord's goods were exhausted. Dialog. de Scacc. ii. 14. p. 229.

[82] Bracton, f. 190: 'Et non competit alicui hujusmodi exceptio de villenagio, praeterquam vero domino, nisi utrumque probet, scilicet quod villanus sit et teneat in villenagio, cum per hoc sequatur, quod ad ipsum non pertineat querela sive assisa, sed ad verum dominum, et ideo cadit assisa quantum ad personam suam et non quantum ad personam domini.' Cf. Britton, i. 325.

[83] Britton, i. 199; Littleton, 189; Bract. Note-book, pl. 1025: 'Assisa venit recognitura utrum una uirgata terre cum pertinenciis in R. sit libera elemosina pertinens ad ecclesiam Magistri Iohannis de R. de R. an laicum feodum Gaufridi Beieudehe. Qui venit et dicit quod non debet inde assisa fieri quia antecessores sui feoffati fuerunt a conquestu Anglie ita quod tenerent de ecclesia illa et redderent ei per annum x. solidos.... Iuratores dicunt quod terra illa est feodum eiusdem ecclesie ita quod idem G. et antecessores sui semper tenuerunt de ecclesia.... Et dicunt quod idem Gaufridus est natiuus Comitis Warenne et de eo tenet in uilenagio aliud tenementum. Postea uenit Gaufridus et cognouit quod est uillanus Comitis Warenne. Postea concordati sunt,' etc.

[84] Example, Fitz. Abr. Villen. 16. The proper reply to such a plea is shown by Bract. Note-book, pl. 1833: 'Et Iohannes dicit quod hoc ei nocere non debet, quia quicquid idem dicat de uillenagio, ipsemet ut liber homo sine contradiccione domini sui terram illam dedit Iohanni del Frid patri istius Iohannis pro homagio et seruicio suo ... Consideratum est quod predictus Iohannes recuperauit seisinam suam, et Richerus in misericordia.' Liber Assis. ann. 43. pl. 1. f. 265 gives the contrary decision: 'Lassise agarde et prise, per quel il fuit troue quil [le defendant] fuit villein al Counte.... mes troue fuit ouster que le Counte ne fut unques seisie de la terre, ne onques claima riens en la terre, et troue fuit que le plaintif fuit seisie et disseisie. Et sur ceo, le quel le plaintif recouerer, ou que le brief abateroit sont ajornes deuant eux mesmes a Westminster. A que jour per opinion de la Court le briefe abatu, per que le plaintif fuit non sue,' etc.

[85] A different view is taken by Stubbs, i. 484.

[86] Digby, Real Property, 3rd ed. p. 128. I may say at once that I fail to see any connexion between copyhold tenure and any express agreements between lord and villain.

[87] Bracton, 192 b: 'Si autem dominus ita dederit sine manumissione, servo et heredibus suis tenendum libere, presumi poterit de hoc quod servum voluit esse liberum, cum aliter servus heredes habere non possit nisi cum libertate et ita contra dominum excipientem de villenagio competit ei replicatio.' Cf. 23 b and Britton, i. 247; Fleta, 238; Littleton, secs. 205, 207.

[88] Bracton, 24 b: 'Si autem in charta hoc tantum contineatur, habendum et tenendum tali (cum sit servus) per liberum servitium huiusmodi verba non faciunt servum liberum nec dant ei liberum tenementum ... Quia tenementum nichil confert nec detrahit personae, nisi praecedat, ut dictum est, homagium vel manumissio, vel quod tantundem valet de concessione domini, scilicet quod villanus libere teneat et quiete et per liberum servitium, sibi et haeredibus suis. Si autem hoc solum dicatur, quod teneat per liberum servitium [sibi et heredibus suis], si ejectus fuerit a quocunque non recuperet per assisam noue disseisine, ut liberum tenementum, quia domino competit assisa et non villano. Si tamen dominus ipsum ejecerit, quaeritur, an contra dominum agere possit de conventione, cum prima facie non habet personam standi in judicio ad hoc, quod dominus teneat ei conventionem, videtur quod sic, propter factum domini sui, ut si agat de conventione, et dominus excipiat de servitute, replicare poterit de facto domini sui, sicut supra dicitur de feoffamento. Nec debent jura juvare dominum contra voluntatem suam, quia semel voluit conventionem, et quamvis damnum sentiat, non tamen fit ei injuria et ex quo prudenter et scienter contraxit cum servo suo, tacite renunciavit exceptionem villenagii.'

[89] The freehold would be given and still 'non recuperet per assisam no. diss. quia domino competit assisa et non villano.'

[90] See my article, 'The Text of Bracton,' in the Law Quarterly Review, i. 189, et sqq.; and Maitland, Introduction to the Note-book of Bracton, 26 sqq.

[91] The Cambridge MSS. have been inspected for me by Mr. Maitland.

[92] Comp. Bracton, f. 194 b: 'Quia ex quo mentionem fecit de heredibus praesumitur vehementer, quod dominus voluit servum esse liberum quod quidem non esset, si de heredibus mentionem non fecerit.'

[93] Bracton, f. 208 b: 'Est etiam villenagium non ita purum, sive concedatur libero homini vel villano ex conventione tenendum pro certis servitiis et consuetudinibus nominatis et expressis, quamvis servitia et consuetudines sunt villanae. Et unde si liber ejectus fuerit vel villanus manumissus vel alienatus (corr. alienus best MSS.) recuperare non poterunt ut liberum tenementum, cum sit villenagium et cadit assisa, vertitur tamen in juratam ad inquirendum de conventione propter voluntatem dimittentis et consensum, quia si quaerentes in tali casu recuperarint villenagium, non erit propter hoc domino injuriatum propter ipsius voluntatem et consensum, et contra voluntatem suam jura ei non subveniunt, quia si dominus potest villanum manumittere et feoffare multo fortius poterit ei quandam conventionem facere, et quia si potest id quod plus est, potest multo fortius id quod minus est.' We have here another difficulty with the text. The wording is so closely allied to the passage on 24 b. just quoted, and the last sentences seem to indicate so clearly that the case of a privileged villain is here opposed to manumission and feoffment, that the 'villanus manumissus vel alienus' looks quite out of place. Is it a later gloss? Even if it is retained, however, the passage points to a very material limitation of the lord's power. The holding in question can certainly not be described as being held 'at will.' To me the words in question look like a gloss or an addition, although very probably they were inserted early, perhaps by Bracton himself, who found it difficult to maintain consistently a villain's contractual rights against the lord. Another solution of the difficulty is suggested to me by Sir Frederick Pollock. He thinks 'villanus manumissus vel alienus' correct, and lays stress on the fact, that personal condition does not matter in this case: that even though the tenant be free or quoad that lord as good as free, the assize lies not and there shall only be an action on the covenant. If we accept this explanation which saves the words under suspicion, we shall have to face another difficulty: the text would turn from villanus (suus) to villanus alienus and back to villanus (suus) without any intimation that the subject under discussion had been altered.

[94] The later practice is well known. Any agreement with a bondman led to a forfeiture of the lord's rights. It may be seen at a glance that such could not have been the original doctrine. Otherwise why should the old books lay such stress on the mention of heirs?

[95] Besides the case from the Note-book which I discuss in the text, Bracton, f. 199, is in point: 'Item esto quod villanus teneat per liberum servitium sibi tantum, nulla facta mentione de heredibus, si cum ejectus fuerit proferat assisam, et cum objecta fuerit exceptio villenagii, replicet quod libere teneat et petat assisam, non valebit replicatio, ex quo nulla mentio facta est de heredibus, quia liberum tenementum in hoc casu non mutat statum, si fuerit sub potestate domini constitutus. Ut in eodem itinere (in ultimo itinere Martini de Pateshull) in comitatu Essex, assisa noue disseisine, si Radulphus de Goggenhal.' The villain fails in his assize and there has been no manumission, still it seems admitted that in this case the villain has acquired liberum tenementum by the lord's act. How can this be except on the supposition that there is a covenant enforceable by the villain against the lord?

[96] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1814: 'Nota quod filius villani recuperat per assisam noue disseisine terram quam pater suus tenuit in villenagio quia dominus villani illam dedit filio suo per cartam suam eciam sine manumissione.'

[97] F.W. Maitland tells me, that Concanen's Report of Rowe v. Brenton describes bond conventioners in Cornwall.

[98] Bracton, f. 6: 'Et in hoc legem habent contra dominos, quod stare possunt in judicio contra eos de vita et membris propter saevitiam dominorum, vel propter intollerabilem injuriam, ut si eos destruant, quod salvum non possit eis esse waynagium suum. [Hoc autem verum est de illis servis, qui tenent de antiquo dominico coronae, sed de aliis secus est, quia quandocunque placuerit domino, auferre poterit a villano suo waynagium suum et omnia bona sua.] Expedit enim reipublicae ne quis re sua male utatur.'

[99] See my article in the L.Q.R., i. 195.

[100] Bracton, f. 196-202.

[101] Coram Rege, 15 Edw. I, m. 18: '... licet habeant alia averia per que distringi possent distringit eos per averia de carucis suis quod est contra statutum domini Regis.' (Record Office.)

[102] Spence, Equitable Jurisdiction, i. 136.

[103] The Mirror of Justices, p. 110, follows Britton in this matter. This curious book is altogether very interesting on the subject of villeinage, but as its information is of a very peculiar stamp, I have not attempted to use it currently on the same level with other authorities. I prefer discussing it by itself in App. III.

[104] Bracton, f. 26 b, 200. Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 141: 'Dicit quod tunc temporis scilicet in itinere iusticiariorum tenuit ipse quamdam terram in uillenagium quam emerat, et tunc cognouit quod terra illa fuit uillenagium, et precise defendit quod nunquam cognouit se esse uillanum.'

[105] Britton, ii. 13; Y.B. 20/21 Edw. I, p. 41: 'Kar nent plus neit a dire, jeo tenk les tenements en vileynage de le Deen etc. ke neit a dire ke jeo tenk les tenements ... a la volunte le Deen etc.'

[106] Bracton, f. 168.

[107] Ibid., f. 199 b.

[108] Palgrave, Rotuli Curiae Regis, ii. 192.

[109] Placitorum Abbrev. 25, 29; Note-book, pl. 88. (The father is called Ailfricus in the Plea Roll Divers terms 2 John, 2 d., at the Record Office.)

[110] Bract. Note-book, pl. 88.

[111] Case 70: 'Consideratum est quod terra illa est uilenagium ipsius Hugonis (corr. Johannis), et quod si Martinus uoluerit terram tenere faciat consuetudines quas pater suus fecit, sin autem capiat terram suam in manum suam.'

[112] Marginal remark in the Note-book to pl. 70: 'Nota quod liber homo potest facere uillanas consuetudines racione tenementi uillani set propter hoc non erit uillanus, quia potest relinquere tenementum.' Comp. Mr. Maitland's note to the case.

[113] Bracton, f. 199 b: 'Unde videtur per hoc, quod licet liber homo teneat villenagium per villanas consuetudines, contra voluntatem suam ejici non debet, dum tamen facere voluerit consuetudines quae pertinent ad villenagium, et quae praestantur ratione villenagii, et non ratione personae.'

[114] Cf. Blackstone's characteristic of copyholds: 'But it is the very condition of the tenure in question that the lands be holden only so long as the stipulated service is performed, quamdiu velint et possint facere debitum servitium et solvere debitas pensiones.' (Law Tracts, ii. 153.)

[115] Bract, f. 200.

[116] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1103: 'Et ideo consideratum est quod Willelmus conuictus est de uilenagio et si facere uoluerit predictas consuetudines teneat illam bouatam terre per easdem consuetudines, sin autem faciat Bartholomeus de terra et de ipso Willelmo uoluntatem suam ut de uillano suo et ei liberatur. Cf. Mr. Maitland's note.

[117] I should like to draw attention to one more case which completes the picture from another side. Bract. Note-book, pl. 784: 'Symon de T. petit versus Adam de H. et Thomam P. quod faciant ei consuetudines et recta seruicia que ei facere debent de tenemento quod de eo tenent in uillenagio in T. Et ipsi ueniunt et cognoscunt quod uillani sunt. Et Symon concedit eis quod teneant tenementa sua faciendo inde seruicia quae pertinent ad uillenagium, ita tamen quod non dent plus in auxilium ad festum St. Mich. nec per annum quam duodecim denarios scilicet quilibet ipsorum et hoc nomine tallagii.'—The writ of customs and services was out of place between lord and villain. The usual course was distraint. The case is clearly one of privileged villainage, but it is well to note that although the services are in one respect certain, the persons remain unfree.

[118] Bracton, f. 208 b.

[119] Ibid., f. 200.

[120] Bract. Note-book, pl. 63: 'Dicunt quod idem W. nullum habuit liberum tenementum quia ipse uillanus fuit et fecit omnimoda uilenagia quia non potuit filiam suam maritare nec bouem suum uendere. 1819: R. de M. posuit se in magnam assisam Dom. Reg. in comitatu de consuetudinibus et seruiciis que Th. B. petit uersus eum, unde idem Th. exigebat ab eodem R. quod redderet ei de uillenagio per annum 19 den. et aruram trium dierum et messuram trium dierum ... et gersumam pro filia sua maritanda et unam gallinam ad Natale et tot oua ad Pascha et tallagium et quod sit prepositus suus. Set quia illa sunt servilia et ad uillenagium spectancia et non ad liberum tenementum, consideratum est quod magna assisa non iacet inter eos, set fiat inquisicio per xii,' etc. Cf. 794, 1005, 1225, 1661.

[121] Bract. Note-book, 281: 'Et Prior dicit quod in parte bene recordantur set in parte parum dicunt quia iuratores dixerunt quod debuit dare xii. den. pro filia sua maritanda, et debuit plures alias consuetudines et petierunt respectum ut assensum habere possent a domino Roberto de Lexintona utrum hoc esset liberum tenementum ex quo sciunt quid debuit facere et quid non et nullum respectum habere potuerunt.'

[122] Example—Bract. Note-book, pl. 1887. Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 38 (13 Ed. I): 'Quia predictus J. nullam probacionem producit neque sectam et cognoscit quod ille est in seisina ... de patre predicti W. quem potuit produxisse ad probacionem, consideratum est quod predicti W. et R. liberi maneant.'

[123] Bracton, f. 199. The jury came in only by consent of the parties.

[124] Britton, i. 207; Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 37.

[125] Court Rolls of Havering atte Bower, Essex, Augment. Off. Rolls, xiv. 38. (Curia—die Jovis proxima ante festum St. Bartholomaei Apostoli anno r. r. Ricardi II, 21mo.) 'Inquisicio ... dicit ... quod non est aliquis homo natiuus de sanguine ingressus feodum domini, set dicunt quod est quidam Johannes Shillyng qui Sepius dictus fuerat natiuus. Et dicunt ultra quod quidam Johannes Shillyng pater predicti Johannis fuit alienigena et quod predictus Johannes Shillyng quod ad eorum cognitionem est liber et libere condicionis et non natiuus.'

[126] Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 32 (H. 19 Edw. II).

[127] Ibid. 5 (13 Edw. I).

[128] Fitzherbert, l. c.: 'E ce issu fuit trie par gents de paiis ou le maner est e nemi ou il nasquist par touts les justices.'

[129] Rotuli Parliam. ii. 192. Hargrave's argument in the Negro Somerset's case is very good on all these points. Howell, State Trials, xx. 38, 39.

[130] Bracton, 201; Britton, i. 202 sq.

[131] Bracton, f. 6, and on many other occasions.

[132] Co. Lit. 137, b. Cf. King Henry I's writ in favour of the Monastery of Abingdon. Bigelow, Placita Anglo-Normannica, 96: 'Facias habere F. abbati omnes homines suos qui de terra sua exierunt propter herberiam curie mee.' Henry II puts it the other way, p. 220: 'Nisi sunt in dominio meo.'

[133] A most curious pleading based on the conceptions of Glanville occurs in a Cor. Rege case of 10 Henry III, which was pointed out to me by F. Maitland. See App. IV. Mr. York Powell suggests that the limitation may have originated in the fact, that in early times a man could no more give away a slave from his family estate without the consent of the family than he could give away the estate itself or part of it. There was no reason for such limitation in the case of a slave that had been bought with one's private money. Hence the necessity of selling a slave in order to emancipate him. The conjecture seems a very probable one, but the question remains, how such ancient practice could have left a trace in the feudal period. The explanation in the text may possibly account for the tenacity of the notion.

[134] Note-book, pl. 31, 343.

[135] Bracton, f. 194, 195. Bracton's text has been rendered almost unintelligible here by the careless punctuation of his editors, and Sir Travers Twiss' translation is as wrong and misleading as usual. I will just give the passage in accordance with the reading of Digby, 222 (Bodleian Libr.), which is the best of all the MSS. I have seen: 'Quia esto quod seruus uelit manumitti et cum nichil habeat proprium eligat fidem alicuius qui eum emat quasi pro denariis suis, per talem emptionem non consequitur emptus aliquam libertatem nisi tantum quod mutat dominum. In re empta in primis solui debet pretium, postea sequitur traditio rei: soluitur hic pretium pro natiuo, set nulla subsequitur traditio, sed semper manet in uillenagio quo prius. Si tenementum adquirat tenendum libere et heres manumissoris uel alius successor eum eiciat, si petat per assisam et heres opponat uillenagium, et villanus replicet de manumissione et emptione, heres triplicare poterit, quod imperfecta fuit emptio siue manumissio eo quod nunquam in uita uenditoris subsecuta fuit traditio, et ita talis semper remanebit sub potestate heredis.'

[136] Note-book, pl. 1749: 'Iudicatum est quod liber sit quantum ad heredem manumittentis et non quantum ad alios, quod iudicium non est uerum.'

[137] Bracton, 209; cf. 7 and 200. Britton, ii. 13.

[138] Bracton, 209: 'Villenagium privilegiatum ... tenetur de Rege a Conquestu Angliae.' Cf. Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 128.

[139] Madox, History of the Exchequer, i. 704: 'Tallagium dominiorum et escaetarum et custodiarum.'

[140] Bract. Note-book, 1237 (the prior of St. Swithin denies a manor to be ancient demesne): '... per cc annos ante conquestum Anglie [terre] date fuerunt priori et conventui et ab aliis quam regibus.'

[141] Y.B. Trin. 49 Edw. III, pl. 8 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstraver. 4): '... touts les demesnes qui fuerent en la maine Seint E. sont aunciens demesne, mesque ils fuerent aliens a estraunge mains quant le liver de Domesday se fist, come il avient del manor de Totenham qui fut en autre maine a temps de Domesday fait, come en le dit livers fait mencion, que il fuit adonques al Counte de Cestre.'

[142] Very curious pleadings occurred in 1323. Y.B. 15 Edw. II, p. 455: 'Ber(wick) Ils dient en l'Exchequer que serra (corr. terra) R. serra ecrit sur le margin en cas ou cest ancien demene en Domesday, mes ceo fust escript sur le dyme foille apres sur un title terra R., mesine (corr. mes une or mesqe?) R. fuit escript sur le margin de chescun foille apres, e tout ceo la est anciene demene a ceo quil nient (corr. dient), mes ascunes gens entendent que les terres qui furent les demenes le Roy St. Edward sont auncien demene, e autres dient fors les terres que le Conquerour conquist, que furent en la seissin St. Edward le jour quil mourust sont anciene demene.' Although a difference of opinion is mentioned it is not material, for this reason, that the entry as Terra Regis, at least T.R.E., is absolutely required to prove a manor ancient demesne. I give the entry on the Plea Roll in App. V.

[143] I think only distress can be implied by the remark of Bereford J. Y.B. 30/31 Edw. I, p. 19: 'Quant vous vendrez a loustel, fetes de vostre archevileyn ceo qe vous vodrez.' The words are strange and possibly corrupt.

[144] Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 153: 'They cannot alienate tenements otherwise than by surrender into the lord's hand.' Bracton, 209.

[145] In a most curious description of the customs of villain sokemen of Stoneleigh, Warwick, in the Register of Stoneleigh Abbey, I find the following entries: 'Item sokemanni predicti filias suas non possunt maritare sine licencia domini prout patet anno viij Regis E. filii Regis E. per rotulum curie in quo continetur quod Matildis de Canle in plena curia fecit finem cum domino pro ij sol. quia maritauit filiam suam Thome de Horwelle sine licencia domini.... Item anno Regis H. lvj continetur in rotulo curie quod Willelmus Michel fuit in misericordia quia maritauit filiam suam sine licencia domini et similiter decenarii fuerunt in misericordia quia hoc concelauerunt.' As to the Stoneleigh Register, see App. VI. Another instance of merchet in an ancient demesne manor is afforded by the Ledecumbe (Letcombe) Regis Court Rolls of 1272. Chapter House, County Bags, Berks. No. 3, m. 12: 'Johannes le Jeune se redemit ad maritandum et fecit finem xij sol.... Johannes Atwel redemit filiam suam anno predicto' (Record Office).

[146] Henry II's charter to Stoneleigh Abbey: 'Quieta de schiris et hundredis, et murdro et danegeldo, et placitis et querelis, et geldis et auxiliis, et omni consuetudine et exactione' (Dugdale, Monasticon, v. 447).

[147] Close Roll, 12 Henry III., m. 11, d: 'Monstrauerunt domino Regi homines de Esindene et de Beyford, quod occasione misericordiae c. librarum, in quam totus Comitatus Hertfordie incidit coram iusticiariis ultimo itinerantibus ... hidagium quoddam assedit vicecomes super eos ad auxilium faciendum ceteris de comitatu ad misericordiam illam acquietandam et inde eos distringit. Quia vero predicti homines nec alii de dominicis domini Regis sectam faciunt ad comitatum et ea racione non tenentur ad misericordiam ceterorum de comitatu illo acquietandam auxilium facere aut inde participes esse, mandatum est vicecomiti Hertfordie quod homines predictos in hidagio et demanda pacem habere permittat' (Record Office). Placita de Quo Warranto, 777, 778: 'Non quieti de communi amerciamento nisi tantum in Stonle.'

[148] Viner, Abr. v. Anc. Dem. C², 1; cf. E, 20. Madox, Hist. of Exch., i. 418, note l: 'Quieti de auxilio vicecomitis et baillivorum suorum.'

[149] Cor. Rege, Mich. 5 E. II, m. 77: '(Juratores dicunt quod homines de Wycle) in itinere respondent per quatuor et prepositum sicut cetere ville de corpore comitatus.' This against their claim to hold in ancient demesne.

[150] Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. B. 1, 4, 6.

[151] Madox, Exch., i. 412, 698.

[152] Stubbs, ii. 566, 567 (Libr. ed.); Madox, Exch., i. 751.

[153] Cor. R. M. 5 E. II, m. 77: 'Quando communitas comitatus talliatur ... predicti homines taxantur sicut ceteri villani ejusdem comitatus' (against the ancient demesne claim).

[154] Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstauerunt, 6 (H. 32 E. III): '... quant le roi taile les burghs a taunt come ils paia a taile pur tant il nous distreint.' Th.: 'Entend qe les feoffes le roy auront taile?' quasi diceret non, 'car cest un regalte qui proprement attient al roy et a nul auter.' Clam.: 'Tout aura il tail il serra leue en due maner sil auront breve hors del chauncerie al viconte, sc. quod habere facias racionable taile.' The men of King's Ripton, Hunts., who were constantly wrangling about their rights with the Abbot of Ramsey, the lord of the manor, maintained that they had never been tallaged nisi tantummodo ad opus Regis, and their claim was corroborated by an inspection of the Exchequer Rolls (Madox, Exch., i. 757, n). Before granting a writ of tallage to the Abbot of Stoneleigh in 1253, Henry III had an inquisition made as to the precedents. It was found that 'Nunquam predictum manerium de Stonle talliatum fuit postquam Johannes Rex predictum manerium dedit predicti Abbati et Conventui' (Stoneleigh Reg., f. 25).

[155] The Law-books say so distinctly. Britton, ii. 13: 'Et pur ceo qe teus sokemans sount nos gaynours de nos terres, ne voloms mie qe teles gentz seint a nule part somouns de travailer en jurez ne en enquestes, for qe en maners a queus il appendent.' Cf. Fleta, p. 4.

[156] Natura Brevium, f. 3 b (ed. Pynson).

[157] Y.B. H. 49 E. III, pl. 12 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 42, quotes pl. 7 instead of 12 by mistake): Belk(nap), 'Verite est qe le terre est demandable par le briefe de droit patent en le court le seigniour apres la confirmacion (sc. par chartre) par ce qe le brief de droit serra commence en le court le seignior, mes apres la confirmacion il ne serra demande en auncien demesne par brief de droit close secundum consuetudinem,' etc.

[158] Bracton actually calls the plea of ancient demesne an exception of villainage, f. 200: 'Si autem in sokagio villano, sicut de dominico domini Regis, licet servitia certa sunt, obstabit ei exceptio villenagii, quia talis sokmannus liberum tenementum non habet quia tenet nomine alieno.' Cf. Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 32.

[159] Bract. Note-book, pl. 652: 'Non debent extra manerium illud placitare quia non possunt [ponere] se in magnam assisam nec defendunt se per duellum.' On the cases when an assize could be taken as to tenements in ancient demesne, see the opinion printed in Horwood's Introduction to Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I, p. xviii.

[160] Stoneleigh Reg., f. 76 sqq: 'Item in placito terre possunt partes si voluerint ponere jus terre sue in duello campionum vel per magnam assisam, prout patet in recordo rotuli de anno xlv Regis Henrici inter Walterum H. et Johannem del Hul etc. et inter Galfridum Crulefeld et Willelmum Elisaundre anno xx Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici,' etc.

[161] Bract. Note-book, 1973: 'Nota quod si manerium quod solet esse de dominico domini Regis datum fuerit alicui et postea semel capta fuerit assisa noue uel mortis de consuetudine, iterum capiantur assise propter consuetudinem.'

[162] Britton, ii, 142.

[163] If the lord brings an action against the tenant, ancient demesne is no plea, Viner, Abr., Anc. Dem. G. 4. This was not quite clear however, because ancient demesne is a good plea whenever recovery in the action would make the land frank fee.

[164] Y.B., M. 41 Edw. III, 22: 'Chold: Si le seigniour disseisie son tenaunt il est en eleccion del tenant de user accion en le court le seigniour ou en le court le roy' (Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 9). Liber assis. 41 Edw. III, pl. 7, f. 253: 'Wichingham: Si le tenant en auncien demesne fuit disseisi par le seignior en auncien demesne il est a volunte le tenant de porter lassise al comen ley ou en auncien demesne mes e contra si le seignior soit disseisi par le tenant, il ne puit aillours aver son recoverie que en le court le roy.'

[165] Stoneleigh Register: 'Item anno regni Regis Eduardi filii Regis Henrici vij Ricardus Peyto tulit breue de recto versus abbatem de Stonle et alios de tenementis in Fynham in curia de Stonle.' There are several instances in the Court Rolls of King's Ripton, Hunts. See App. V.

[166] Bract. Note-book, 834: 'Preceptum est vicecomiti quod preciperet ballivis manerii Dom. Regis de Haueringes quod recordari facerent in Curia Dom. Regis de H. loquelam que fuit in eadem curia per breue Dom. Regis inter,' etc.: 652 is to the same point. I must say, however, that I do not agree with Mr. Maitland's explanation, vol. ii. p. 501, n. 4: 'John Fitz Geoffrey (the defendant pleading ancient demesne) cannot answer without the King. Tenet nomine alieno. Bract. f. 200. The privileges of tenants in ancient demesne are the King's privileges.' John Fitz Geoffrey is the King's firmarius, and the other defendants vouch him to warranty. After having pleaded to the jurisdiction of the Court he puts in a second plea, 'salvo predicto responso,' namely, that the tenement claimed is encumbered by other and greater services than paying 15 s. to hold freely. This is clearly the farmer's point of view, and as such, he cannot answer without the king. I lay stress on the point because a person pleading ancient demesne, although not holding nomine proprio in strict law, is compelled to answer without the King in the manorial court and by the manorial writ.

[167] I need not say that the 'little writ' did not lie against the King himself. No writs did. Cp. Fleta, p. 4.

[168] Y.B., 11/12 Edw. III, 325 (Rolls Ser.).

[169] I shall have to speak of the constitution and usages of the court in another chapter.

[170] Actions on statutes could not be pleaded in ancient demesne because, it was explained, the tenantry not being represented in parliament, were no parties in framing the statute; Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. E. 19. Another explanation is given in Y.B., H. 8 Edw. II, p. 265.

[171] As a matter of course, any question as to whether a manor was ancient demesne, and whether a particular tenement was within the jurisdiction of it, could be decided only in the high courts.

[172] Viner, Abr., I. 21.

[173] Y.B., H. 3 Edw. III, 29: 'Caunt: Si le jugement soit une foitz revers, la court auncien demesne ad perdu conusance de ce ple a touts jours.'

[174] Stoneleigh Reg.: 'Item si contingat quod error sit in iudiciis eorum et pars ex eorum errore gravetur contra consuetudines, pars gravata habebit breve Regis, ad faciendum venire recordum et processum inter partes factos coram justiciariis domini Regis de Banco; qui justiciarii inspecto recordo et processu quod erratum est in processu iusto iudicio emendabunt et ipsos sokemannos propter errorem et falsum iudicium secundum quantitatem delicti ad multam condempnabunt.'

[175] Bract. Note-book, 834: 'Et illi de curia qui veniunt quesiti, si unquam tale factum fuit judicium in prefata curia, et quod ostendant exemplum, et nichil inde ostendere possunt, nec exemplum nec aliud.'

[176] Y.B., 11/12 Edw. III, p. 325 (Rolls Ser.): 'Stonore: Dit qe toutz les excepcions poent estre salve par usage del manoir forspris un, cest a dire qe la ou il egarde seisine de terre par defalte apres defalte la ou le tenant avait attourne en court qe respoundi pur lui.' Cf. Y.B., H. 3 Edw. III, 29, and T. 3 Edw. III, 29.

[177] Bract. Note-book, pl. 834 and 1122 concern the royal manors of Havering and Kingston.

[178] I say against all men, because in the case of a stranger's interfering with the privileged villain's rights, it was for him to prove any exemption, e.g. conveyance by charter, which would take the matter out of the range of the manorial court.

[179] Britton, ii. 13: 'Et pur ceo qe nous voloms qe ils eyent tele quiete, est ordeyne le bref de droit clos pledable par baillif del maner de tort fet del un sokeman al autre, qe il tiegne les plaintifs a droit selom les usages del maner par simples enquestes.'

[180] Natura brevium, f. 4 b (ed. Pynson).

[181] Stoneleigh Reg.: 'Si dominus a sokemanis tenentibus suis exigat alias consuetudines quam facere consueuerunt quum manerium fuit in manibus progenitorum Regis eos super hoc fatigando et distringendo, prefati tenentes habent recuperare versus dominum et balliuos suos per breve Regis quod vocatur Monstraverunt nobis homines de soka de Stonle,' etc.

[182] Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. C², 3.

[183] Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstraverunt, 5 (P. 19, Edw. III): 'Seton: Cest un cas a par luy en cest breue de Monstrauerunt qe un purra sue pur luy e tous les autres del ville tout ne soient pas nosmes en le breve e par la suite de un tous les autres auront auantage et cesty qe vient purra estre resceu e respondra par attourne pur touts les auters coment qe unque ne resceu lour attournement; issint qe cest suit ne breue nest semblable a auter.'

[184] As it was the peasants had the greatest difficulty in conducting these cases. In 1294 some Norfolk men tried to get justice against Roger Bigod, the celebrated defender of English liberties. They say that they have been pleading against him for twenty years, and give very definite references. The jury summoned declares in their favour. The earl opposes them by the astonishing answer that they are not his tenants at all. It all ends by the collapse of the plaintiffs for no apparent reason; they do not come into court ultimately, and the jurors plead guilty of having given a false verdict; see App. VII. In the case of the men of Wycle against Mauger le Vavasseur, to which I have referred several times, the trial dragged on for five years; the court adjourned the case over and over again; the defendant did not pay the slightest attention to prohibitions, but went on ill-treating the tenantry. At last he carried off a verdict in his favour; but the management of the trial certainly casts much suspicion on it. Cf. Placitorum Abbreviatio, 303.

[185] Madox, History of the Exch., i. 723, c, d; 724, e; 725, f.

[186] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237: 'Homines prioris S^ti Swithini ... questi fuerunt Dom. Regi.'

[187] Madox, Exch., i. 725, u; the 'Monstraverunt' of the men of King's Ripton quoted above on the question of tallage. This matter of tallage could certainly be treated as an alteration of services, and sent for trial to the Common Bench.

[188] Exch. Memoranda, Q.R. 48/49 Henry III, m. 11. The position of the castle of Bamborough was certainly a peculiar one at the time. Cf. Close Roll, 49 Henry III, m. 7, d.

[189] Exch. Memoranda, Q.R. Trin. 20 Edw. I, m. 21, d. I give the documents in full in App. VIII. The petitioners are not villains, but they are tenants of base tenure. They evidently belong to the class of villain socmen outside the ancient demesne, of which more hereafter.

[190] Placitorum Abbrev. 25: 'Consideratum est quod constabularius de Windesore de quo homines de Bray questi fuerunt quod ipse vexabat eos de serviciis et consuetudinibus indebitis et tallagia insueta ab eis exigebat accipiat ab eis tallagia consueta et ipsi homines alia servicia et consuetudines quas facere solent faciant.' (Pasch. et Trin., 1 John.)

[191] Madox, Exch. i. 411, u: 'Homines de Branton reddunt compotum de x libris, ut Robertus de Sachoill eis non distringat ad faciendum ei alias consuetudines quam Regi facere consueverunt dum fuerunt in manu sua.' (Pipe Roll 13 Jo., 7, 10 b, Devenesc).

[192] Dugdale, Monasticon. v. 443; Stonleigh Reg. f. 14 b. Cf. Court Rolls of Ledecumbe Regis (Chapter House, County Bags, Berks, A. 3): 'Anno domini MCCLXVIII, solverunt homines de Ledecumbe Regis C. sol. ad scaccarium domini Regis, pro redditu domini Regis et predicti homines habent residuum in custodia sua excepta porcione prioris Montis Acuti de tempore suo et porcione prioris de Bermundseye de tempore suo.' The manor had been let in fee farm to the monks of Cluny, who demised it to the Prior of Montacute, who in his turn let it to the Prior of Bermondsey.

[193] Stoneleigh Reg. f. 15 a: 'Totam sokam de Stonleya et omnes redditus et consuetudines et rectitudines quas Henricus rex pater noster ibi habuit salua regali justicia nostra. Uigore quarum chartarum prefatus Abbas et conventus habent et possident totam sokam de Stonle que quondam pertinuit ad le Bury (sic) in dicta soka existens edificatum, ubi quidam comes quondam de licencia Regis moram traxit. Qui locus nunc edificiis carens vocatur le Burystede iuxta Crulefeld prout fossatis includitur, et est locus nemorosus.'

[194] Stoneleigh Reg. f. 13 a: 'Isti duo tenent (burgagia in Warrwick) per seruicium sustinendi unum plumbum in manerio de Stonle competens monasterio Regis.'

[195] Placita de Quo Warranto, 778: 'Item clamat quod Ballivus dom. Regis in manerio de Stonleye nullam faciet districtionem seu attachiamenta sine presencia Ballivi Abbatis.'

[196] See App. VI.

[197] Stoneleigh Reg. 13 a: 'W.W. tenet unum burgagium per seruicium inveniendi domino regi seniori domino de Stonle quartam partem unius tripodis.'

[198] King's Ripton Court Rolls, Augment. Off. Rolls, xxiii. 94, m. 10: 'Dicta Matildis optulit se versus Margaretam Greylaund de placito dotis, que non venit. Ideo preceptum est capere in manum domini Regis medietatem mesuagii etc.—pro defectu ipsius Margarete. Eadem Matildis optulit se uersus Willelmum vicarium—qui non uenit. Ideo preceptum est capere in manum domini Regis medietatem quinque acrarum terre etc. (Curia de Riptone Regis die Lune in festo sanctorum Protessi et Marciniani anno [r. r. E. xxiv. et J. abb. x]); m. 10, d.—Qui venit et quantum ad aliam acram dicit, quod non est tenens set quod Abbas seysiuit illam in manum suam. (Curia—in festo Assumpcionis—anno supra dicto).' In the first case the seizure corresponds to the 'cape in manum' of a freehold. As there could be no such thing in the case of villainage, and the procedural seizure was resumption by the lord, the point is worth notice and may be explained by the King's private right still lingering about the manor. The last case is one of escheat or forfeiture.

[199] Stoneleigh Reg. 75 v: 'Item si aliquis deforciatur de tenemento suo et tulerit breve Regis clausum balliuis manerii versus deforciantes, dictum breve non debet frangi nisi in curia.'

[200] Natura brevium, 13: 'Balliuis suis.'

[201] Britton, i. 221: 'Rois aussi ne porrount rien aliener les dreits de lour coroune ne de lour reaute, qe ne soit repellable par lour successours.'

[202] Stoneleigh Reg. 30: 'Nos attendentes, quod huiusmodi alienaciones et consuetudinum mutaciones eciam in nostri et heredum nostrorum preiudicium et exheredacionem cedere possent, si manerium illud in manus nostras aliquo casu deuenerit sustinere nolumus sicut nec debemus manerium illud aut ea que ad illud pertinent aliter immutari quam esse solebant temporibus predictis.'

[203] The writs are directed sometimes to the bailiffs of the Archbishop of Canterbury and of the Duke of Albemarle, who had the manor in custody for King Richard II, but in the twenty-third year they are inscribed to the King's bailiffs. (Augmentation Court Rolls, xiv. 38). As to the trial mentioned in the text see App. IX.

[204] Stoneleigh Reg. 11 a: 'Precipio tibi quod sine dilacione deliberes Abbati de Stonleia omnes terras et tenuras quas ego dedi et carta mea confirmaui. Et de terra quam rustici uersus calumpniantur et quam ego ei dedi et concessi, inquire si rectum in ea habuerunt et si rectum in ea habent, dona eis rusticis alibi in terra mea excambium ad valenciam.'

[205] Bracton, f. 209: 'Ad quemcumque manerium peruenerit.'

[206] Madox, Firma Burgi, 54; Pipe Rolls, passim. Cf. Rot. Cur. Regis Ric., p. 15: 'Homines de Kingestone—c. sol. ... pro respectu tenendi villam suam ad eandem firmam quam reddere solebant tempore Henrici Regis.'

[207] Madox, Exch. 1437, z: 'Homines de Lechton x marcas pro habenda inquisicione per proxima halimota et per legales milites et alios homines de visneto, quas consuetudines ipsi fecerunt tempore Henrici Regis Patris.' (Pipe Roll. 4 John.) Cf. 442, a: 'Homines de Stanleya reddunt compotum de uno palefrido, ut inquiratur per sacramentum legalium hominum, quas consuetudines et quae servitia homines de manerio de Stanleia facere consueverunt Regi Henrico patri Ricardi Regis dum essent in manu sua.' (Pipe Roll, 9 John.)

[208] Y.B., Trin., 49 E. III, pl. 8 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstrav. 4): 'Han. mist auant record de Domesday qui parla ut supra:—Terra sancti Stephani en le title qui parla de ceo maner que il fuit en sa maine. Et auxi il mist auant chartre le Roy que ore est, par quel le roy reherse quil ave viewe la chartre le roy Henri le primer, et reherce tout le chartre, et ceo chartre voilet que Henri aue viewe par ceo parolle inspeximus la chartre le roy William Conquerour qui aue done graunte e confirme mesme le manor a un Henri Butle, a luy, et a ces heirs a ceo iour, quel chartre issint volent inspeximus cartam domini Edwardi Regis Anglie issint par le recorde et par les chartres est expressement reherce par le roy qui ore est, que William Conquerour fuit en possession de ceo maner, Seinct Edward auxint, en quel cas ceo serra aiudge auncient demesne tantamont come si la terre ust estre en la main Seint Edward par expresse parolx en le Domesday. Belknap: Le comen fesance de chartres est de faire parolle en le chartre dedimus concessimus et confirmauimus et uncore le chartre est bon assets al part, mesque le roy nauer riens a ceo temps, issint que riens passe par ceo paroll dedimus mes il auer par parole de confermement, issint que il nest my proue par ce chartre que ils auoient la possession, pur ceo que les chartres poient estre effectuels a auter entent, scilicet, en nature de confermement, et auxi ces chartres fait par Seint E. et W. Conquerour ne sont my monstres a ore pur record, issint que mesque il furent monstre, et auxi purroit estre proue que le maner fuit en lour possession, nous ne puissomus pas aiudger la terre auncien demesne, pur ceo que auncien demesne sera aiudge par le liuer de domesday qui est de record, et nemy en autre maner. Et puis les plaintifs fuerent nonsues.'

[209] Fitzherbert, Abr. Cause de remover ple, 18 (Y.B., M., 21 Edw. III): 'Wilby: Il conuient que il count en le monstrauerunt que il luy distreint pur auters customes que ses auncestres ne fecerunt en temps W. Conquerour, cas le monstrauerunt ne gist pas forsque en cas ou plusiours services sont demandez que ces auncestres ne solent faire en cel temps.'

[210] Coram Rege, Tr. 3 Edw. I, m. 14, d: 'Et unde predicti homines (de Kyngesripton) queruntur quod temporibus Cnout regis quo manerium illud fuit in manu dicti antecessoris sui tenuerunt tenementa sua per seruicia subscripta, videlicet reddendi pro qualibet virgata terre 5 solidos, etc. Et omnes antecessores sui tenuissent tenementa sua per predicta seruicia usque ad conquestum Anglie, et a conquestu usque ad tempus regis Henrici aui regis Johannis aui domini regis nunc, usque ad tempus cuiusdam Abbatis de Rameseye Roberti Dogge nomine qui tempore Henrici Regis distrinxit antecessores suos ad dandum relevium pro voluntate sua, etc. Et Abbas dicit quod non debet eis ad hoc breue respondere, quia desicut in narracione sua non faciunt mencionem quod ipsi extitissent in tali statu in quo fuerunt tempore regis Knout, quem statum ipsi clamant habere, tempore aliorum regum de quo memoria haberi possit nec de quo breue de recto currit nec aliqua verificacio per patriam fieri possit.... Et Reginaldus et alii bene cognoscunt quod ipse Abbas et predecessores sui exstiterunt in seysina percipiendi ab ipsis et antecessoribus suis predicta seruicia indebita a tempore predicti Henrici regis. Set desicut istud breue quod conceditur in fauorem dominicorum domini Regis non habet prescriptionem temporis, petunt judicium si [racione?] alicujus longiqui termini debeant ab actione excludi sua.'

[211] Y.B., M., 15 Edw. II, p. 455: 'Bereford: Coment puit cest brief vous servir la ou il (the defendant) dist qe luy et ces predecessors ont este de vous et de vos auncestres (seisi) de tout temps come, etc., et vos ont taille, etc. Devoms nous enguerre (enquerre corr.) si vos feistes touz services en temps le Roy S^t. Edward, ou non de temps que vos avez pris title? Devon: Sir navyl (nanyl corr.), mais nous disons qe touz les tenants qui tindrent en temps S^t. Edward tinderent, etc. (par certains services) ... tanqe a ore xv ans devant le brief purchace etc. e ceo puit home enquere.'

[212] Y.B., 21/22 Edw. I, 499 et sqq.

[213] Coram Rege, Pasch. 1 Edw. II, m. 26: 'Postquam idem manerium ad manus antecessorum predicti Maugeri deuenit usque ad tempus memorie, videlicet temporibus regum Ricardi, Johannis et statum illum toto tempore predicto pacifice continuaverunt et habuerunt.' Coram Rege, M. 5 Edw. II, m. 77: 'Unde queruntur quod cum ipsi homines et eorum antecessores tempore Regum Anglie progenitorum domini Regis nunc, videlicet tempore Regis Willelmi Conquestoris et Willelmi Regis filii sui et eciam tempore Regis Henrici primi solebant tenere terras suas per quaedam certa seruicia videlicet,' etc.

[214] I will here cite Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237, as an instance, although there is hardly any call for quotation on this point.

[215] Law of Copyhold, 8. Cf. the same author's Tenures in Kent, 182.

[216] Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii., especially pp. 128, 129.

[217] Bracton: 'liberi de condicione ... tenentes villenagium.' Britton: 'hommes de franc saunc.'

[218] Stoneleigh Reg., 75: 'Item si quis de voluntate et assensu domini facto fine cum domino voluerit dare tenementum suum ad opus alicuius, ueniet in curia cum virga et sursum reddet huiusmodi tenementum ad manum domini sine carta ad opus ementis vel cui datur et ballivus domini habitis prius herietis et aliis de iure domino debitis dictum tenementum emptori seu cui dabitur et heredibus suis secundum consuetudinem manerii habendum et tenendum liberabit in (cum corr.?) virga. Et dictus recipiens tunc faciet finem cum domino prout possunt conuenire.... Item extraneus non debet vocari ad warantum in placito terre in curia de Stonle quia sokemanni non possunt feoffare alios per cartas cum ipsi nullas habeant de rege. Set si quos feoffauerint de licencia domini sine carta, ipsos feoffant secundum consuetudinem manerii prout continetur in rotulo curie de anno xx Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi in placito terre inter,' etc.

[219] Placitorum Abbrev. 233, Berks. Cf. Britton, i. 287, note c.

[220] Bracton, f. 7.

[221] Jurate et Assise, 45 Henry III, Placitorum Abbr., p. 150: 'Et Galfridus de Praule bene cognoscit quod predictum manerium est antiquum dominicum Dom. Regis set dicit quod predictum tenementum est liberum tenementum ita quod assisa debet inde fieri.... Dicit enim quod ipse feofatus est de predicto tenemento de quodam Willelmo Harold per cartam suam quam profert.... Et juratores quesiti si antecessores ejusdem Willelmi feofati fuerunt per cartam vel si aliquis de tenura illa unquam placitaverunt per diversa brevia vel non, dicunt quod non recolunt.'

[222] Stoneleigh Reg., 12: 'Fuerunt eciam tunc quatuor natiui siue serui in le lone quorum quilibet nouum mesuagium et unum quartronum terre cum pertinenciis per seruicia subscripta videlicet leuando furcas, etc. ... et debebant ... redimere sanguinem suum et dare auxilium domino ad festum S^ti. Michaelis scilicet ayde et facere braseum Domini et alia seruicia seruilia.' As to some details, see Dugdale, Antiquities of Warwickshire, i. 176.

[223] Coram Rege, Pasch. 1 Edw. II, m. 26: '(Maugerus) defendit vim et injuriam quando, etc. Et dicit quod qualitercunque iidem homines asserant se et antecessores suos tenentes, etc. certa seruicia dominis de Wycle antecessoribus ipsius Maugeri et sibi fecisse et facere debere, quod omnes antecessores sui domini de eodem manerio extiterunt seisiti de predictis hominibus et eorum antecessoribus tenentibus tenementa quae ipsi modo tenent ibidem ut de uillanis suis taillabilibus alto et basso ad voluntatem ipsorum dominorum et redempcionem sanguinis et alia villana seruicia et incerta et villanas consuetudines faciendo a tempore quo non extat memoria.... Et predicti homines dicunt quod ipsi sunt tenentes de antiquo dominico, etc., prout curie satis liquet et quod omnes tenentes in dominico Regis per certa seruicia et certas consuetudines tenent et tenere debent, quidam per maiora et quidam per minora secundum consuetudinem, set semper per certa,' etc. Coram Rege, Mich. 5 Edw. II, m. 77, v: 'Nec dedici potest quia tenentes de antiquo dominico certa seruicia et certas consuetudines tenentur facere et non ad voluntatem dominorum.'

[224] Y.B., M., 15 Edw. II, p. 455: 'Bouser: Auxint bien sont tenans en auncien demesne ascuns vileins et ascuns autres come ailleurs et les sokemans plederent par le petit brief de droit et les vileyns nient. Herle: Il semble que assets est il traverse de votre brief, car vous dites que vous tenez par certeyn service ... et il dit que vous estes son vilein et que il et ses predecessors ont este seisiz de tailler vous et vos auncestres haut et bas, etc. Et stetit verificare.' Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 1230.

[225] Bracton, 209: 'Item est manerium domini regis et dominicum in manerio, et sic plura genera hominum in manerio, vel quia ab initio vel quia mutato villenagio.' The meaning of this badly worded passage is made clearer by a comparison with f. 7: 'In dominico domini regis plura sunt genera hominum; sunt enim ibi servi sive nativi ante conquestum, in conquestu, et post, et tenent villenagia et per villana servitia et incerta qui usque in hodiernum diem villanas faciunt consuetudines et incertas et quicquid eis preceptum fuerit (dum tamen licitum et honestum).... Est etiam aliud genus hominum in maneriis domini regis, et tenent de dominico et per easdem consuetudines et servitia villana, per quae supradicti (villani socmanni) et non in villenagio, nec sunt servi nec fuerunt in conquestu, ut primi, sed per quandam conventionem quam cum dominis fecerunt.' Cf. Elton, Tenures of Kent, 180.

[226] Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstrav. 3 (Pasch. 41 Edw. III). 'Kirt: Les tenements queux ils teignent fuerent en auncien temps entre les maines les villeins queux deuirrent sans heire perque les tenements fuerent seisies en maine le seigneur et puis le senescal le seigneur lessa mesme ceux terres par rolle a mesme ceux ore tenants a tener a volunte del seigneur fesaunt certain services; issint ne sont ils forsque tenants a volunte le seigneur.'

[227] Natura Brevium, f. 105. Cf. 16.

[228] Y.B., 21/22 Edw. I, p. 499: 'Treis maners de gents.'

[229] Bracton, f. 209: Fitzherbert, Monstrav. 3 (Pasch. 41 Edw. III): 'Belknap: Mesmes les tenementz en auncien temps fuerent en mains le petit sokmans, et eux fierent teux services comme gents de petits sokemans fierent en auncien temps et eux les teignent comme gents de petit sokmans.'

[230] Stoneleigh Reg., 32: 'Et quod in eodem manerio sunt diuerse tenure secundum consuetudinem manerii illius totis temporibus retroactis usitatam, videlicet quidam tenentes eiusdem manerii tenent terras et tenementa sua in sokemanria de feodo et hereditate de qua quidem tenura talis habetur et omni tempore habebatur consuetudo, videlicet quod quando aliquis tenens eiusdem tenure terram suam alicui alienare uoluerit, veniet in curiam coram ipso Abbate vel eius senescallo et per uirgam sursum reddat in manum domini terram sic alienandam.... Et si aliquis terram aliquam huiusmodi tenure infra manerium predictum per cartam uel sine carta absque licentia dicti Abbatis alienauerit aliter quam per sursum reddicionem in curia in forma predicta, quod terra sic extra curiam alienata domino dicti manerii erit forisfacta in perpetuum. Dicunt eciam quod quidam sunt tenentes eiusdem manerii ad voluntatem eiusdem Abbatis. Et si quis eorundem tenencium terram sic ad voluntatem tentam alienauerit in feodo, quod liceat dicto Abbati terram illam intrare et illam tanquam sibi forisfactam sibi in perpetuum retinere.'

[231] A comparison of the data in the Stoneleigh Register and in the Roll is given in App. VI. Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 834: 'Legales homines de manerio de Havering.'

[232] Coram Rege, Mich. 5 Edw. I, m. 77: '(Juratores) quesiti si predicti Margeria et alii et omnes antecessores a tempore quo non extat memoria terras suas successiue de heredibus in heredes tenuerint uel ipsi aut aliquis antecessorum suorum sunt vel fuerint aduenticii, dicunt quod ignorant.'

[233] Court Rolls of King's Ripton, Augment. Off. xxiii. 94, m. 7: 'Memorandum quod concessum est Rogero de Kenlowe habendum introitum ad Caterinam filiam Thome prepositi cum uno quarterio terre in villa de Ryptone Regis pro duabus solidis in gersuma, ita tamen quod mortua dicta Katerina ille qui propinquior est heres de sanguine predicte Katerine gersumabit dictum quarterium terre secundum consuetudinem manerii et ville.' A. r. r. Edw. xxiii, m. 8, v: 'Nicholaus de Aula reddit sursum unam dimidiam acram terre ad opus Willelmi ad portam de Broucton.... Et preceptum preposito respondere de exitibus eiusdem terre quia est extraneus.... Johannes Arnold reddit sursum duas rodas terre ad opus Hugonis Palmeri.... Et preceptum est quod ponatur in seysinam, quia est de sanguine de Riptone Regis.'

[234] Court Rolls of King's Ripton, Augment. Off. xxiii. 94, m. 15: 'Curia de Kingsripton tenta die Jovis proxima post translacionem S^ti. Benedicti anno r. r. E. xxixⁿ et dom. Joh. [abb. xv. Venit] Willelmus fil. Thome Unfroy de Kingesripton et reddidit sursum in manibus senescalli totum jus quod [habuit] in illis tribus acris terre in campis de Kingesriptone quondam Willelmi capellani de eadem [villa ad opus filiorum] Rogeri de Kellawe extranei legitime procreatorum de Katerina filia Thome prepositi que est de con[dicione sokemannorum?] bondorum de Kingesripton.... Rogerus de Kellawe extraneus qui se maritauit cuidam Katerine filie Thome prepositi de Kingesripton que est de nacione et condicione eiusdem ville venit et petiit in curia nomine filiorum suorum ex legitimo matrimonio exeuntium de corpore prefate Katerine illas vi acras terre.... (Juratores dicunt) quod nichil inde sciunt nec aliquid super isto articulo presentare volunt ad presens. Et sic infecto negocio maximo contemptu domini et balliuorum suorum extra curiam recesserunt. Et ideo preceptum est balliuis quod die in ... faciant de eisdem juratis xl solidos ad opus domini.'

[235] Stoneleigh Reg., 30 (Edward II injunction): 'Et quidam forinseci qui sokemanni non sunt auctoritate sua propria et per negligenciam dicti Abbatis et conuentus, ut dicitur, a quibusdam sokemannorum illorum quasdam terras et tenementa alienaverunt. Nos igitur super premissis plenius certiorari uolentes assignavimus vos una cum his, quos vobis associaveritis, ad inquirendum qui sokemanni huiusmodi terras et tenementa ibidem alienauerunt huiusmodi forinsecis aut extrinsecis et quibus,' etc. Cf. the Statute of 1 Richard II, Stat. 1. cap. 6. It was altogether a dangerous transaction for the socmen, because they were risking their privileges thereby. It must have been lucrative.

[236] Placitorum Abbrev., p. 270 (Coram Rege, Mich. 7/8 Edw. I): 'Et eciam comperto in libro de Domesday quod non fit aliqua mencio de sokemannis set tantummodo de villanis et servis et eciam comperto per inquisicionem quod multi eorum sunt adventicii quibus tenementa sua tradita fuerunt ad voluntatem dominorum suorum ... consideraverunt quod predictus Galfridus eat inde sine die et quod predicti homines teneant tenementa predicta in predicto manerio per servilia servicia si voluerint, salvo statu corporum suorum, et quod de cetero non possunt clamare aliquod certum statum et sint in misericordia pro falso clameo.'

[237] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237.

[238] Bracton, f. 7.

[239] Dialogus de Scaccario, i. 10: 'Post regni conquisitionem, post justam rebellium subversionem, cum rex ipse regisque proceres loca nova perlustrarent, facta est inquisitio diligens, qui fuerint qui contra regem in bello dimicantes per fugam se salvaverint. His omnibus et item haeredibus eorum qui in bello occubuerunt, spes omnis terrarum et fundorum atque redituum, quos ante possederant, praeclusa est; magnum namque reputabant frui vitae beneficio sub inimicis. Verum qui vocati ad bellum nec dum convenerant, vel familiaribus vel quibuslibet necessariis occupati negotiis non interfuerant, cum tractu temporis devotis obsequiis gratiam dominorum possedissent, sine spe successionis, sibi tantum pro voluptate (voluntate?) tamen dominorum possidere coeperunt. Succedente vero tempore cum dominis suis odiosi passim a possessionibus pellerentur, nec esset qui ablata restitueret, communis indigenarum ad regem pervenit querimonia, quasi sic omnibus exosi et rebus spoliati ad alienigenas transire cogerentur. Communicato tandem super his consilio, decretum est, ut quod a dominis suis exigentibus meritis interveniente pactione legitima poterant obtinere, illis inviolabili jure concederentur; ceterum autem nomine successionis a temporibus subactae gentis nihil sibi vendicarent.'

[240] Stoneleigh Reg., 4 a: 'Que quidem maneria existencia in possessione et manu domini regis Edwardi per universum regnum vocantur antiquum dominicum corone regis Anglie prout in libro de Domesday continetur.'

[241] 'Loquebantur de tempore S^ti Edwardi Regis coram W. de Wilton.'

[242] The men of King's Ripton.

[243] I do not think there is any ground for the suggestion thrown out by M. Kovalevsky in the Law Quarterly, iv. p. 271, namely, that the law of ancient demesne was imported from Normandy. Whatever the position of the villains was in the Duchy, Norman influence in England made for subjection, because it was the influence of conquest. It must be remembered that in a sense the feudal law of England was the hardest of all in Western Europe, and this on account of the invasion.

[244] Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 454: 'In those estates, which, when they had been held by the crown since the reign of Edward the Confessor, bore the title of manors in ancient demesne, very much of the ancient popular process had been preserved without any change, and to the present day some customs are maintained in them which recall the most primitive institutions.' I shall have to speak about the mode of holding the courts in another chapter.

[245] Brunner, Entstehung der Schwurgerichte, has made an epoch in the discussion of this phenomenon.

[246] I shall treat at length of the Norman Conquest in my third essay.

[247] Leg. Will. Conq. i. 29 (Schmid, p. 340).

[248] Thorold Rogers has made great use of this last class of manorial documents in his well-known books.

[249] Bracton, 271 b.

[250] Bracton, 124.

[251] Cartulary of Malmesbury (Rolls Series), ii. 186: 'Videlicet quod prefatus Ricardus concessit praedictis abbati et conventui et eorum tenentibus, tam rusticis, quam liberis—quod ipsi terras suas libere pro voluntate sua excolant.'

[252] As to the Warwickshire Hundred Roll in the Record Office, see my letter in the Athenæum, 1883, December 22.

[253] Rot. Hundred. ii. 471, a: 'Libere tenentes prioris de Swaveseia.... Henricus Palmer—1 mesuagium et 3 rodas terre reddens 12 d. et 2 precarias. Servi Adam scot tenet 10 acras reddens 4 s. et 6 precarias.... Cotarii....'

[254] Rot. Hundred. ii. 715, a: 'In servitute tenentes. Assunt et ibidem 10 tenentes qui tenent 10 virgatas terre in villenagio et operantur ad voluntatem domini et reddunt per annum 25 s.'

[255] Rot. Hundred. ii. 690, 691: 'Villani—servi—custumarii. Et tenent ut villani, ut servi, ut libere tenentes.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 544, b: 'De custumariis Johannes Samar tenet 1 mesuagium et 1 croft ... per servicium 3 sol. 2 d. et secabit 2 acras et dim., falcabit per 1 diem. De servis. Nicholaus Dilkes tenet 15 acras—et faciet per annum 144 opera et metet 2 acras. De aliis servis ... De cotariis ... De aliis cotariis.'

[256] Rot. Hundred. ii. 528, a: 'Henr. de Walpol habet latinos (corr. nativos), qui tenent 180 acras terre et redd. 10 libr. et 8 sol. et 4 d. et ob. Nomina eorum qui tenent de Henrico de Walpol in villenagio.' Chapter House, County Boxes, Salop. 14, c: 'Libere tenentes ... Coterelli ... Nativi.'

[257] Hale, in his Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul's, xxiv, speaks of the 'nativi a principio' of Navestock, and distinguishes them from the villains. 'The ordinary praedial services due from the tenentes or villani were not required to be performed in person, and whether in the manor or out of it the villanus was not in legal language "sub potestate domini." Not so the nativus.' Hale's explanation is not correct, but the twofold division is noticed by him.

[258] Domesday of St. Paul's, 157 (Articuli visitationis): 'An villani sive custumarii vendant terras. Item, an nativi custumarii maritaverunt filias—vel vendiderint vitulum—vel arbores—succidant.' A Suffolk case is even more clear. Registrum cellararii of Bury St. Edmunds, Cambridge University Gg. iv. 4, f. 30, b: 'Gersumarius vel custumarius qui nativus est.... Antecessor recognovit se nativum domini abbatis in curia domini regis.'

[259] Cartulary of Eynsham in Oxfordshire, MS. of the Chapter of Christ Church in Oxford, N. 27, p. 25, a: 'In primis Willelmus le Brewester nativus domini tenet de dictis prato et terris...'

[260] Eynsham Cartulary, 49. b: 'Johannes Kolyns nativus domini tenet 1 virgatam terre cum pertinenciis in bondagio.'

[261] Cartulary of St. Mary of Worcester (Camden Series), 15. a: 'Nativi, cum ad aetatem pervenerint nisi immediate serviant patri—faciant 4 benripas et forinsici similiter.' Survey of Okeburn, Q.R. Anc. Miscell. Alien Priories, 2/2: 'Aliquis nativus non potest recedere sine licencia neque catalla amovere nec extraneus libertatem dominorum ad commorandum ingrediat sine licentia.'

[262] Domesday of St. Paul's, 80: 'Nativi a principio. Isti tenent terras operarias.'

[263] Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellanies, 902-62: 'Rotuli de libertate de Tynemouth, de liberis hominibus, non de nativis.'

[264] Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellanies, 902-77: 'Nativi de Sebrighteworth (Proavus extraneus).' See App. X.

[265] Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellaneous Books, 29, 19, b: 'Johannes le Clerc tenet 1 virg. terre pro eodem sed est libere condicionis.' Augment. Off., Duchy of Lancaster, Court Rolls, Bundle 32, 283: 'Unum mesuagium et 19 acre terre in Holand que sunt in manu domini per mortem W. qui eas tenuit in bondagio. Ipse fuit liber, quia natus fuit extra libertatem domini.'

[266] Glastonbury Inquisitions of 1189 (Roxburghe Series), 48: 'Radulfus niet tenet dimidiam virgatam.'

[267] Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 26: 'Rogerus P. tenet virg. terre: pro una medietate dat. xxx d. et pro alia medietate operatur sicut neth et seminat dimidiam acram pro churset et dat hueortselver.' Ibid. 22: 'Osbertus tenet 1 virgatam terre medietatem pro ii sol. et dono et pro alia medietate operatur quecumque jussus fuerit sicut neth.' Cartulary of Abingdon (Rolls Series), ii. 304: 'Illi sunt neti de villa. Aldredus de Brueria 5 sol. pro dimidia hida et arat et varectat et seminat acram suo semine et trahit foenum et bladum.' Ibid. ii. 302: 'Bernerius et filius suus tenent unam cotsetland unde reddunt cellario monachorum 6 sestaria mellis et camerae 31 d.'—'De netis. Robertus tenet dimidiam hidam unde reddit 5 sol. et 3 den. et arabit acram et seminabit semine suo et trahet foenum et bladum. Hoc de netis.'

[268] Black Book of Rochester Cathedral (ed. Thorpe), 10, a: 'Consuetudines de Hedenham et de Cudintone. Dominus potest ponere ad opera quemcumque voluerit de netis suis in die St. Martini. Et sciendum quod neti idem sunt quod Neiatmen qui aliquantulum liberiores sunt quam cotmen, qui omnes habent virgatas ad minus.'

[269] Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 60: 'Et habebit unum animal quietum in pastura, si est net, et de aliis herbagium. Et si idem fuerit cotsetle debet operari 2 diebus.' Ibid. 59: 'Tempore Henrici Regis fuerunt in T. 18 Neti sed modo non sunt nisi 11 et ex 7 qui [non] sunt Nicholaus tenet terram [trium] et 4 sunt in dominico; et 7 cotmanni fuerunt tempore Henrici Regis qui non sunt modo, quorum trium tenet terram Nicholaus et 4 sunt in dominico.' Ibid. 65: 'Cotsetle ... debet metere quantum unus nieth ... et debet collocare messem vel ... aliud facere ... dum Neth messem attrahat ... pannagium sicut Neth.' Ibid. 89: 'Si moriatur cotsetle pro diviso dabit 12 d. et vidua tenebit pro illo id divisum tota vita sua. Si moriatur neatus dabit melius catellum et pro hoc tenebit quietus.'

[270] Glastonbury Inquis. 51: 'Et nieti tenent 9 acras unde reddunt 3 s.' Ibid. 47: 'Nieti habent unum pratum pro 5 s.'

[271] Glastonbury Inquis. 105: 'Ernaldus buriman dimidiam virgatam, Iohannes burimannus dimidiam virgatam.' Cf. Custumal of Bleadon, p. 189; Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 45.

[272] It is to be found sometimes out of the Danish shires, e.g. in Oxfordshire. Rot. Hundred. ii. 842, b: 'Bondagium: Johannes Bonefaunt tenet unam virgatam terre de eodem Roberto ... reddit ... 11 sol. pro omni servicio et scutagium quando currit 20 d.' Of course there were isolated Danish settlements outside the Denelaw.

[273] Rot. Hundred. ii. 486, a: 'Tenentes Alicie la Blunde. Bondi, A. habet in eadem villa 2 villanos, quorum quilibet tenet mesuagium cum 30 a. Id. Al. hab. 1 bondum qui ten. 20 a. Custumarii, Id. Al. habet 1 villanum, qui tenet 1 mes. cum 44 a.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 486, a: 'De W. le Blunde. Villani, R. de Badburnham. Bondi cotarii.' Cf. Ibid. 422, b; 423, a: 'Libere tenentes ... Custumarii ... Bondi.'

[274] Ramsey Inquisitions, Galba, E. x. 34: 'W.L. tenet in landsetagio 12 a. pro 9 den. et ob. R. 24 a. de landsetagio et 12 a. de novo.' Cartulary of Ramsey (Rolls Series), i. 426: 'G.C. dat dim. marcam ut K. filius suus fiat heusebonde de 6 a. terrae de lancetagio.' Registr. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund's, Cambridge University, Gg. iv. 4, f. 400, b: '9 acre unde 4 a. fuerunt libere et 5 lancettagii.' Cartulary of Ramsey (Rolls Series), i. 425: 'S. Cl. recognovit, quod 24 a., quas tenet, sunt in lanceagio dom. Abbatis salvo corpore suo et quod faciet omnes consuetudines serviles ... lancectus nacione.'

[275] Domesday of St. Paul's, 17: 'Item omnes operarii dimidiae virgatae debent invenire vasa et utensilia ter in anno ad braciandum.' Cf. 28.

[276] Rot. Hundred. ii. 422, 423. Cf. 507, a: 'Libere tenentes ... Nicholaus Trumpe 3 a. terre cum mesuagio et red. per ann. 20 d. Custumarii ... Nicholaus Trumpe ten. 1 a. terre et redd. 2 sol.'

[277] Exch. Q.R. Misc. Alien Priories, 2/2. (Chilteham): '... Redditus villanorum de 126 villanis 41 libre, 14 s. 11 d. Item sunt 70 custumarii qui debent arare bis per annum cum 17 carucis.... Item sunt 25 villani qui debent herciare quilibet eorum per 2 dies,' etc.

[278] Cartulary of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iii. 203: 'Omnes consuetudinarii majores habebunt tempore falcationis prati unum multonem, farinam, et salem ad potagium. Et minores consuetudinarii habebunt quilibet eorum 1 panem et omnes 1 caseum in communi, unam acr. frumenti pejoris campi de dominico et unum carcasium multonis, et unum panem ad Natale.'

[279] Cartulary of Malmesbury (Rolls Series), i. 154, 155. Cf. i. 186, 187. Cartulary of St. Mary of Worcester (Camden Society), 43, b; Rot. Hundred. ii. 775, b.

[280] Rot. Hundred ii. 602, a. Cf. Exch. Q.R. Alien Priories, 2/2: 'Item sunt in eadem villata de Wardeboys 6 dimidias virgatas—que vocantur Akermannelondes, quorum W.L. tenet ½ virgatam pro qua ibit ad carucam Abbatis si placeat abbati vel dabit sicut illi qui tenent 6 Maltlondes preter 15 d.' Rot. Hundred, i. 208: 'Utrum akermanni debent servicium suum vel servicii redempcionem.'

[281] Registr. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund's, Cambridge University, Gg. iv. 4, f. 26: 'Gersumarii (Custumarii).... Gersuma pro filia sua maritanda.' Ibid. 108, b: 'Tenentes 15 acrarum custumarii—omnes sunt gersumarii ad voluntatem domini.' Cartulary of Bury St. Edmund's, Harl. MSS. 3977, f. 87, d: 'Nichol. G gersumarius tenet 30 a. pro 8 sol. que solent esse custumarie.' I may add on the authority of Mr. F. York Powell that landsettus (land-seti), as well as akermannus (aker-maðr) and gersuma (görsemi), are certainly Danish loan-words, which accounts for their occurrence in Danish districts.

[282] Hale, Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul's, xxv: 'If we compare the services due from the Hidarii with those of the libere tenentes on other manors, it will be evident, that the Hidarii of Adulvesnasa belonged to the ordinary class of villani, their distinction being probably only this, that they were jointly, as well as severally, bound to perform the services due from the hide of which they held part.'

[283] Eynsham Inquest, 49, a: 'Summa (prati) xvi a. et iv perticas que dimidebantur xi virgatariis et rectori ut uni eorum et quia jam supersunt tantummodo 4 virgatarii et rector, dominus habet in manu sua 7 porciones dicti prati.'

[284] Cartulary of Battle, Augmentation Office, Miscell. Books, 57, f. 35, s: 'Yherdlinges ... custumarii.' Ibid. 42, b: 'Majores Erdlinges scil. virgarii. Halferdlinges (majores cottarii) Minores cottarii.'

[285] Black Book of Peterborough, 164: 'In Scotere et in Scaletorp—24 plenarii villani et 2 dimidii villani—Plenarii villani operantur 2 diebus in ebdomada.'

[286] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 23: 'Operatur ut alii ferlingseti.'

[287] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 137: 'Cotsetle debent faldiare ab Hoccade usque ad festum S. Michaelis.' Cartulary of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iii. 71: 'Burgenses Gloucestriae reddunt una cum aliis tenentibus ad manerium Berthonae praedictae per annum de coteriis cum curtillagiis in suburbio Gloucestriae quorum nomina non recolunt 29 solidos 7 d. de redditu assiso.' Ibid. iii. 116: 'Cotlandarii: Johannes le Waleys tenet unum mesuagium cum curtillagio et faciet 8 bederipas et 3 dies ad fenum levandum, et valent 13½ d.'

[288] Norfolk Feodary, Additional MSS. 2, a: 'Et idem Thomas tenet de predicto Roberto de supradicto feodo per predictum servicium sexaginta mesuagia; 21 villani de eodem Thoma tenent. Item idem Thomas tenet de predicto Roberto 9 cotarios, qui de eo tenent in villenagio,' Cf. Rot. Hundred, ii. 440, a.

[289] Cartulary of Battle, Augment. Office, Misc. Books, 57, f. 37, b: 'Virgarii ... Cotarii, qui tenent dimid. virgatam.' Ibid. 36, b: 'Cottarii majores et minores.'

[290] Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 114: 'Rad. Forest. ½ cotsetland pro 18 d. et operatur sicut dimidius cotarius sed non falcat.'

[291] Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 14: 'Predictus W. habet tres bordarios in auxilium officii sui. Illi tres bord. habent corredium suum in aula abbatis, in qua laborant.' Terrae Templariorum, Queen's Rem. Misc. Books, 16, f. 27: 'Unusquisque bordarius debet operari una die in ebdomada.' Cf. 27, b.

[292] The history of the terms in Saxon times and the terminology of the Domesday Survey will be discussed in the second volume. My present object is to establish the connexion between feudal facts and such precedents as are generally accepted by the students of Saxon and early Norman evidence.

[293] Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices, i. p. 71.

[294] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. f. 225, b (Bodleian Libr.): 'Noverit universitas vestra me vendidisse domino Ricardo vicario de Domerham Philippum Hardyng nativum meum pro 20 solidis sterling unde ego personam ipsius Philippi ab omni nativitate et servitute liberavi.' Cf. Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), ii. 4. Madox, Formulare Anglicanum, 416, gives several deeds of sale and enfranchisement by sale. Dr. Stubbs had some doubts about the time of these transactions, but deeds of sale of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries occur, and are preserved in the Record Office. See Deputy Keeper's Reports, xxxvi. p. 178.

[295] Glastonbury Inquis., tempore abb. Michaelis, Addit. MSS. 17,450, f. 7: 'Petrus filius Margarete tenet virgatam terre .. nec potest filiam suam maritare sine licentia domini vel ballivorum.' Cf. Cartulary of Newent, Add. MSS. 15,668, f. 46: 'emit filiam suam.' Cartulary of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iv. 219: 'Item, quod quilibet praepositus habeat potestatem concedendi cuicunque nativae, ut possit se maritare tam extra terram domini quam infra, acceptis tamen salvis plegiis pro ea de fine faciendo ad proximam curiam; cum si forte praesentiam ballivi expectasset in partibus remotioribus agentis casu interveniente forte nunquam gauderet promotione maritali.'

[296] Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Harl. MSS. 1006, f. 55: 'Tenens de monday land, si filiam infra villam maritaverit 16 d. et si extra homagium 2 sol.' Black Book of Coventry, Ashmol. MSS. 864, f. 5: 'Radulfus Bedellus de 10 hidis tenet 1 virgatam terre et prati. Et dabit merchettam pro filia sua maritanda, si eam maritaverit extra villenagium Episcopi.'

[297] Cartulary of Glastonbury, Wood MSS. i. (Bodleian), f. 111. s: 'Si nul de neffes folement se porte de son corps parque le seignour perd la vente de eux.'

[298] Warwickshire Hundred Roll, Queen's Rem. Misc. Books, No. 26, f. 26, a: 'Redempcio carnis et sanguinis et alia servicia ad voluntatem domini.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 335, b: 'In villenagio 8 virgate terre quarum quelibet debet ei per annum 6 s. vel opera ad valorem, tenentes etiam illarum sunt servi de sanguine suo emendo ad voluntatem dicti Abbatis et ad alia facienda, que ad servilem condicionem pertinent. In cottariis cotagia 6 de eadem servitute et condicione.'

[299] How very difficult it was sometimes to decide the question, whether merchet had been paid or not, may be seen from the following instances:—Coram Rege, 27 Henry III, m. 3: 'Et non possunt inquirere nec scire quod tempore Johannis Regis dederunt merchettum vel heryettum sed bene credunt quod hoc fuit ex permissione ipsius Regis et non per aliquam convencionem, quam fecerat eis pro predictis 50 libris.' Cartulary of Ramsey (Rolls Series), i. 441: 'De merchetto nesciunt sine majori consilio.'

[300] Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I, p. 107.

[301] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1230.

[302] Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 218: 'Item quod non permittitur, quod aliquis vendat equum masculum vel bovem sibi vitulatum sine licentia, nisi consuetudo se habeat in contrarium.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 628, a: 'Si habeat equum pullanum, bovem vel vaccam ad vendendum, dominus propinquior erit omnibus aliis et vendere non debent sine licentia domini.' Rochester Cartulary (ed. Thorpe), 2, a: 'Si quis habuerit pullum de proprio jumento aut vitulum de propria vacca et pervenerit ad perfectam etatem, non poterit illos vendere, nisi prius ostendat domino suo et sciat utrum illos velit emere sicut alios.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 463, a: 'Item si ipse habeat pullum vel boviculum et laboraverit cum illo non potest vendere sine licentia domini, sed si non laboraverit licitum.'

[303] Cartulary of St. Mary of Beaulieu, Nero, A. xii. f. 93. b: 'Pro filio coronando et pro licencia recedendi faciet sicut illi.' Cartulary of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iii. 218: 'Item quod nullo masculo tribuatur licentia recedendi a terra domini sine licentia superioris hoc proviso, quod consuetudines a servis dominus debitas ad plenum recipiat, contradicentes attachiando ut inde respondeant ad curiam.'

[304] Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 85, No. 1157 (Record Office): 'Et quia non sunt residentes dant chevagium.' Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 62, No. 750, m. 1: 'Johannes le Grust dat comiti ii solidos et ii capones ut possit manere ubi sibi placuerit.'

[305] Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 62, No. 750, m. 3: 'Capones de reditu ut custumarii possint manere super terram Radulfi de Wernore sed dictus Will. erit in visu franciplegii dom. comitis.'

[306] Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian), 3: 'Preceptum inquirere nomina eorum qui terram servilem vendiderunt per cartam et quibus, et qui sunt qui terram liberam adquisierunt et ibi resident et prolem suscitant et ob hoc libertatem sibi vindicant.' Cartulary of St. Alban's, 454: 'Ubi villani emunt terras liberorum de catallis nostris.'

[307] Cart. Glouc. (Rolls Ser.), iii. 217: 'Item, inhibeatur nativis domini manerii ne aliquid alicui dent per annum in recognitione, ut aliquo gaudeant patrocinio.'

[308] Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 62, No. 756, m. 1: 'Nativus receptatus apud Latfeld sine licentia domini.'

[309] Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 59: 'Fugitivi domine, R. fil. Al. manet in Br. sub Willelmo.' Ramsey Inqu., Galba E. x. f. 27, b: 'Isti sunt nativi abbatis: E. et O. manent apud Gomcestre.' Ibid. 51: 'A. est nativus domini abbatis, sed dicit se esse hominem episcopi.' Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 59: 'Nicholaus habet 4 nativos domine, partim terram tenentes in calumpnia domine partim super terram Nicholai.'

[310] Coram Rege, Pasch. 7 Edw. I, m. 7: 'Villanus fugitivus an in villenagio tenens et adventicius.'

[311] Eynsham Inqu. (Chapter of Christ Church, Oxford), 25, a: 'Quas Adam pater ipsius adquisivit et quia quicquid servis adquiritur domino adquiritur faciat inde dominus quod sibi videatur expediens.'

[312] Register of St. Mary of Barnwell, Harl. MSS. 3601, f. 60: 'Quidam villanus de Bertone tenuit unum mesuagium de duobus dominis ... quicquid servus acquirit acquiritur domino suo.'

[313] Black Book of Coventry, Ashmol. MSS. 864, f. 6: 'Et cum obierit, dominus habebit suum melius animal et nihilominus habebit omnes equos masculos, carrectam ferratam, ollum eneum, pannum laneum integrum, bacones integros, omnes porcos excepta una sue, et omnes ruscos apium, si qua hujusmodi habuerit.'

[314] Formulary of St. Alban's, Camb. Univ., Ee. iv. 20.

[315] Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 32, No. 283: 'Petrus filius Gerardi nativus domini defunctus est et habuit in bonis domino pertinentibus unam vaccam que appreciatur ad 5 sol. et venditur W. instauratori.' Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Addit. MSS. 6157, f. 25, b: 'Et sciendum, quod si quis custumarius domini in ipso manerio obierit, dominus habebit de herietto meliorem bestiam. Et si bestiam non habuerit, dabit domino pro herietto 2 sol. 6 d.'

[316] Cartulary of Battle, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, No. 57, f. 21, a: 'Et post mortem cujuslibet predictorum nativorum dominus habebit pro herieto melius animal, si quod habuerit, si vero nullam vivam bestiam habeant, dominus nullum herietum habebit ut dicunt. Filii vel filiae predictorum nativorum dabunt pro ingressu tenementi post mortem antecessorum suorum tantum sicut dant de redditu per annum.

[317] Gloucester Cartulary, iii. 193: 'Et post decessum suum dominus habebit melius auerium ejus nomine herieti, et de relicta similiter. Et post mortem ejus haeres faciet voluntatem domini, antequam terram ingrediatur.'

[318] Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 208: 'Dicunt etiam quod relicta sua non potest in dicta terra maritari sine licentia domini.' Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 25, b: 'Si autem per licenciam domini se maritaverit, heredes predicti defuncti predictum tenementum per licenciam domini intrabunt et uxorem relictam dicti defuncti de medietate dicti tenementi dotabunt.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 768, b: 'Item si obierit, dominus habebit melius auerium nomine herietti et per illum heriettum sedebit uxor ejus vidua per annum et unum diem et si ulterius vidua esse voluerit faciet voluntatem domini.'—The custom in some of the manors of St. Peter of Gloucester was peculiar. Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 88: 'Matilda relicta Praepositi tenet dim. virg. contin. 24 a. (8 sol.)—Et tenet ad terminum vitae abbatis... Et debet redimere filium et filiam ad voluntatem domini.... Et si obierit, dominus habebit melius auerium nomine domini, et aliud melius auerium nomine rectoris, et de marito cum obierit similiter.' When the lord was an ecclesiastical corporation he not unfrequently got two beasts, one as a heriot and the other as a mortuary due to him as rector of the parish.

[319] Worcester Cartulary (Camden Series), 102: 'De antiquis consuetudinibus villanorum, quaelibet etiam virgata dabit iii heriet, sc. equum cum hernesio et duos boves, et dimidia virgata duos heriet, sc. equum cum hernesio et bovem. Alii autem dabunt equum vel bovem.'

[320] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 89, a: 'Item non vendet bovem vel equum de sua nutritura sine licencia domini, nec coronare faciet filium nec maritabit filiam sine licencia domini, dabit heriettum melius animal, faciet finem cum domino pro ingressu habendo ad voluntatem domini communiter per 40 solidos et omnia alia faciet que nativo incumbunt.' The relief ought to be discussed in connexion with the obligations of the holding. I speak of it here because the documents mention it almost always with the heriot.

[321] Cartulary of St. Mary of Beaulieu, Nero, A. xx. f. 84, b: 'Pro filio coronando, filia maritanda, fine terre ... secundum qualitatem personarum et quantitatem substancie et terre.'

[322] Rot. Hundred. ii. 747, a: 'Debet talliari ad voluntatem domini quolibet anno.'

[323] Ibid. ii. 528, b: 'Et debet talliari ad voluntatem domini semel in anno et debet gersummare filiam et fieri prepositus ad voluntatem domini.'

[324] Cartulary of Battle, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, No. 57, f. 93, a: 'Amerciamenta tenentium, qui redditum tempore statuto non persoluerunt.' Reg. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund's, Cambridge Univ., Gg. iv. 4. 52, b; cf. Eynsham Inqu. ii. a: (Inquisitio de statu villani): 'Subtraxerunt sectam curie a longo tempore dicendo se esse liberos.'

[325] Formulary of St. Alban's, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iv. 20, f. 165, a: 'Servilia—videlicet secta curie de tribus septimanis in tres et secta molendini.' We find it denied in the king's court that a free man can be bound to do suit to the lord's mill; Bracton's Note-book, p. 161: 'Nota quod liber homo non tenetur sequi molendinum domini sui nisi gratis velit.'

[326] Bury St. Edmund's, Registrum album, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f. 155, b: 'Liberi excepti a falda domini.'

[327] As to Scotale, see Stubbs, Const. Hist. § 165.

[328] Reg. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund's, Cambridge Univ., Gg. iv. 4. 30, b: 'Per fidelitatem custumarii ... et per alias consuetudines serviles.'

[329] Y.B. 20/21 Edward I, p. 41: 'Kar nent plus neit a dire, Jeo tenk les tenements en vileynage, ke neit a dire ke, Jeo tenk les tenements demendez ver moy a la volunte le Deen,' etc. See above, Chapter II.

[330] Chron. Mon. de Abingdon, ii. 25 (Rolls Series).

[331] Exch. Q.R., Misc. Books, No. 29, f. 8, a: 'Habet 22 servos tenentes 35 acras terre ad voluntatem domini in servagio.' f. 10, b: 'Habet ibidem 25 servos tenentes 12 virgatas terre et dimidiam in servagio ... et possunt omnes removeri pro voluntate domini.'

[332] Harl. MSS. 1885, f. 7: 'Volens autem dominus de Wahell retinere ad opus suum totum parcum de Segheho ... abegit omnes rusticos qui in predicto loco iuxta predictum boscum manebant.' Cf. Cor. Rege, Pasch. 14 Edw. I, Oxon. 9.

[333] Battle Abbey, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, 57, f. 21, a: 'Et memorandum quod omnes supradicti nativi non possunt ... prostrare maremium crescens in tenementis que tenent sine licencia et visu ballivi vel servientis domini et hoc ad edificandum et non aliter.' Add. Charters, 5290 '(transgressiones Stephani Chenore) ... fecit vastum ... in boscis quos idem Stephanus tenuit de domino in bondagio cum de quercis fraxinis pomariis et aliis arboribus vastos (ramos?) asportavit.'

[334] Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian), 2, a: 'Rob. Gl. assertavit pomaria sua et fecit wastum super vilenagium Comitis.'

[335] Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian): 'Quia Henricus bercarius plegios non potuit invenire ad heredificandum mesuagium quod fuit W.C. et ibi attractum suum facere.'

[336] Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls (Record Off.), Bundle 32, No. 285: 'Emma ... venit et sursum reddit 1 cotagium et 5 acras et dimidiam terre quas tenuit de domino in bondagio. Et venit Thomas filius ejus et capit dictam terram et dat ad ingressum 10 solidos.' B. 62, No. 750: 'Galfridus percarius venit et tradidit terram suam ... domino comiti pro paupertate. Robertus filius eius postea venit et finem fecit pro habenda seisina dicte terre.'

[337] Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, B. 43, No. 484: 'Dicit etiam quod dicta terra capta est in manu domini Edmundi pro redditibus et serviciis inde a retro existentibus.' Essex Court Rolls, 3 (Bodleian): 'Preceptum est capere in manu prioris totam residuam terram custumariam quam Matildis le Someters predicta tenet de feodo prioris quia vendidit de terra sua custumaria ... libere per cartam contra consuetudinem manerii.'

[338] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 65; Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 196.

[339] Capitula halimoti, Bodleian MSS., Wood, i. f. 111, b: 'Si nul soit en un graunt tenement e ne puisse les droitures de son tenement sustener e un aultre homme en un petit tenement que meutz tendroit le graunt tenement al prow le seigneur e le tenement.'

[340] Rot. Hundred, ii. 321, a: In villenagio tres virgatae et dimidia.... Et sunt tenentes illarum servi de sanguine suo emendo.... In libere tenentibus pro certis serviciis per annum,' etc.

[341] Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 21: 'Quantum quisque teneat, omne ejus servitium; quis tenet libere et quantum et quo servitio et quo guaranto et quo tempore; si aliqua terra fuerit facta libera in tempore Henrici episcopi, vel postea, que debuit operari; quo guaranto hoc fuit, et in quantum sit libera; si dominicum sit occupatum vel foras positum in libertate vel vilenagio, et si ita fuerit domino utilius sicut est vel revocatum.'

[342] Ibid. 130: 'J. clericus tenuit in tempore Henrici episcopi apud Domerham unam virgatam quam adhuc tenet et aliam virgatam apud Stapelham pro 10 solidis. Recepta villa de Domerham ad firmam, ipse propria auctoritate dimisit virgatam de Stapelham et dimidiam virgatam in Domerham in excambium cepit quia propinquior fuit. Hec dimidia virgata operari solet, nunc autem est libera. Virgata vero de Stapelham post illud excambium operari solet que ante hoc libera fuit.'

[343] Ibid. 121: 'De dono xxix solidi et vi denarii. Et de Anderdo deficiunt vj den. quia tenet liberius quam predecessores sui solebant tenere.'

[344] Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), i. 364: 'De his septem hydis est una hyda libera. De sex hydis, quae restant, tenet Marsilia filia A. de R. duas virgatas ad censum. Quinque hydae et tres virgatae, quae restant, tenentur in puro villenagio.'

[345] Galba, E. x. f. 38.

[346] Extensio de terris Roberti de Sto. Georgio (Lincoln) Inquis. p. mort. 30 Henry III, No. 36: 'Idem habuit in villenagio 13 bovatas terre et 3 partes unius bovate que 9 rustici tenent et quelibet bovata valet per annum 5 sol. pro omni servicio ... habuit in liberis serviciis unam bovatam quam Radulfus filius G. de eo tenuit per cartam pro 2 solidis per annum pro omni servicio.'

[347] Bury St. Edmund's, Reg. Cellararii, Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 32, a: 'W. de Bruare tenet i rodam custumarie et per alias consuetudines serviles ... alteram libere et per servicium 2 denariorum.' Cf. Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 65.

[348] Battle Abbey, Reg. Augment. Off. Misc. Books, No. 57, f. 72, b: 'Isti prenominati (liberi tenentes) sunt quieti per redditum suum de communibus servitiis, debent tamen herietum et relevium.' Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. p. iii.: 'Si nul soit enfraunchi de ces ouveraignes dont la uile le est le plus charge.'

[349] Ramsey Inqu., Galba, E. x. 39, d: 'Walterus abbas fecit R. francum de terra patris sui que fuerat ad furcam et flagellum.... Multos de servicio rusticorum francos fecit.' Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), i. 487: '... quaelibet virgata de fleyland.' The same land appears as 'quaelibet virgata operaria quae non fuerit posita ad censum.'

[350] Spalding Priory, Reg., Cole MSS., vol. 43, f. 272: 'De tenentibus terram operariam de priore in Spalding: W. de A. tenet 40 acras terre pro quibus debet operari qualibet die per annum ad voluntatem Domini ad quocumque opus Dominus voluerit, cum Carecta, Cortina, Vanga, Flagello, Tribulo, Furca, Falce.' Coram Rege, Mich., 51/52 Henry III, m. b: 'Et similiter predictus Petrus distringit eos pro consuetudinibus et servitiis que nec antecessores eorum nec ipsi facere consueverunt ut cum furcis et flagellis.'

[351] Eynsham Cartulary, Christ Church MSS., No. 97, f. 6, a: 'Willelmus F. tenet unum cotagium et quartam partem unius virgate terre qui facere consuevit pro rata porcione sicut virgatarius. Modo ponitur ad firmam dum domina placet ad 6 solidos, 8 d.,' etc. Cf. Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Series), 81. This is in substance the difference between 'bondagium et husbandland,' Inquis. p. mort. 46 Henry III, No. 25; Hexham Priory Cartulary (Surtees Series), p. xx.

[352] Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Series), 49.

[353] St. Alban's Formulary, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iv. 20: 'Ne uno homini plures terre tradantur, et si modo unus plures tenet, dividantur, si commode et honeste fieri poterit.'

[354] Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Series), 52; Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, B. 62, No. 750: 'Et quia huiusmodi tenementum nullus potest vendicare hereditarie ut de aliis villenagiis successive.'

[355] Hereford Rolls, 8 (Bodleian): 'Et concessum est ei tenere dictum mesuagium et unam acram terre sibi et heredibus suis secundum consuetudinem manerii per servicia inde debita et consueta.' Essex Rolls, 8 (Bodleian): 'Amicia de R. que tenet ex consuetudine manerii.'

[356] Extractus Rotulorum de Halimotis, Cambridge Univ, Dd. vii. 22, f. 1, a.

[357] Essex Rolls, 8 (Bodleian), m. 6: 'Johannes filius W.B. venit et clamavit unum mesuagium et quatuor acras terre cum pertinenciis ut jus et hereditatem suam post mortem dicti W. patris sui faciendo inde dominis predictis servicia debita et consueta nomine villenagii et dat domino ad inquirendum de jure suo et si sit plene etatis et heres dicti W. nec ne,' etc.

[358] Eynsham Cartulary, Christ Church MSS., No. 27, f. 11, b: 'Matildis B. tenet de domino unum cotagium cum curtilagio in voluntate domini.' Cf. Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 66; Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 134; Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Series), 23.

[359] Reg. Cellararii Mon. Bury St Edmund's, Cambridge Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 52, b: '(Curia 7 Edw. II) ... dicunt quod quidam Robertus Heth pater dictorum R.W. et J. tenuit de conventu per virgam in villa de Berton magna ... Et quia dedixerunt cepisse dictam terram per virgam ideo potest seisiri dicta terra in manum domini.' Registr. album vestiarii abbatiae S. Edmundi, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f. 188, b: 'Tenentes de mollond ... tenent per virgam in curia.' Eynsham Cartulary, Christ Church MSS., No. 97: 'Ricardus W. tenet unum cotagium et duas acras terrae campestres per rotulum curie pro 3 sol.' Cf. 12, a.

[360] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1237.

[361] Ely Register, Cotton, Claudius, C. xi. f. iii. b: 'Habebit duas pugillatas avene ex gratia, ut juratores dicunt, per longum tempus usitata.'

[362] Warwickshire Roll, Exch. Q.R. No. 29, f. 94, b: 'Servus ... cum fecerit exennium ... comedet cum domino.'

[363] Christ Church, Canterbury, Cartulary, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 22, b. Cf. Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 203.

[364] Custumal of Battle Abbey (Camden Ser.), 30: 'Et debet herciare per duos dies ... pretium operis iiij. d. Et recipiet de domino utroque die repastus pretii iij d. Et sic erit dominus perdens j. d. Et sic nichil valet illa herciatio ad opus domini.'

[365] Coram Rege, Pasch., 14 Edw. I, Lege, 18: 'Villani circulare (sic) non consueverunt nisi ex voluntate.'

[366] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 82: 'Sed non debet carriare nisi dominus prestaverit suum plaustrum.'

[367] Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi, f. 30, b: 'Sed juratores dicunt quod nunquam hoc fecerunt nec de iure facere debent.'

[368] Rot. Hundred. ii. 758, a: 'Servi ... nec potest filiam maritare nec uxorem ducere sine licencia domini; debet et salvo contenemento suo talliari et ad omnia auxilia communia scottare et lottare secundum facultatem suam,' etc.

[369] Rot. Hundred. ii. 528, b: 'Et modo omnia illa arrentata sunt et dant per annum 14 sol. 8 d.'

[370] Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc., Bundle 510, No. 13: 'Et solebant facere servicia consueta, sed per voluntatem et ad placitum domini extenta sunt in denariis.' Cf. Abingdon Cartulary, ii. 303. Rot. Hundred. ii. 453, a: 'Omnes isti prenominati nomine villenagii sunt ad voluntatem domini de operibus eorundem,' Cf. Ibid. 407, b.

[371] Worcester Cartulary (Camden Series), 54, b: 'Haec villa tradita est ab antiquo villanis ad firmam, ad placitum cum omnibus ad nos pertinentibus.' Cf. Gloucester Cartulary, iii. 37.

[372] Worcester Cartulary (Camden Series), l. c.: 'Praeterea percipimus medietatem proventuum et herietum, praeterea debent metere, ligare et compostare bladum de antiquo dominico de Hordewell ... et gersummabunt filias.'

[373] Glastonbury Cartulary, Bodleian MSS., Wood, i., f. 241, a: 'Jocelynus dei gratia Bathoniensis episcopus.... Noveritis nos quietos clamasse omnes homines abbatie Glastonie de Winterburne in perpetuam de arruris et aliis operacionibus quas facere debebant castro Marleberghe de terra de Winterburne, quos homines nostros Henricus illustris rex Anglie nobis concessit.'

[374] Wartrey Priory Cartulary, Fairfax MSS. f. 19, a: 'Et Adam dicit quod predictus Prior villenagium in persona ipsius Ade allegare non potest quia dicit quod dudum convenit inter quemdam Johannem dudum priorem de Wartre ... et quendam Henricum de W ... patrem ipsius Ade videlicet quod isdem Prior ... per quoddam scriptum indenturam concesserunt Henrico ... quoddam toftum simul cum duabus bovatis terre.'

[375] Malmesbury Cartulary (Rolls Series), ii. 199: 'Nos tradidisse ... Roberto le H. de K. et Helenae uxori suae, et Agneti filiae eorum primogenitae nativis nostris, omnibus diebus vitae eorum, unam domum. Ita quod non licet praedicto Roberto alicui vendere nec occasione istius traditionis aliquam libertatem ipsis vendicare.'

[376] As to molmen, I shall follow in substance my article in the English Historical Review, 1886, IV. p. 734. We already find the class in Cartularies of the twelfth century, in the Burton Cartulary, and in the Boldon Book. See Round in the English Historical Review, 1886, V. 103, and Stevenson, ibidem, VI. 332.

[377] Any number of examples might be given. I referred in my article to a Record Office document, Exch. Treas, of Rec. Min. Acc. 32/8: 'Rogerus prepositus tenet 28 acras pro 13 solidis solvendis ad 4 terminos principales. Et dat 2 gallinas at Natale domini de precio 3 den., et 18 ova ad Pascham, et debet 2 homines ad 2 precarias ad cibum domini et non extenduntur eo quod nihil dabunt in argento si servicium illud dominus habere noluerit. Item idem adiuvabit leuare fenum ad precariam domini quod nihil valet ut supra. Item idem faciet 2 averagia Londinium que valent 2 d. ... Custumarii. Johannes Cowe tenet 13 acras et dimidiam pro 27 d.... Et debet 3 opera qualibet septimana, scilicet per 44 septimanas videlicet a festo Natali beate Marie usque ad gulam Augusti que continet in operibus per predictum tempus vi^xxxii (i.e. 132) et valet in denariis 5 sol.' etc.

[378] Black Book of St. Augustine, Canterbury, Cotton MSS. Faustina, A. i. 31: 'De quolibet sullung (ploughland) 20 solidos de mala ad quatuor terminos quos antecessores nostri dederunt pro omnibus iniustis et incausacionibus (sic) quas uobis ore plenius exponemus.'

[379] Rochester Costumal (ed. Thorpe), 2, b: 'F. habet 21 jugum terre te Gavelland unius servicii et unius redditus. Unumquodque jugum reddit 10 solidos ad 4 terminos—hoc est Mal. In media quadragesima 40 d. Hoc est Gable.' The Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, in the British Museum (Add. MSS. 6159) always gives the rents under the two different headings of Gafol and Mal.

[380] The etymology of the word is traced by Stevenson, l. c.

[381] Ashley, Economic History, i. pp. 56, 57.

[382] Registrum Album Abbatiae Sancti Edmundi de Burgo, Cambridge University, Ee. iii. 60 f.; 188, b: 'Memorandum quod anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici 18—dominus Johannes de Norwold abbas Sti. Edmundi ad ulteriores portas manerii sui de Herlawe, ad instanciam Cecilie le Grete de Herlawe hereditatem suam de mollond infra campum dicte ville jacentem post mortem viri sui a pluribus tenentibus Abbatis petentis coram eodem Abbate, eo pretextu quod vir suus adventicius dictam hereditatem suam ipsa invita vendidit et alienauit, per subscriptos inquisivit, utrum ipse seu alii quicumque infra villam predictam mollond tenentes libere tenuerunt seu tenent, et per cartas aut alio modo.... Qui omnes et singuli jurati dixerunt per sacramentum suum quod omnes tenentes de molland solebant esse custumarii et fuerunt, sed Abbas Hugo primus et Abbas Sampson posterum et alii Abbates relaxarunt eis seruicia maiora et consuetudines pro certa pecunia; modo arentati in aliquibus operibus ceteris, sed nihil habent inde nec tenent per cartas, sed per virgam in curia. Et sunt geldabiles in omnibus inter custumarios et quod omnes sunt custumarie et servilis condicionis sicut et alii.'

[383] Exch. Treas. of Rec. 59/66. The classes follow each other in this way: 'Liberi tenentes, Molmen, Custumarii.' Cf. Rot. Hundred, ii. 425, a.

[384] Harl. MSS. 639, f. 69, b: 'Inquisicio facta per totam socam de Badefeud dicit quod si aliquis servus domini moritur et plures habuerit filios, si tota terra fuerit mollond primogenitus de iure et consuetudine debet eam retinere; si tota fuerit villana iunior; si maior pars fuerit mollond primogenitus, is maior pars fuerit villana iunior eam optinebit.'

[385] I cannot surrender this point (cf. Stevenson, l. c.). That Borough English existed in many free boroughs and among free sokemen is true, of course, and there it had nothing to do with servile status. It would have been wrong to treat the custom of inheritance as a sure test from a general point of view. But as a matter of fact it was treated as such a test from a local point of view by many, if not most, manorial arrangements. I refer again to the case from the Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1062. The lord is adducing as proof of a plea of villainage: 'Hoc bene patet, quia postnatus filius semper habuit terram patris sui sicut alii villani de patria.' I have said already that the succession of the youngest son appears with merchet, reeveship, etc., as a servile custom.

[386] Q.R. Min. Acc. Box 587.

[387] Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), i. 267: 'Decem hidae, ex quibus persona, liberi et censuarii tenent tres hidas et dimidiam, et villani tenent sex hidas.'

[388] Domesday Book, i. 204; Ramsey Cartulary, i. 270, 330-40.

[389] Rochester Cartulary (Thorpe), 2, a: 'Gavelmanni de Suthflete.'

[390] Cotton MSS. Tiberius B. ii, and Claudius C. xi.

[391] Cotton MSS. Claudius C. xi, f. 49, a: 'De hundredariis et libere tenentibus. Philippus de insula tenet 16 acras de wara et debet sectas ad curiam Elyensem et ad curiam de Wilburtone et in quolibet hundredo per totum annum,' etc. For a more detailed discussion of the position of hundredors, see Appendix.

[392] In the description of Aston and Cote, a submanor of Bampton, Oxfordshire, hundredarii are mentioned in Rot. Hundr. ii. 689.

[393] Leg. Henrici I, c. 7. The point has been lately elucidated by Maitland, Suitors of the County Court, Eng. Hist. Rev., July 1888, and Round, Archaeological Review, iv.

[394] Gloucester Cart. iii. 193: 'Et dicunt quod predictus Thomas et socii sui subscripti debent aquietare villam de quolibet hundredo Cyrencestriae et de Respethate praeterquam ad visum franciplegii bis in anno.' Ramsey Inqu., Cotton MSS. Galba E. x, 35: 'Sequebatur comitatum et hundredum pro dominico abbatis.' Madox, Hist. of the Exchequer, i. 74: 'Serviet eis nominatim in omnibus placitis ad quae convenienter summonitus erit et ad defensionem totius villae Estone aderit in hundredis et scyris in quibus erit quantum poterit.' Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Q.R. Misc. Books, No. 29, f. 73, a: 'Seriancia ad comitatum et hundredum.'

[395] Ramsey Cart. i. 438: 'J.R. tenet dimidiam hydam de veteri feoffamento et non reddit per annum aliquem censum abbati, quia est una de quattuor virgatis quae defendunt totam villatam de secta comitatus et hundredi per annum.'

[396] Gloucester Cart. iii. 77: 'Henricus de Marwent tenet unam virgatam continentem 48 acras ... et facit forinseca [servitia], scil. sectas comitatus et hundredi, et alia forinseca.' Cf. Cart. of Shaftesbury, 65. '... defendebat terram suam de omnibus forinsecis avencionibus.'

[397] Seebohm, Village Community, 37, 38; Scrutton, Common Fields, 39.

[398] See the instances collected by Maitland, Introduction to Rolls of Manorial Courts, Selden Soc., Ser. II, p. xxix, note 2.

[399] Maitland, op. c.

[400] A few instances among many: Gloucester Cart. iii. 49: 'Radulfus de E. tenet unam virgatam terrae continentem 48 acras et reddit inde per annum non reditum aliquem, sed sequetur comitatum Warwici et hundredum de Kingtone pro domino, et curiam de Clifforde pro omni servitio.' There are four other 'virgatarii liberi' besides this one. Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Soc.), 30: 'Thomas arkarius (tenet) iv virgatas pro 28 solidis et debet facere sectam sire et hundredi.' He is a freeholder. Worcester Cart. (Camden Soc.), 64, C: 'De liberis Ricardus de Salford tenet dimidiam hidam de priore, quam Thomas de Ruppe tenuit de eo, et facit regale servitium tantum, et debet esse coram justiciariis itinerantibus pro defensione villae ad custum suum.' The Ely 'hundredarii' are distinguished from the villains, and form by themselves a group which ranks next to the 'libere tenentes' or with them.

[401] Ramsey, Inqu. Cotton MSS. Galba, E. x, f. 52: 'Ecclesia ipsius ville possidet dimidiam hidam liberam et presbiter debet esse quartus eorum qui sequuntur comitatum et hundredum cum custamento suo.' Cf. 40, 54. Instead of attending separately the priest comes to be included among the four hundredors.

[402] Britton, i. 177 sqq. See Maitland's Introd. to Manorial Rolls, p. xxvii.

[403] Maitland, op. c. pp. xxix, xxx.

[404] Leg. Henrici I. c. 8.; Cf. Ely Register, Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi, 52, a: 'et libere tenentes sui qui tenent per socagium debent unam sectam ad frendlese hundred, scil. ad diem Sabbati proximum post festum St. Michaelis.' The expression 'friendless' is peculiar. It appears in other instances in the Ely Surveys. May it not mean, that all the free tenants, even the small ones, had to attend and could not be represented by their fellows or 'friends'?

[405] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. f. 233, a: 'et N. et G. veniunt et defendunt vim et iniuriam et talem sectam qualem ab eis exigit et bene cognoscunt quod per attornatos suos debent ipsi facere duas sectas per annum ad duos lagedaios ... sed si aliquis latro fuerit ibi iudicandus tunc debent liberi homines sui et prepositi uel seruientes sui debent interesse ad predictum hundredum ad faciendum iudicium et non ipsi in propria persona sua.' Cf. Malmesbury Cart. (Rolls Ser.), ii. 178: 'Item recognouit sectam ad hundredum de Malmesburia per se vel per sufficientem attornatum suum. Item recognouit et concessit quod omnes liberi homines sui de Estleye sequantur de hundredo in hundredum apud Malmesburiam sicut aliquo tempore predecessorum suorum facere consueverunt.'

[406] This may possibly account for the curious fact, that in every manor there are some tenants called 'Freeman,' 'Frankleyn,' and the like. They seem to be there to keep up the necessary tradition of the free element. For instance: Eynsham Cart. MSS. of the Chapter of Christ Church, Oxford, xxix. f. 4, a: 'Iohannes Freman de Shyfford tenet unam virgatam per cartam ... facit sectam ad comitatum et hundredum et hac de causa tenet tenementum suum.' Cf. Coram Rege 27 Henry III, m. 3: 'Dicunt quod non est aliquis liber homo in eodem manerio nisi Willelmus filius Radulfi qui respondet infra corpus comitatus.' The fact is well known to all those who have had anything to do with manorial records.

[407] Cf. Maitland, Suitors of the County Court, Eng. Hist. Review, July, 1888.

[408] Is it not possible to explain by the 'hundredor' the following difficult passage in Domesday, ii. 100? 'Hugo de Montfort invasit tres liberos homines ... unus ex his jacet ad feudum Sancti Petri de Westmonasterio testimonio hundredi, sed fuit liberatus Hugoni in numero suorum hundredorum (corr. hundredariorum?) ut dicunt sui homines.' It is true that the term does not occur elsewhere in Domesday, but the reading as it stands appears very clumsy, and the emendation proposed would seem the easiest way to get out of the difficulty.

[409] Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I. (ed. Horwood), pp. xix, 499.

[410] I may be excused for again referring to the Stoneleigh Reg. f. 32, d: 'Quidam tenentes eiusdem manerii tenent terras et tenementa sua in Sokemannia in feodo et hereditate de qua quidem tenura talis habetur et omne tempore habebatur consuetudo videlicet quod quando aliquis tenens eiusdem tenure terram suam alicui alienare voluerit veniat in curiam coram ipso Abbate vel eius senescallo et per vergam sursum reddat in manum domini terram sic alienandam ad opus illius qui terram illam optinebit ... Et si aliquis terram aliquam huiusmodi tenure infra manerium predictum per cartam vel sine carta absque licentia dicti Abbatis alienaverit aliter quam per sursum reddicionem in curia in forma predicta, quod terra sic extra curia alienata domino dicti manerii erit forisfacta in perpetuum.'

[411] Madox, Exch. i. 724, e: 'Monstraverunt Regi homines et tenentes de soca de Oswald Kirke in Com. Nottinghamiae, quod cum soka illa dudum fuisset antiquum dominicum coronae Angliae et dominus Henricus quondam Rex Angliae progenitor Regis socam illam cum pertinenciis dedisset et concessisset Henrico de Hastyngges habendam et tenendam ad communem legem ... Ac licet homines et tenentes predicti et antecessores sui homines et tenentes de soca illa inter homines communitatis comitatus Nottinghamiae et non cum tenentibus de antiquis dominicis Coronae Regis a tempore escambii predicti talliari consueverunt, assessores tamen tallagii Regis in dominicis in Comitatu Nottinghamiae praedicto ... (eos) una cum illis de dominicis Regis praedictis talliari fecerunt.' Cf. 428, b, c.

[412] Rot. Hundr. ii. 608, a: 'Liberi tenentes ... liberi sokemanni.' Cf. 752, a.

[413] Inquisit. post mortem 53 Henry III, n. 4 (Record Office): 'Libere tenentes ad voluntatem ... libere tenentes in socagio ... libere tenentes per cartam.' Rot. Hundr. ii. 471, a. See Appendix xii.

[414] Warwicksh. Hund. Roll. Q.R. Misc. books, xxix. p. 44, b: '(tenens) per antiquam tenuram sine carta.' Gloucester Cart. iii. 67: 'de liberis tenentibus dicunt quod haeredes O.G. tenent tres virgatas terrae de antiqua tenura.' Cf. iii. 47, 69. Christ Church Cart., Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6159, p. 70: 'isti tenent antiquo dominico ... isti tenent antiquum tenementum ... inferius notati sunt operarii.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 46, 47: 'de antiqua hereditate.' Cf. Pollock, Land-laws (2nd ed), p. 209.

[415] Rot. Hundr. ii. 501, b.

[416] Rot Hundr. ii. 774.

[417] Coram Rege, Hill. 30 Edw. I, m. 17 '(servicia sokemannorum) ... merchet ad voluntatem.'

[418] Rot. Hundr. ii. 846, a.

[419] Rot. Hundr. ii. 781, b.

[420] Peterborough Cart., Cotton MSS., Faustina, B. iii. f. 97, 98.

[421] Spalding Priory Cart., Cole MSS., xliii. p. 296.

[422] Rot. Hundr. ii. 780 b.

[423] Spalding Cart. p. 295.

[424] Ibid. p. 283: 'bondus dat auxilium ... scil. omnes sokemanni unam marcam.' Cf. 292.

[425] Ely Inqu., Cotton MS., Claudius, C. xi. 50, b: 'Tota villata tam liberi, quam alii debent facere 40 perticatas super Calcetum de Alderhe [Aldreth's Causeway] sine cibo et opere.' Cf. Domesday of St. Paul's, 75.

[426] Domesday of St. Paul's, 76, 77; Rot. Hundr. ii. 764, b.

[427] Domesday of St. Paul's, 32: 'Omnes isti libere tenentes metunt et arant ad precarias domini et ad cibum eius sine forisfacto.' The general rule is, that freeholders join only in the boon-works (precariae) and not in the regular week-work. But socmen are found engaged in this latter also.

[428] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 266: 'De feodis militum et libere tenentibus ... heriet ... relevium ... sed non dabit tallagium et gersumam.' 167 b: 'herietum ... relevium ... pannagium ... tallagium.' Ramsey Cart. i. 297.

[429] Gloucester Cart. iii. 49 and 46; Battle Cart., Augm. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 10, b.

[430] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 186, b: 'Omnes custumarii preter liberos qui non dant gersumam pro filiis et filiabus ...'

[431] E. g. ibid. 44, a.

[432] Bury St. Edmund's Registrum Album, Cambr. Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f. 154, b: 'Et nota quod si prepositus hundredi capiat gersumam de aliquo libero, dominus habebit medietatem.' Suffolk Court Rolls, 3 (Bodleian): 'gersuma si evenerit filii vel filie, finem faciet in hundredo, sed celerarius habebit medietatem finis.'

[433] Rot. Hundr. ii 484, b; 485, a.

[434] Ibid. ii 749, b.

[435] Ibid. i. 6.

[436] Coram Rege, Trin., 3 Edw. I, m. 14, d.

[437] Rot. Hundr. i. 19.

[438] Cf. a very definite case of oppression, Placit. Abbrev., 150.

[439] Statutes of the Realm, i. 224.

[440] Notebook of Bracton, pl. 1334 and 1644.

[441] Rochester Cart. (Thorpe), 19 a: 'Dominus non debet aliquem operarium injuste et sine judicio a terra sua ejicere.' Ibid. 10, a: 'in crastino Sancti Martini non ponet eos (dominus) ad opera sine consensu eorundem.' Black Book of St. Augustine, Cotton MSS., Faustina, A. i. f. 185, d: '(Consuetudines villanorum de Plumsted) Villani de P. tenent quatuor juga et debent inde arare quatuor acras et seminare ... et debent metere in autumpno 8 acras de ivernagio vel 4 acras de alio blado.... Et debent falcare 2 acras prati.... Item debent duo averagia per annum a Plumsted ad Newenton et nihil debent averare ad tunc nisi res que sunt ad opus conventus et que poni debent super ripam.'

[442] Notebook of Bracton, pl. 1334: '... et consuetudo est quod uxores maritorum defunctorum habeant francum bancum suum de terris sokemannorum.' Rot. Hundr. i. 201, 202: 'habent et vendunt maritagia sokemannorum aliter quam deberent, quia in Kancia non est warda.'

[443] Cf. Elton, Tenures of Kent.

[444] Notebook of Bracton, pl. 1419: 'et ipsi veniunt et dicunt quid nunquam cartam illam fecit nec facere potuit quia uillanus fuit et terram suam defendidit per furcam et flagellum.'

[445] Seebohm, Village Community, 103; followed by Scrutton, Commons and Common Fields, 38; and Ashley, Economic History, i. 18.

[446] Maitland, Introduction to Manorial Rolls, lxix.

[447] Chandler, Court Rolls of Great Cressingham, p. 14: '20 solidi de toto Homagio quia recusaverunt preparare fenum domini. Debitum ponatur in respectum usque proximam curiam et interea scrutatur le Domesday.' A manorial extent is evidently meant. Comp. Domesday of St. Paul's.

[448] Ely Inq., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. 60, a: 'Anelipemen, Anelipewyman et coterellus manens super terram episcopi vel terram alicuius custumariorum suorum metet unam sellionem in autumpno ex consuetudine que vocatur luuebene.' Cp. 42, a, 'quilibet anlepiman et anlepiwyman et quilibet undersetle metet dimidiam acram bladi,' etc., and Ramsey, Cart. i. 50.—I have not been able to find a satisfactory etymological explanation of 'anelipeman'; but he seems a small tenant, and sometimes settled on the land of a villain.

[449] Of course in later times the test applied in drawing the line between freehold and baser tenure was much rather the mode of conveyance than anything else. The commutation into money rent of labour services due from a tenement 'held by copy of court roll' (a commutation which in some cases was not effected before the fifteenth century), did not convert the tenement into freehold; had it done so, there would have been no copyhold tenure at the present day. But I am here speaking of the thirteenth century when this 'conveyancing test' could not be readily applied, when the self-same ceremony might be regarded either as the feoffment by subinfeudation of a freehold tenant or the admittance of a customary tenant, there being neither charter on the one hand nor entry on a court roll on the other hand. Thus the nature of the services due from the tenement had to be considered, and, at least in general, a tenement which merely paid a money rent was deemed freehold.

[450] It should be observed that the word demesne (dominicum) is constantly used in two different senses, (a) the narrower sense in which it stands for the land directly occupied and cultivated by the lord or for his use, and excludes the land held by his villain tenants, and (b) the wider sense in which it includes these villain tenements. The first meaning is that which the word usually bears in manorial documents, in which the dominicum is contrasted with the villenagium or bondagium. But in legal pleadings and documents which state the doctrine of the common law and the king's courts the villain tenements are part of the lord's demesne, he is seised of them in his demesne (in dominico suo). This discrepancy between what I may call the manorial and the legal uses of the term deserves notice as an indication of the imperfect adjustment of law to fact. I shall use the term in its narrower sense.

[451] Eynsham Cartulary, MSS. of Christ Church, Oxford, N. 27, f. 1, a: 'Est una cultura nuncupata Shyppelond, et continet in toto septem acras dimidiam acram et dimidiam rodam, et valet acra 4 d., et bis successive seminatur.' Inqu. p. mortem 20 Henry III, N. 14 (Record Office): 'Extensio manerii de Remdun (Lincoln). Sunt ibidem 360 acre terre et faciunt duas carucatas. Et seminata sunt per annum 240 acre ... De waracto per annum 12 d.'

[452] Glastonbury Survey of 1189 (Roxburghe Ser.), 99: 'Idem tenet de dominico tres acras a tempore Henrici episcopi quas colit in uno anno et altero non.'

[453] Eynsham Cart., 1, a: 'Est ibidem prope alia cultura nuncupata Clay-furlong et continet cum capitali inferiore octo acras unam rodam tres perticas cum dimidia, et potest ter seminari successive, videlicet post warectum ordium, anno sequente cum grosso pulstro et anno tercio cum frumento, et valet acra 8 d.... (Alia cultura) et potest ter seminari ut supra mutato grosso pulstro in pisas.'

[454] Two husbandry treatises were chiefly in use in mediaeval England. The fourteenth-century MS., Merton College 91, contains both, and both mention the two systems. (Modus qualiter balliui et prepositi debent onerari super compotum reddendum et qualiter manerium custodiri), f. 152: 'E la vu les chaumps sunt semez e parti en deus, le iuernage e le trameys sunt tous semez en un champ.'—(Maior husbonderia, otherwise Walter of Henley's treatise), f. 155: 'Si les terres seent partiz en iii, la une partie en le yuernage, lautre partie en le quaremel, e la tierce partie a warect, donqes est la charrue de terre de x^xx acres' (sic, corr. ix^xx). 'E si vos terres seent partez en ii, com sont en plusurs pays, la une partie a yuernage e a quaremel, e lautre partie a waret, donqes serra la charue de terre de viii^xx acres.' Cf. Thorold Rogers, Six Centuries, 75.

[455] Fleta, ii. 72.

[456] Malmesbury Cart. (Rolls Ser.), ii. 186: 'De terris inbladandis et inhoc faciendis in campis de Brokeneberewe et de Burestone, a ponte de Jule-brocke usque ad Halbrigge de Bremelham, ubi dictus Ricardus dicebat se habere communam, ita quod nec abbas et conventus, nec eorum tenentes possint inhoc facere sine consensu dicti Ricardi, nec pro voluntate sua terras suas ibidem inbladare ... Abbas et conventus concesserunt praedicto Ricardo ... ut cum terrae prenominatae inbladatae fuerint et blada a terris amota, liberam et plenam communam in praefatis terris una cum abbate et suis hominibus (habeat) sicut ipse vel praedecessores sui unquam melius et plenius habere consueverunt.... Ita quod si de campo predicto in quo factum est inhoc pars quaedam remaneat inculta sine blado, in eadem parte habebunt predictus Ricardus et heredes sui communam cum abbate et conventu et suis. Similiter si villani praedicti Ricardi nolint inhokare terras suas infra praedictum inhoc sitas, habebunt liberum ingressum et egressum ad warectandum eas.'

[457] Coram Rege, Hill. 3 Edw. I, m. 17, d: 'Item quicumque facit inheche scilicet excolit warectum frumento, ordeo vel auena, dabit pro qualibet acra unum denarium, excepta una acra quam habere debet quietam.' See App. xii.

[458] Gloucester Cart. iii. 35, 36: 'Omnes dictae particulae jacent pro uno campo, summa 174 acre arabiles, etc.... Et de predicto campo possunt inhokari quolibet secundo anno 40 acre et valet inde commodum eo anno 10 solidos.... De dictis 63 acris possunt quolibet secundo anno inhokari 20 acre, et valet inde commodum eo anno 11 sol. 8 d.... Et est summa totalis omnium acrarum arabilium 412. Et est summa dictarum acrarum in valore denariorum 9 librae 12 solidi. De quibus subtracta tertia parte pro campo jacente ad warectum, 64 sol. scilicet, remanent ad extentam annuam de puro 6 librae 8 sol. et de commodo terrae quae singulis annis potest inhokari 15 sol. 10 d.'—Cf. Minor husbanderia, Merton Coll. MS. 91, f. 152: 'E si li ad Inhom, i deit veer quele cuture i prent del Inhom, e de quel ble est seme checune cuture, e tel semail deit il cuiler tut per ly e respondre tut per ly, hors des autres blees.'

[459] Cart. of Boxgrave, Cotton MSS., Claudius, A. vi. p. 2: 'Debet compostare unam helvam ad frumentum et aliam ad ordeum.' Essex Court Rolls (Bodleian), 4: 'Milencia Tegulatrix posuit fimos in communa ad nocumentum custumariorum.' Glastonbury Inquest of 1189 (Roxburghe Ser.), 141: 'A. de N. occupavit quendam mariscum per concessum Roberti abbatis et illum marliavit et coluit.' Cf. Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Ser.), 8: 'Dicunt eciam quod emendatum est manerium in 50 acris marlatis per Willelmum Thesaurarium ad summam 10 solidorum.' Ib. 21.

[460] Malmesbury Cart. (Rolls Ser.), ii. 27: 'Concessimus ... Roberto filio Roberti ... illam virgatam terre quam A. de C. tenuit in campis, scilicet in uno campo 21 acras et in alio campo 21 acras.'

[461] Gloucester Cart., iii. 194: 'Robertus Abovetun tenet unam virgatam terre continentem 44 acras in utroque campo.'

[462] Ramsey Register, Cotton MSS., Galba, E. x. 27, d: 'Radulfus tenet 11 seliones in uno campo et 5 in alio de vilenagio.' Worcester Cart. (Camden Ser.), 62, a: 'Henricus clericus tenet unam virgatam, 16 acras in uno campo et 14 in alio. Item tenet aliam virgatam similiter. T.T. tenet unam virgatam, 15 acras excepto dimidio furtendello in uno campo et 11 in alio. O. le E. tenet unam virgatam 13 a. et ½ in uno campo et 12 et dimidiam in alio. T. le F. tenet unam virgatam, 16 acras in uno campo et 12 in alio.'

[463] As in Gloucester Cart., i. 246: 'Ecclesiam Omnium Sanctorum ... cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, videlicet unam virgatam terrae, undecim acras terrae in campo lucrabili.' Cf. 247.

[464] Dunstable Cart., Harleian MSS. 1885, f. 7, d: 'Postquam buttum habuimus bis seminatio fuerit et non amplius, quia omnes ceteri non excolunt ibi terram, sed at pascua reservant.'

[465] Eynsham Cart., Christ Church, Oxford, MSS., N. 27, f. 74, b: 'Placitum de Haneberge in recordo de banco de termino S^ti Trinitatis anni xliij (Edw. III) ... Est quidam hamelettus vocatus Tilgerdesle infra bundos ville de Eynesham, infra quem hamelettum tam in vastis quam in terris, pratis et pasturis eiusdem hameletti iidem Johannes Smyth et omnes alii habent communam cum omnibus averiis suis tanquam pertinens ad tenementa sua que ipsi separati tenent in Hanberge, scilicet in vasto et pastura quolibet anno per totum annum et in terris arabilibus post blada messa et asportata quousque ... resemenentur et quolibet tercio anno tempore warecti per totum annum eo quod omnes terrae arabiles infra dictum hamelettum per duos annos continuos debent seminari et tercio anno warectari, et in pratis post fenum levatum et asportatum usque ad festum purificacionis beate Marie.... Et dicunt quod diversis vicibus quibus predictus Abbas nunc queritur etc. diuerse parcelle terrarum arabilium in hameletto predicto que tunc temporis warectare debuissent per predictum abbatem et alios seminate fuerunt per quod ipsi tam in parcellis illis sic seminatis que tunc temporis warectare debuerunt quam in aliis vastis, pratis et pascuis hameletti predicti in communa sua cum aueriis suis prout eis bene licuerit usi fuerunt ... Et predictus abbas non cognoscit quod terre arabiles infra hamelettum predictum quolibet tercio anno debent warectari, immo protestando quod eedem terre per tres annos continuos debent seminari et quarto anno warectari.' The case is a rather complicated one, because the persons claiming common are not tenants of the Abbot but of the King. Still, their pretensions are grounded on the customary order of farming in a hamlet belonging to the manor of Eynsham, and this is the point which concerns us. Cf. Coram Rege, Pascha, 25 Henry III: 'Abbas ... partitus fuit terras suas in tres partes quae antea partitae fuerunt in duas partes.' See also Placit. Abbrev. 153. The case is quoted by Scrutton, Common Fields, 57.

[466] Some of these expressions are interesting. Balk is the O.N. bȧlkr; gora is the spear-head or its long triangular shape, O.E. gȧr, O.N. geírr. These linguistic affinities have been pointed out to me by Mr. F. York Powell.

[467] Alvingham Priory Cart., Laud MSS. 642 (Bodleian), f. 12. Cf. Malmesbury Cart. ii. 294; Madox, History of the Exchequer, 258.

[468] Eynsham Cart., 5, a: 'I.I. virgatarius ... Idem tenet unam selionem terre apud Blakelond non mensuratam.'

[469] Domesday of St. Paul's, 11: 'Laurencius de hospitale dimidiam virgatam pro 40 denariis; tres acre quas tenuit Laurencius sine servicio inveniri non possunt.'

[470] Dunstable Priory Cart., Harleian MSS. 1885, f. 7, d. See Appendix xiii.

[471] Elton, English Historical Review, i. 435.

[472] The expressions are not identical, but they ought both to correspond to the ploughteam.

[473] As to all this, see Seebohm, Village Community.

[474] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Ser.), 144. v. Hide, virgate.

[475] Eynsham Cart., 4, a.

[476] Domesday of St. Paul's: 'Manerium istud secundum dictum juratorum continet octo hidas, et hida continet sexcies viginti acras, set antiqua inquisicio dixit, quod non consuevit continere nisi quater viginti, quia postmodum exquisite sunt terre et mensuratae.'

[477] Inqu. post mort. 30 Henry III, N. 36: 'Extensio de terris Roberti de Sancto Georgio (in com. Lincoln.) ... tenuit in capite de domino Rege 20 bovatas terre et dimidiam pro servicio sexte partis unius feodi militis.... Et Robertus de Drayton tenet 2 bovatas et quartam partem unius bovate terre de dicto Roberto per forinsecum servicium tantum, unde 16 carucate terre faciunt feodum militis.'

[478] Rot. Hundred. ii. 631, b: '... et ad dictam villam pertinent sex hide quarum quelibet continet 6 virgatas terre et quelibet virgata continet 30 acras.' Ramsey Survey, Galba, E. x. 41: 'In una hydarum istarum ... septem virgatae 4 acris minus.' Eynsham Cart., 21, a: 'Et abbas habet in eodem manerio 4 carucatas terre et continent 16 virgatas terre in dominico et in villenagio 16 virgatas terre.'

[479] Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Ser.), i. 55, 284, 295, 309, 333, 373, 380; Ely Inqu., Claudius, xi. 82, 95, 97, 121, 129, 186; Gloucester Cart., iii. 128, 142, 145, 196; Coram Rege, Hill. 3 Edw. I, 17, b; Eynsham Cart., 11, a; 88, a; Rot. Hundr., ii. 605, b.

[480] Chapter-house Boxes, A. 4/22, m. 31-33.

[481] Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Ser.), i. 354: 'Aliquando 48 acre faciunt virgatam et aliquando pauciores.'

[482] Rot. Hundr., ii. 628, b.

[483] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Ser.), 134: '... R. de W. unam virgatam pro 4 solidis pro omni servicio quia terra parva est.'

[484] Ibid., 113: 'Super hanc virgatam terre fuerunt olim 2 domus et pro duabus virgatis computata fuit terra illa, sed quia non potuerant 2 homines ibi vivere, redacte ille 2 virgate ad unam, et sicut audierant dicere 7 solidi reddebantur, sed nunquam hoc viderunt et facit idem servitium quod alii faciunt virgarii.'

[485] O.C. Pell in the Transactions of the Cambridge Archaeological Society, vi. 17 sqq., 63 sqq.

[486] Ely Inqu., Claudius, C xi. 30, a.

[487] Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, B^le 62, N. 750; 3, b. Burton Cartulary, Transactions of the Staffordshire William Salt Society, pp. 22, 28.

[488] Ely Inqu., 31, b.

[489] Burton Cart. (William Salt Ser.), 22, 28. Compare Peoples, Ranks and Laws, cap. 3 (Schmid, p. 388).

[490] Peterborough Cart., Cotton MSS., Faustina, B. iii. 97: 'Libera wara est unus redditus et est talis condicionis quod si non solvatur ... dupplicabitur in crastino et sic in dies.'

[491] Beaulieu Cart., 103: 'Et inveniet hominem ad gurgitem faciendum et waram.'

[492] Rot. Hundr., ii. 323: 'Tenementum quod non est hidatum nec feodatum.'

[493] Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Ser.), i. 401: 'Terrae de Hulmo non sunt distinctae per hydas vel per virgatas.' 413: 'Nescitur quot virgatae faciunt hidam, nec quot acrae faciunt virgatam.' Cf. 405. Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Ser.), 5: '... Nescit quantum amuntat in hida.'

[494] Ramsey Cart. i. 441: 'Terrae quae sunt extra hydam et quae non dant hydagium.' 355: 'Virgatam extra hydam firmarius appropriavit.' 324: 'Ponere extra hydam.'

[495] Ibid. 473: 'Villata defendit, etc. versus Regem pro 10 hydis et versus abbatem pro 11 hydis et dimidia.'

[496] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. 38, b: 'Plena terra que facit 12 acras de ware.'

[497] St. Alban's Formulary, Cambridge Univ., E. e. iv. 20; f. 165, a: 'Item dicunt quod quando predictus Robertus fuerit mortuus quod dominus habebit melius animal suum pro herieto et carettam suam ferro ligatam, omnes pullos suos, omnes porculos suos, omnes pannos suos laneos, omnia vasa sua argentea, aenea et ferrea. Et quod filius suus postnatus habebit terram quam pater suus tenuit et dabit pro ingressu habendo tantum quantum unus alius extraneus et faciet eadem seruilia (sic) que et pater suus fecit.' Ramsey Cart., i. 372: 'Erit dicta terra post mortem patris vel matris gersummata filio juniori vel propinquiori de sanguine secundum consuetudinem ville.'

[498] Duchy of Lancaster, B^le 62, N. 750, m. 2: 'Siwardus cepit unam hidam cum dimidia virgata terre et illam tenuit usque ad obitum uxoris sue; postea venit idem Siwardus et rogauit Hugonem fratrem suum ut auderet remanere in terra patris sui prenominati, quia fuit sine terra. Et idem Hugo sibi concessit, saluo iure suo. Item Siwardus cepit uxorem ... de qua habuit Robertum, Radulfum et Gunnildam. Post obitum dicti Siwardi venit Rogerus qui fuit filius Hugonis et exigebat terram prenominatam et per consideracionem curie fuit seisitus in predicta terra, set quia uxor dicti Siwardi pauper fuit, consideratum sibi fuit ut haberet iv acras de predicta terra, quantum sibi custodiret. Postea maritata fuit et revertebant predicte acre terre dicto Rogero ut de jure suo pertinentes ad dictam virgatam terre.' Cf Q.R. Misc. 902/77.

[499] Black Book of St. Augustine's, Cotton MSS., Faustina, A. i. 15, a: 'In Taneto sunt 45 sullung 150 acre reddentes gablum denariorum. In festo S^ti Martini videlicet de unoquoque sullung reddunt de Gabulo 2 solidos 2 denarios, summa quorum facit 25 libras 105 solidos 10 denarios obolum. Ipsi qui tenent predictos sullung reddunt in equinoctio autumpnae de unoquoque sullung pro horsarer 16 den. et de 150 acris 12 den. Ipsi idem arant pro anererthe in purificacione de unoquoque sullung unam acram et 150 acris 3 virgatas. Ipsi idem reddunt in festo S^ti Johannis de unoquoque sullung 2 agnos separabiles et de 150 acris 1 agnum et valenciam dimidii agni. Ipsi idem reddunt in natali de unoquoque sullung unum ferendel ordei,' etc.

[500] Ibid. 60; Suolinga de Ores: 'Heredes Salomonis de Ores tenent 8 acras ... Heredes Willelmi de Ores tenent 12 acras ... Jacobus tenet 3 acras et dimidiam perchatam ... Thomas filius G. de Hores tenet 2 acras ... Ricardus et Salomon filius Augustini ... et Willelmus filius Ricardi tenent 2 acras et dimidiam,' etc.

[501] Augment. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 96, a: 'Johannes Bairot heredes Hamoni Daniel, heredes Johannis hugheleyn, heredes Roberti atte mede, heredes Walteri et Willelmi Ram et Gilbertus le Rome tenent unum jugum et dimidium de Cukulycumbe.'

[502] Domesday of St Paul's, 38 sqq. Comp. Ramsey Cart., i. 413.

[503] Gloucester Cart., iii. 213: 'Robertus Altegreue, Willelmus Godere, Johannes Abraham, Isabella relicta Lucae tenent unam virgatam, scilicet quilibet eorum unum quarterium et faciunt conjunctim in omnibus sicut unus virgatarius.' Comp. 59 201. Hereford Court Rolls (Bodleian), 3, b: 'T. Hake, Ricardus de Poluchulle et Muriel filius Galfridi pyoner tenent unam dimidiam virgatam terre consuetudinarie.'

[504] Bury St. Edmund's Cart., Cambridge University, G. g. iv. 4. f. 35, a: 'Johannes Knop tenet cotagium et contribuit heredi qui tenet maiorem partem tenementorum.'

[505] Inqu. post mort. 55 Henry III, N. 33: 'Redditarii qui vocantur selfoders.'

[506] Exch. Q.R. Anc. Misc. Court Rolls, xxi. 513. 82: 'Dicunt quod aliquis habens virgatam terre et vendiderit omnes partes excepto capitati domo et loco focarii, tenentes locum focarii erunt sectatores curie et alteri non. Similiter de tenentibus dimidiam virgatam et codsetlestoftes: semper tenentes locum focarii colligent firmam et erunt liberi de pannagio et de aliis tallagiis et alteri tenentes partes erunt geldabiles.' (Curia de Brigstock tenta die veneris proxima ante festum Sancti Andree Apostoli anno [r. r. Edw. xxvij]).

[507] See Hanauer, Les paysans de l'Alsace au Moyen Age.

[508] Domesday of St. Paul's, xv. 7; Gloucester Cartulary, iii. 55, 61; Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6759, f. 21, b.

[509] Battle Cart. Augm. Off. Books, N. 18, f. 7, a: 'Aratra uertuntur in terram domini.' Ely Inqu., Claudius, C. xi. 38 b, 86 b, etc.

[510] Ely Inqu., 72 b; comp. 24, b; Gloucester Cart., iii. 183.

[511] Eynsham Reg., 6, b: 'Robertus Tony tenet de domino unam virgatam terre in bondagium ... Idem semel arabit cum vicino adiuncto.' Ramsey Cart., i. 56. Comp. Q.R. Min. Acc., B^le 513, N. 97: 'Estimatur quod communiter tres custumarii possunt facere unam carucam (tenent 20 acras).'

[512] Rot. Hundr., ii. 461, b: 'Robertus de Tony habet in villenagio scil. Reginaldum Toni qui tenet 5 acras ... Item si ipse habeat cum uno vel cum duobus sociis unam carucam, arabit unam selionem terre domini.' Comp. 462, a. Add. MSS. 6159, f. 22, b: 'W.J. tenet de domino in villenagio unum mesuagium et 10 acras terre.... Et arabit cum caruca sua sive jungat sive non 4 acras.'

[513] Black Book of St. Augustine's, 53.

[514] Domesday of St. Paul's, 58.

[515] Augm. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 65, b. See Cartulary of Battle Abbey (Camd. Soc.), p. 133.

[516] Ely Inqu., 185, a: '... tenent dimidium tenmanland, scilicet 60 acras terre ... Al. et M. et eorum participes tenent unum tenmanland, scilicet 120 acras terre.' The expression may be corrupted from tunmanland, or else it may be a mark of a beginning of cultivation in Danish times.

[517] Chapter-house Books, A. 4/22, p. 21: 'Custumarii tenent 22 virgatas quas vocant wistas.'

[518] Battle Abbey Cart., Augment. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 27, a; comp. 15, b.

[519] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Ser.), 66, 90.

[520] Worcester Cart., 41, b.

[521] Glastonbury Inqu., 67, 70; Rot. Hundr., ii. 404, b.

[522] Gloucester Cart., iii. 207.

[523] Abingdon Cart., ii. 304: 'In dominio camerae sunt 4 hidae uno cotsettel minus.'

[524] Glastonbury Inqu., 41: 'Robertus blundus tenet dimidiam virgatam eodem servicio. Hec terra solet esse divisa in duo cotsetlanda, set in tempore werre deciderunt, eo ex his duabus terris facta fuit dimidia virgata. Si esset divisa utilius esset domino.'

[525] Domesday of St. Paul's, 19; Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Ser.), i. 309.

[526] Gloucester Cart., iii. 61.

[527] Black Book of St. Augustine's, 57.

[528] Ibid.

[529] Domesday of St. Paul's, 49.

[530] Gloucester Cart., ii. 109.

[531] Exch. Q.R. Anc. Misc., xxi. 513/82 (Curia de Brigstock, Friday after Annunciation, 27 Edw. I): 'Ille due dimidie rode prati ... pertinent ad Hakermannislond, et nemo potest habere seysinam predictarum sine breui Domini Regis.'

[532] Glastonbury Inqu., 2: 'In marisco 110 acras terrae et quoddam molendinum, et octo deneratas terrae secus molendinum.'

[533] Madox, Exch., i. 155, n. 257: 'Duodecim tamen nummatas quas Ordurcus tenuit ... usque ad 10 annos debemus tenere, singulis annis reddentes ei 12 denarios ad festum S^ti Michaelis.'

[534] Eynsham Cart. 2, c: 'Est quoddam pratum nuncupatum Clayhurste et continet de prato et pastura 35 acras dimidiam rodam 13 perticas. Est ibidem ex parte australi una pecia prati et pasture et continet 10 acras et 7 perticas et nuncupatur twelueacres que annuatim diuiditur in 12 parcellas per virgam equales, unde dominus habet uno anno i, iii, v, vii, ix et xi, heredes le Freman et Walterus le Reue eodem anno habent parcellas ii, iv, vi, viii, x et xii. Alio anno habet dominus parcellas quas tenentes habuerunt et tenentes parcellas domini. Et sic annuatim habet dominus quinque acras, tres perticas et dimidiam perticam.' Cf. 23, c: 'Memorandum quod in prato de Landemede sunt sex parcelle bundate quarum prima parcella nuncupata Stubbefurlong continet 4 acras et dimidiam rodam et est domini anno incarnacionis Domini impari et tenencium anno incarnacionis Domini pari. Quandovero est tenencium, diuiditur per sortem.'

[535] A very good instance is supplied by Williams, Rights of Common, 89, 90. Cf. Birkbeck, Sketch of the Distribution of Land in England, 19.

[536] Gloucester Cart. iii. 67 (Extenta de Berthona Regis): 'De pastura separabili dicunt quod Rex habet quandam moram quae continet 4½ acras et valet 4 solidos et potest sustinere 12 boves per nouem menses. Item de pastura inseparabili dicunt quod Abbas Gloucestriae debet invenire pasturam ad 18 boves domini Regis, et ad 2 vaccas, et 2 afros, a vigilia Pentecostes quousque prata sint falcata, levata et cariata.' Exch. Q.R. Treas. of Rec. 59/69: 'item dicunt quod sunt ibi de pastura separabili 50 acrae et valet acra 3 d.'

[537] Eynsham Cart. 3, b: 'Dicunt eciam quod omnia prata pasture domini et omnes culture non seminate et [que] deberent seminari sunt separalia per tempus predictum.' 10, b: 'Et sunt dicte pasture separales quousque blada circumcrescentia asportentur.' A curious case is the following; ibid., 3, b: 'Dicunt eciam quod dominus tenetur pratum suum de Langenhurst custodire nec potest attachiare malefactores in eodem a solis ortu usque ad occasum, aliis temporibus ... licet, et est separale a festo annunciacionis beate Marie usque gulam Augusti.'

[538] Domesday of St. Paul's, 69: 'Non est ibi certa pastura nisi quando terre dominice quiescunt alternatim inculte.' Cf. 59: 'Non est ibi pastura nisi cum quiescit dominicum per wainnagium ... possunt ibi esse 4 sues cum uno verre et suis fetibus et 4 vacce cum suis fetibus si quiescunt pasture dominice alternatim.' Rot. Hundr. ii. 768, b: 'Item porci eius et aliorum vicinorum suorum pascent in campis dominicis extra tassum dum bladum domini stat in campis, et post bladum domini cariatum ibunt in campis per totum et omnes alie bestie ejus et aliorum vicinorum suorum pascent per totum in stipulo domini sine imparcamento.'

[539] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. 1 (Bodleian), f. 182, b. Cf. f. 239, 240: 'Memorandum anni 1243 de amensuratione pasture ... dicunt precise quod ad quamlibet hidatam terre in eadem villa pertinent 16 boues ad terram excolendam, 4 vacce, 4 averia, 50 bidentes et 6 porci ... ad unam virgatam terre pertinent 4 boues, et 2 vacce, et 1 auerium, et 3 porci et 12 bidentes ad tantam terram colendam et sustinendam.' Leigerbook of Kirkham Priory, Yorkshire, Fairfax MSS. 7, f. 8 a: 'Amensuratio pasture de Sexendale facta anno regni regis Henrici filii regis Iohannis 36^to ... qui dicunt per sacramentum suum quod quelibet bouata terre in Sexendale potest sustinere duo grossa animalia, 30 oues cum sequela unius anni, duos porcos sine sequela et 3 aucas cum sequela dimidii anni, et non amplius.'

[540] In a case of 1233 (Note-book of Bracton, 749) it is complained,—'Cum idem Robertus non possit aliena aueria in pasturam illam recolligere, scil. hominum alterius religionis,' etc.

[541] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 174: 'Dicunt eciam quod in manerio de Billingiheie, sicut inquirere possunt, sunt 12 carucate terre tam in certa terra quam in marisco predicto, scilicet sex carucate de certa terra et sex carucate in marisco, et in Northkime sunt sex carucate terre et quatuor bouate tam in certa terra quam in marisco predicto, set nesciunt aliquam distinctionem quantum sit in certa terra et quantum in marisco nec aliquid inquirere potuerunt de metis infra mariscos illos.'

[542] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 749: 'Robertus de Spraxtona summonitus fuit ad warantizandum Abbati de Riuallibus 42 acras terre et pasturam ad 30 uaccas cum uno tauro et 48 boues et 40 oues cum pertinenciis in Sproxtona que tenet et de eo tenere clamat, et unde cartam Simonis de S. auunculi sui cuius heres ipse est habet,' etc.

[543] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 818: 'Et Saherus et Matillis per attornatos suos ueniunt et dicunt quod semper, a conquestu Anglie usque nunc communicauerunt cum eodem Roberto et antecessoribus suis in Locke, et idem Robertus et antecessores semper communicauerunt in terris ipsorum S. et M. in Gaham ... et unde dicunt quod si idem Robertus uelit se retrahere de communa quam habet in terris ipsorum, ipsi nolunt se retrahere et dicunt quod semper communicauerunt horn underhorn ... Et Robertus uenit et dicit quod nec ipse nec antecessores unquam communam habuerunt in Locke nisi post gwerram et per vim etc. scil. post gwerram motam inter regem S. et homines suos.' Spelman renders the horn unherhorn by 'horn with horn,' but the editor of Bracton's Note-book thinks, and I believe rightly, that the phrase means a common for all manner of horned beasts. Brunner has translated it by 'gemeinschaftlich—durcheinander.'

[544] Rot. Hundr. ii. 605, e: 'In dicto manerio 1 magnus boscus qui continet 300 acras in quo quidem bosco homines propinquarum villarum ut Wardeboys, Wodehirst, Woldhirst, S^ti Ivonis, Niddingworth et Halliwell communicant omnes bestias suos pascendo cum sokna de Sumersham.' Note-book of Bracton, 1194: 'Iuratores dicunt quod mora illa ampla est et magna et nesciunt aliquas divisas quantum pertinet ad unam uillam, quantum ad aliam.' In the case of forest land many villages enjoyed and still enjoy rights of intercommoning over a wide space. The case of Epping is the familiar example.

[545] Eynsham Cart. 3, b: 'Dicunt eciam quod dominus et villata de Shyfford intercommunicant cum villatis de Stanlake, Brytlamptone et Herdewyk a gula Augusti usque festum S^ti Martini, cum villatis vero de Astone Cote et Elcforde a festo S^ti Michaelis usque dictum festum S^ti Martini.'

[546] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 914: 'Et Thomas venit et dicit quod nullam communam clamat in Oure, set uerum uult dicere. Certe diuise et mete continentur inter terram Prioris de Oure et terram ipsius Thome de Merkwrthe et quamdiu placuit eidem Priori habere aesiam in terra ipsius Thome in Markwrthe habuit ipse Thomas aesiam in terra ipsius Prioris de Oure, et si Prior uult subtrahere se, ipse libenter subtrahet se.'

[547] The relation between this writ and the action 'quod reddat ei tantam pasturam' is well illustrated by a case of 1230 (Note-book of Bracton, pl. 392): 'Ricardus de Willeye et Iohanna de Willeye summoniti fuerunt ad respondendum Willelmo de Kamuilla quo iure communam pasture exigunt in terra ipsius W. in Arewe, desicut idem Willelmus nullam communam habet in terris ipsorum Ricardi et Iohanne, nec ipsi Ricardus et Johanna seruicium faciunt quare communam habere debeant,' etc.... 'Et quia Willelmus cognoscit quod habet communam quantamcumque licet paruam, consideratum est quod nichil capiat per breue istud et sit in misericordia pro falso clamore et perquirat sibi per aliud breue sicut per breue quod reddat ei tantam pasturam,' etc. One may say that the Quo Jure was an 'actio negatoria.'

[548] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 561: 'Et quia Simon non potest dedicere quin terra illa ubi communa est sit de 1 feodo et una uilla, consideratum est quod ipsa communicet cum eodem Simone in terra ipsius Simonis,' etc.

[549] Scrutton, Commons and Common Fields, 42.

[550] Page 37.

[551] Bracton, f. 223, a: 'Non debet dici communia quod quis habuerit in alieno ... cum tenementum non habeat ad quod possit communia pertinere, sed potius herbagium dici debet quam communia, cum hoc posset esse personale quid.'

[552] Bracton, f. 226, b: 'Item dicere potest quod nulla communia pertinet ad tale tenementum, quia illud fuit aliquando foresta, boscus, et locus vastae solitudinis et communia, et iam inde efficitur assartum, vel redactum est in culturam, et non debet communia pertinere ad communiam, et ubi omnes de patria solebant communicare.'

[553] Bracton, f. 229, a: 'Hoc non erit intelligendum quod omni tempore, nisi tantum temporibus competentibus, scilicet post blada asportata et fena levata, vel quando tenementum iacet incultum et ad waractum.'

[554] Bracton, f. 228, b: 'Item eodem modo si ita feoffatus fuerit quis, sine expressione numeri vel generis, sed ita, cum pastura quantum pertinet ad tantum tenementum in eadem villa, talem ligat constitutio sicut prius cum expressione: quia cum constet de quantitate tenementi, de facili perpendi poterit de numero aueriorum, et etiam de genere, secundum consuetudinem locorum.'

[555] Scrutton, 55.

[556] Cartulary of Christ Church, Harl. MSS. 1006, p. 3: 'Prior et conventus est capitalis dominus commune pasture de B.'

[557] Ely Cart., Cotton MSS. Claudius, xi, f. iii, a: 'In L. debet villata communicare cum suis averiis propriis cum domino Episcopo. Et si dominus voluerit, ibidem possunt habere extranei bestias pro denariis. Set inde habebunt liberi homines de W. quemlibet septimum denarium preter decimum.'

[558] Registrum cellararii of Bury St. Edmunds, Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 31, b: 'Et notandum quod inquisitio super calumpnia Egidii de Neketona clamantis quod abbas non haberet communam infra precinctum villate de Bertone scribitur in forma (tali),' etc.

[559] Cart. of Christ Church, Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 21, b: 'Sciendum quod dominus potest habere in communia pasture de bosco cum aisiamento friscorum et dominicorum domini tempore apto e bidentes per maius centum.'

[560] Bracton, f. 228, b: 'Inprimis videndum est qualiter constitutio illa sit intelligenda, ne male intellecta trahat utentes ad abusum ... non omnes nec in omnibus per constitutionem restringuntur, et ideo videndum erit utrum feoffati fuerint large, scilicet per totum, et ubique, et in omnibus locis, et ad omnia averia et sine numero ... tales non ligat constitutio memorata, quia feoffamentum non tollit licet tollat abusum.'

[561] Note-book of Bracton, 1975.

[562] Note-book of Bracton, 1881. The marginal note runs: 'Nota quod nichil includi poterit de forestis et moris licet minimum quid et quamuis quaerens extra clausum habere possit ad sufficientiam.' And a little higher the decision is marked as 'contra constitutionem de Merton.'

[563] See Scrutton, 63, 64.

[564] Bracton, f. 227, b: 'Quia multi sunt magnates qui feoffauerunt milites et libere tenentes suos in maneriis suis de paruis tenementis, et qui impediti sunt per eosdem quod commodum suum facere non possunt de residuo maneriorum suorum.' Reference may also be made to a note on a Plea Roll of 1221 (printed in L.Q.R. iv. 230), which shows that some years before the statute the magnates complained that they were prevented from assarting their pasture land by the claims of virgaters.

[565] This is directly stated by Bracton, f. 228, b; vide supra.

[566] Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Addit. MSS. 6159, f. 52, b: 'Pastura ... de herbagiis cuiusdam vie inter curiam et ecclesiam de Pritelwelle.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 1: 'Nulla est ibi pastura nisi in boscis et viis.'

[567] Rot. Hundr. 613, b: 'Et omnes libere tenentes ... communicant in bosco de A. cum omnibus bestiis suis libere per totum annum.'

[568] Eynsham Cart. 10, b: 'Est ibidem unus boscus ... cuius valor non appreciatur pro eo quod minister regis non permittit includi si fiat copicium, sufficiens tamen est pro housebote et heybote.' Gloucester Cart. iii. 67: 'De boscis dicunt quod rex habet quandam costeram bosci de fago juvene quae continet ad aestimationem 30 acras, unde rex poterit approbare per annum dimidiam marcam, scilicet in subbosco et virgis ad clausturam, et meremium ad carucas et alia facienda sine destructione, et ille boscus est communis omnibus vicinis in herbagio.'

[569] Cart. of Christ Church, Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 28, b: 'Boscus ibi est cuius medietas est ecclesie et medietatem clamant tenentes illius denne, ut si dominus arborem unam accipiat, ipsi aliam accipient.'

[570] Worcester Cart. (Camden Ser.), 62, b: 'Quaelibet virgata tenet 3 feorthendels de Bruera, et dimidia virgata 1 feorthendel et dimidium.'

[571] For instance, Madox, Exch. 1, 27, n. 47: 'Habebunt turbas sufficientes in predicta mora ad focalium fratrum ... secundum quantitatem terrarum suarum in eadem villa.'

[572] A very remarkable instance of the way in which rights of common were divided and arranged between lords and villains is afforded by the Court Rolls of Brightwaltham. Maitland, Manorial Rolls, Selden Soc. ii. 172. I shall have to discuss the case in the Fifth Chapter of this Essay.

[573] Domesday of St. Paul's, 93: 'Potest wainnagium fieri cum 12 bobus et quatuor stottis cum consuetudinibus ville.' 75: 'Item (juratores) dicunt quod potest fieri wainnagium totius dominici cum 2 carucis bonis habentibus 20 capita in jugo et 2 herciatoribus cum consuetudinibus operariorum.'

[574] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 44, a: '(Leyesdon) ... debet quelibet caruca coniuncta arrare unam acram et habebunt 3 denarios pro acra et quadrantem.'

[575] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189 (Roxburghe Ser.), 64: '(Virgatarius) a festo S^ti Michaelis qualibet ebdomada arat unam acram donec tota terra domini sit culta.'

[576] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, c. xi. f. 185: 'Unusquisque arabit per tres dies, si habeat sex boves; per duos, si habeat quatuor boves; per unum, si habeat duos boves; per dimidium, si habeat unum bovem.'

[577] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 53, a: 'Item debent predicte 22 virgate terre arrare ad frumentum, ad auenam et ad warectum 113 acras et valent 56 solidos 6 denarios.'

[578] Gloucester Cart. iii. 92: 'Et quicquid araverit debet herciare tempore seminis. Et faciet unam hersuram que vocatur landegginge et valet 1 den.' iii. 194: 'Et debet herciare quotidie si necesse fuerit quousque semen domini seminetur, et allocabitur ei pro operacione manuali, et valet ultra obolum. Et quia non est numerus certus de diebus herciandis, aestimant juratores 40 dies.'

[579] Ramsey Cart. i. 345: 'Qualibet autem septimana, a festo S^ti Michaelis usque ad tempus sarclationis tribus diebus operatur, quodcunque opus sibi fuerit injunctum; et quarto die arabit unum sellionem, sive jungatur cum alio, sive non.'

[580] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 64: 'A die circumcisionis similiter, excepta ebdomada Pasche, si possit per gelu, et si gelu durat per 12 dies, quietus debet esse. Si amplius durat, restituet araturam.'

[581] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 49, b: 'Idem tenentes de predictis 22 et dimidia (terris) debent arrare ad seysonam frumenti 45 acras de gable et de qualibet terra 2 acras.' 35, b: 'Gauilherth: Willelmus de Bergate debet arrare dimidiam acram; Nicholaus de Jonebrigge et socii ejus unam virgam; heredes Johannis 8 pedes; Ricardus Cutte 8 pedes ... Summa acrarum 25 acre 1 pes. Hec debent arrare et seminare.'

[582] Rot Hundred, ii. 768, b: 'Item si habeat carucam integram vel cum sociis conjunctam, illa caruca arabit domino 2 acras terre ad yvernagium et herciabit quantum illa caruca araverit in die, et istud servicium appellatur Greserthe, pro quo servicio ipse W. et omnes alii consuetudinarii habebunt pasturas dominicas ad diem (sic. corr. a die) ad Vincula S^ti Petri usque ad festum beate Marie in Marcio et prata dominica postquam fenum fuerit cariatum.'

[583] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. 1, f. 44, b: 'Tenens dimidiam hidam habet 4 animalia in pascius quieta, et si plus habuerit—arabit et herciabit pro unoquoque dimidiam acram.'

[584] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 26, b: 'De qualibet caruca arant unam acram de averherde; et si per negligenciam alicujus remanserit acra non arata, tunc mittet dominus semen quod sufficiat ad unam acram ad domum illius et oportebit illum reddere bladum ad mensuram propinque acre et habebit tum herbagium de acra assignata.' Cart. of Beaulieu, Cotton MSS. Nero, A. xii, f. 102, b: 'Et si habeat bovem vel vaccam iunctam, arabit pro quolibet virgo dimidiam acram ad festum S^ti Martini sine cibo.' Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, f. 116: 'De qualibet carruca debent arare ad seminandum 7 acras, et ad warectum 7 acras, ut boves possint ire cum bobus domini in pastura.'

[585] Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 514; T.G. 41, 173: '(Extenta manerii de Burgo) medwelond ... debent arare tantam terram quantum habent de prato.'

[586] Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 513, 97: 'Beinerth: 12 custumarii arabunt 6 acras terre ad semen yemale. Grasherthe: 12 arabunt cum quanto iungunt per unum diem ad semen yemale.' Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi. f. 30, a: 'Arabit de beneerthe si habeat carucam integram 3 rodas, et si iungat cum aliis ipse et ille cum quo iungit assidue arabunt 3 rodas.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 26: 'Et ad precariam carucarum arabit unam rodam scil. quartam partem acre sine cibo.' Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 98: 'R. de Wttone tenet dimidiam hidam pro una marca et debet habere ad preces per annum 12 homines et bis arare ad preces.'

[587] Gloucester Cart. iii. 115: 'Johannes Barefoth tenet dimidiam virgatam terre continentem 24 acras ... et debet arare qualibet secunda septimana a festo S^ti Michaelis usque ad festum Beati Petri ad Vincula uno die ... Et praeterea debet quater arare in terra domini, et vocantur ille arurae unlawenherþe.' Black Book of St Augustine's, Cotton MSS. Faustina, A. i. f. 44: '... arare 18 acras ad frumentum de godlesebene.'

[588] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi, f. 45, a: 'Preterea idem arabit de Lentenerþe dimidiam acram.'

[589] Ibid., 30, b: 'Item iste cum quanto iungit arabit de filstnerthe eodem tempore (ante Natale) per unum diem ... Item arabit in quadragesima tres acras et 3 rodas et araturam de filsingerhe (sic). Item arabit in estate 3 acras et de beneerthe 3 rodas ut in hyeme, set nihil arabit de filsingerþe.'

[590] Ibid., 35, a: 'Item per idem tempus arabit (ante Natale) dimidiam acram pro fastningsede sine cibo et opere si habeat carucam integram. Et si iungat cum aliis, tunc iste et socenarii sui cum quibus iunget arabunt tantum et non amplius.'

[591] Custumal of Bleadon, 189.

[592] Gloucester Cart. ii. 134: 'Et facit unam aruram que vocatur peniherþe et valet tres denarii, quia recipiet de bursa domini quartum denarium.' Cf. ii. 162: 'Et praeterea faciet unam aruram que vocatur yove (yoke?), scil. arabit dimidiam acram, et recipiet de bursa domini unum denarium obolum, et valet ultra unum denarium obolum.'

[593] Gloucester Cart. iii. 80: '(Dimidius virgatarius) debet unam aruram que vocatur radaker, scil. arare unam acram ad semen yemale, et triturare semen ad eamdem acram, scil. duos bussellos frumenti.' On iii. 79 we have another reading for the same thing: 'Et arabit unam acram quae vocatur Eadacre et [debet] triturare semen ad eamdem acram, et valet arura cum trituracione seminis 4 denarios.' What is the right term?—Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi. f. 133, a: 'Et arabit qualibet die a festo S^ti Michaelis usque ad gulam Augusti dimidiam rodam, que faciunt per totum quinque acras.... Et praeterea arabit unam rodam de Rytnesse.'

[594] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 53, b: 'Item tota villata de Bocayng debet falcare 12 acras prati et dimidiam, et valet 4 solidos.'

[595] Domesday of St. Paul's, 47: 'Et preter hec unaquaque domus hide debet metere 3 dimidias acras avene et colligere unum sellionem fabarum.'

[596] Gloucester Cart. iii. 84, 85: 'Ricardus Bissop tenet unum messuagium et 10 acras terre ... (operabitur) in messe domini cum 24 hominibus.'

[597] Eynsham Cart. 88, b: 'Idem metet dimidiam acram bladi domini sine cibo domini et valet opus 4 denarios et vocatur la bene. Idem faciet cum uno homine beripam sine cibo domini et vocatur mederipe, et valet opus 4 den.... Idem veniet ad magnam bederipam domini ad cibum domini cum omnibus famulis suis et ipse supervidebit operari in propria persona sua. Quod si famulos non habuerit, tunc operabitur in propria (persona).'

[598] Ramsey Cart. i. 488: 'Quaelibet domus habens ostium apertum versus vicum tam de malmannis quam de cotmannis et operariis inveniet unum hominem ad louebone.'

[599] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi. f. 38, b: 'Ad precariam ceruisie inveniet omnem familiam preter uxorem domus et filiam maritabilem.... Quod si voluerint metere propria blada metent in suis croftis et non alibi.'

[600] Domesday of St. Paul's, 75, 76: 'Et falcare dimidiam acram sumptibus suis et postmodum falcare cum tota villata pratum domini ita quod totum sit falcatum, et qualibet falx habebit unum panem ... et ad siccas precarias in autumpno inveniet unum hominem, et ad precarios ceruisie veniet cum quot hominibus habuerit ad cibum domini.' Cf. 61.

[601] Cart. of Battle, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 36, a: 'Quilibet virgarius ... debet invenire ad quemlibet precarium autumpnalem ad metendum 2 homines et habebunt singuli singulos panes ponderis 18 librarum cere et duo unum ferchulum carnis precii unius denarii, si sit dies carnis et potagium ad primum precarium. Ad secundum uero erit panis medietas de frumento et medietas ordei et cetera alia ut supra. Ad terciam precariam erit panis totus de frumento et cetera ut prenotatur. Ad quartam precariam quod vocatur hungerbedrip quilibet de tenentibus domini preter Henricum de Chaus inveniet unum hominem ad metendum et habebunt semel in die cibum, scil. panem et potum et unum ferculum secundum quod serviens illius loci providere placuerit, et caseum.'

[602] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi. 166, b: 'Metet dimidiam acram que vocatur þanc alfaker.' The name may possibly mean, that the peasant earned the gratitude of the lord by ploughing the half-acre. This construction would be supported by other instances of 'sentimental' terminology. Cf. Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Q.R. Misc. Books, N. 18, f. 94, b: 'Love-bene.' Cartul. of Okeburn, Al. Prior. 2/2, 17: 'Post precarias consuetudinarias debet de gratia, ut dicitur, quocienscumque precatus fuerit, (operare) per unum hominem.' Roch. Custum., ed. Thorp, 10, b: 'Et pro prato de Dodecote falcando, pro amore, non pro debito, habebunt unum multonem et unum caseum de 4 d.'

[603] Gloucester Cart. i. 110: 'Idem Thomas cum virga sua debet interesse operationibus quo ad metebederipas.'

[604] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 91: 'Editha tenet unam mesuagium et unam croftam pro 6 d. et fert aquam falcatoribus.'

[605] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 53, a: 'Item sunt in dicto manerio 22 virgate et debent invenire in proxima septimana post festum S^ti Michaeli, per unum diem a mane usque ad horam meridianam 44 carecta, ad fima domini cariandum.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 62: 'Quod si boves non habuerit vel alia animalia ad arandum faciet aliud opus quod jussum fuerit et educet 10 plaustra de fimo post Pascha et habebit dignerium de domino et infra hundredum portabit unum plaustrum vel duas carectatas.'

[606] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius C. xi. 38, b: 'Averagium secundum turnum vicinorum suorum curtum et longum.'

[607] Domesday of St. Paul's, 55: 'Rogerus dives ... cum villata ad firmam portandam Londinium facit quantum requiritur de 20 acris.' Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, f. 97: 'Quater faciet summagium apud Bristolliam.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 47: 'Preterea debet hida portare 4 summagia et dimidiam per totum ab horreo domini usque ad navem ter in anno divisim.'

[608] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 28, a: 'Item de predictis cotariis unusquisque habet unum horsacram et de ista acra debet unusquisque invenire unum equum ad ducendum cum aliis frumentum de firma ad Cantuariam, et pisas, et sal, et presencia portare.'

[609] Black Book of St. Augustine's, Cotton MSS. Faustina, A. 1, f. 186: 'Nihil debent averare ad tunc, nisi res que sunt ad opus conventus et que poni debent super ignem.'

[610] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, f. 65: 'W. Sp. tenet unum fordil pro 15 den. et operatur quolibet die lune per totum annum et (debet) ladiare cum alio ferdilario sicut dimidii virgatarii.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 19: 'Omnes isti (cotarii) debent operari semel ... Debent eciam portare et chariare.'

[611] Rot. Hundr. ii. 605, b: 'Et faciet averagium super dorsum suum ad voluntatem domini.'

[612] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, f. 71: 'Portat et fugat aucas, et gallinas, et porcos Glastonie.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 27: '(Cotarii) isti debent singulis diebus Lune unam operacionem et portare et fugare porcos Londoniam.'

[613] Gloucester Cart. iii. 218: 'Item, quod nullus prepositus aliquid ab aliquo recipiat, ut ipsum ad firmam esse permittat vel ad levem ponat operationem mutando cariagia summagia debita in operibus manualibus.'

[614] See, for instance, Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, pp. 22, 29; Gloucester Cart. iii. 17; Domesday of St. Paul's, 54.

[615] Cart. of Bury St. Edmunds, Harl. MSS. 3977, f. 82: '(Debet) metere pro porcis quilibet dimidiam acram siliginis.'

[616] Black Book of St. Augustine's, Cotton MSS. Faustina, A. 1, f. 44: 'Aratum hominum de N.' Cartul. of Battle, Augm. Off. Miscell. Books, N. 18, f. 2, a: 'Forinseca servicia ... arant ... seminant.'

[617] Domesday of St. Paul's, 38: '... et furem captum in curia custodiet et iudicatum suspendet et sparget fimum ad cibum domini.' Ibid. 62: 'G.G. tenet 5 acras ... (debet) qualibet septimana 2 opera et sequitur precarias in autumpno ... R.H. 5 acras per idem servicium et preterea defendit eas versus regem.'

[618] Gloucester Cart. iii. 54: 'Debet a festo S^ti Michaelis usque ad festum S^ti Petri ad Vincula qualibet septimana per 4 dies operari opus manuale cum uno homine, et valet quolibet dieta obolum.' Glastonbury Inqu. 28: 'Si est ad opus a festo S^ti Petri ad Vincula usque ad festum S^ti Michaelis nisi festum intercurrat qualibet die faciet unam dainam.'

[619] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 25, a; 53, b.

[620] Domesday of St. Paul's, 33: 'Singule virgate debent per annum ... de gavelsed 3 mensuras quarum 7 faciunt mensuram de Colcester.' Black Book of St. Augustine's, Cotton MSS., Faustina, A. i, 31, d: 'Sunt praeterea 5 sullungi et 50 acre in eadem hamiletto qui debent bladum de gabulo.'

[621] Domesday of St. Paul's, 6: 'Et unum quarterium de auena ad foddercorn.'

[622] Add. MSS. 6159, 26, b: 'Et de gadercorn reddunt de quolibet swlinge 4 coppas de puro ordeo et de presenti gallum et gallinam de qualibet domo ... quas serviens curie debet circumeundo querere.'

[623] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. 185, b; Bury St. Edmunds Cart., Harl. MSS. 3977, f. 84, b.

[624] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 67 (cf. 145): 'Henricus Wlde tenet 25 acras de prato pro stacha mellis. Utilius quod esset in manu domini.' Gloucester Cart. ii. 128: 'Honilond T.T. tenet 6 acras terre pro 8 lagenis mellis vel pretio.'

[625] Ramsey Cart. i. 300: 'Faciet etiam unam mutam (leg. mittam) et dimidiam braesii, quam recipiet in curia pro voluntate sua bene mundatam, et per se ipsum, et illam carriabit apud Rameseiam. Quae si refutetur, defectum ejus propriis sumptibus in omnibus supplebit, nisi mensura sibi tradita sit minor.'

[626] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 26, b: 'De quolibet Swlinge duos agnos reddunt in estate. Ita quidem quod serviens curie, si invenerit agnum in sulungis illis qui ei placuerit, accipiat eum cuiuscumque sit, et ille ad quem pertinebit adquietacionem. Quod si agnus inventus non fuerit 8 den. dabit quando mala persolvat.'

[627] Gloucester Cart. iii. 77: 'Walterus Fremon tenet 6 acras terrae cum mesuagio et reddit inde per annum die Apostolorum Petri et Pauli unum multonem pretii 12 den. vel ultra, cum 12 den. circa collum suum ligatis.'

[628] Exch. Q.R. Treas. of Rec. 59 69: 'Capones ... pro warentia.'

[629] Gloucester Cart. iii. 71: 'Propter illam gallinam conquererunt habere de bosco domini regis unam summam bosci, quae vocatur dayesen.' Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 513, N. 97: 'Wodehennus ... ad Natale.' Suffolk Rolls (Bodleian), 3: 'Dicet curia quod R. debet facere domino sicut alii custumarii, scil. oues et gallinas, quia fodit etsi non pascat.' Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi, f. 52, a: 'Redditus caponum per annum pro aueriis tenmino pasche.'

[630] Domesday of St. Paul's, 51: 'Et ad pascha ova ad libitum tenencium et ad honorem domini.'

[631] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 35: 'Hoc est accrementum redditus tempore Roberti; Ordricus pro 4 retiis terre altero anno 1 soccum.' Gloucester Cart. iii. 79: 'Walterus de Hale tenet unam acram terre et reddit inde per annum unum vomerem ad festum S^ti Michaelis pretii 8 den. pro omni servitio.'

[632] Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, N. 18, f. 2, a: 'Per servicium unius radicis gyngibrii ... unius rose.'

[633] Gloucester Cart. iii. 55: 'Omnes praedicti consuetudinarii ... debent cariare molas, scil. petras molares ad molendinum domini, vel dabunt in communi 13 den. quadrantem.' Rot. Hundr. ii. 750, b: 'Et modo eorum servicia convertuntur in denariis.'

[634] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 53, a: 'Barlicksilver. Item debet Willelmus de B. per annum 6 quarteria ordei et 6 quarteria auene,' etc.

[635] Roch. Custum. 4, a: 'Dabunt eciam denarium pro falce quod anglice dicunt sithpeni.' Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 59: 'Et dabit 4 stacas et dimidiam frumenti ad consuetudinem et eadem die 1 denarium illi qui colligit fualia.' Ely Reg., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 82, b: 'De bosingsiluer 1 denarium ad festum S^ti Martini si habeat equum et carectam.'

[636] Add. Charters, 5, 629: '(Stephanus) retraxit et abduxit porcos suos tempore pannagii.'

[637] Rot. Hundr. ii. 453, a: 'Memorandum quod omnes isti prenominati tam liberi quam villani qui habent bestias precii 30 den. dant domino predicto per annum 1 den. pro quadam consuetudine que vocatur Wartpenny.'

[638] What may be, for instance, the explanation of the huntenegild, which not unfrequently appears in the records. E.g. Gloucester Cart. iii. 22: 'Johannes Carpentarius et relicta Kammock tenent dimidiam virgatam terrae et faciunt idem quod praescripti, exceptis huntenesilver et gallina.' Add. MSS. 6159, f. 23, a: 'Ricardus atte mere tenet de domino in villenagio 20 acras terre; reddit inde per annum de unthield ad festum purificacionis 4 sol. 5 den. ob. et ad pascham 6 d. Et ad festum S^ti Michaelis 17 denarios.' The payment is a very important one and hardly connected with hunting.

[639] Domesday of St. Paul's, 140 (Inqu. of 1181): 'Keneswetha ... summa denariorum 10 libre et 7 sol. et obolus.' Cf. xx.

[640] Battle Cart., Augment. Off. Misc. Books, N. 18, f. 5, a: 'Juga que sunt in sex libris in Wy.'

[641] Christ Church Reg., Harl. MSS. 1006, f. 56: 'Newerentes.'

[642] Domesday of St. Paul's, 83: 'Inferius notati tenentes terras dant landgablum. Et si habent uxores 2 denarios de havedsot quia capiunt super dominium boscum et aquam et habent exitum, et si non habent uxorem vel uxor virum, dabit unum denarium. Galfridus filius Ailwardi pro terra quondam Theodori cui non attinet 5 denarios landgabuli.' Ramsey Inqu., Cotton MSS., Galba E. x. f. 46, b: 'S. de W. dat pro terra sua 16 denarios et 12 denarios pro se et uxore sua.' Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 587, T.P.R. 8109: 'Denarii ... ad existendum in warentia.'

[643] Archaeologia, xlvii. 127: '(Soke of Rothley) Gildi hoc est quietum de consuetudinibus servilibus quae quondam dare consueverint sicuti Hornchild et hiis similibus.'

[644] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 4: '... unam virgatam et dimidiam et 5 acras pro 5 solidis de gabulo et 7 denariis de dono.'

[645] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 39: 'Omnes simul dant de dono 40 solidos secundum terras quas tenent.' Ibid. 5: 'Debet dare de dono quantum pertinet de quinque libris.' Ramsey Cart. i. 46: 'De denariis qui vocantur 20 solidi dat dimidius virgatarius 6 denarios.'

[646] Ramsey Cart. i. 440: 'Villa dat 20 solidos, qui dantur quod cum aliquis in misericordia domini, det ante judicium sex denarios, et post, si expectet judicium, duodecim denarios, nisi sit pro furto, vel aliqua maxima transgressione.'

[647] Gloucester Cart. iii. 78: 'Dicta terra consuevit dare de auxilio 14 denarios et obolum qui modo allocantur consuetudinario in solutione octo marcarum.'

[648] Exch. Q.R. Treas. Rec. 20/68: 'Item debent domino ad festum S^ti Michaelis auxilium ad placitum suum et ad forinsecum servitium.'

[649] Gloucester Cart. iii. 180: 'Et dabit pro terra 6 denarios ad auxilium. Dabit etiam auxilium pro averiis suis secundum numerum eorundem.' iii. 50: 'Et dabit auxilium secundum numerum animalium.' iii. 208: 'Et si impositum fuerit eidem quod in taxatione auxilii aliquod animal concelaverit, potest cogi ad sacramentum praestandum et se super hoc purgandum. Et si per vicinos suos convictus fuerit super hoc, puniendus est pro voluntate domini.'

[650] Gloucester Cart. iii. 203: '... omnes isti consuetudinarii de Colne dant in communi ad auxilium 46 solidos 8 denarios.' Rochester Custumal, 4, a: 'De omnibus decem jugis debent scotare ad donum domini ville et ad servicium domini Regis.'

[651] Domesday of St. Paul's, 64: 'Dicunt quod manerium de Berlinge defendit se versus regem pro duabus hidis et dimidia ... Reddunt ... pro hidagio baillivo hundredi de Reilee 31 denarios et 13 denarios de Wardpeni, de quibus dominicum reddit de 20 acris 2 den. et obolem pro hidagio et 2 denarios pro Wardpeni.'

[652] Exch. Esch. Ultra Trentam, 1/49: 'Pro cornagio de feodis militum 17 sol. 8 den.'

[653] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 65: 'In die S^ti Martini debet dimidiam dainam frumenti de cheriset.'

[654] Domesday of St. Paul's, 66: 'Beatrix relicta Osberti Casse tenet 15 acras et a festo S^ti Michaelis usque ad Vincula qualibet septimana debet 3 operaciones nisi festum impedierit; quod si festum feriabile evenerit in septimana die lune et aliud die mercurii, unum festum erit ei utile, aliud domino. Quod si festum evenerit eadem septimana die veneris, addito alio festo in alia septimana veniente, dividentur illi duo dies inter dominum et operarium ut supradictum est.'

[655] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 64: 'A festo S^ti Petri ad Vincula debent qualibet ebdomada metere uel aliud opus facere usque ad festum S^ti Michaelis nisi festum intercurrat, die lune, die martis et die mercurii.' Ibid. 62: 'Ab Hoccadei usque ad festum S^ti Johannis qualibet ebdomada arabit dimidiam acram, si possit propter duritiem.'

[656] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 59: 'Willelmus filius Osanore (tenet) unam virgatam eodem servitio, sed non potest perficere servitium.'

[657] Domesday of St. Paul's, 51: 'Et omnes alii similiter operabuntur sive plus teneant sive minus, pro racione 5 acrarum.' Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 104: 'W. de H. tenet unam virgatam pro dimidia virgata ... pro alia virgata facit sicut pro quarta parte dimidie hide.'

[658] Gloucester Cart. iii. 199: 'Et sciendum quod dominus potest eligere utrum voluerit habere servitium predictum de Johanne Spere, uel quod duplicet servitium R. de A. inferius inter akermannos scripti.'

[659] Rot. Hundr. ii. 757, a: 'Set isti tenentes memorati ut asserunt ad alias consuetudines et servitia antiquitus esse consueverunt.'

[660] E.g. a comparison of the inquests contained in the Ramsey Cartulary published in the Rolls Series with the earlier extents contained in Cotton MS., Galba, E. x, and with the Hundred Rolls of Huntingdonshire and Cambridgeshire, will support the opinion expressed in the text.

[661] Seebohm, Village Community.

[662] The meaning of the expression may be gathered from the following extracts from the Ramsey Cartulary, i. 358: 'Die autem Jovis proxima ante Pascha et die Jovis contra festum S^ti Benedicti quodcunque opus sibi fuerit injunctum operabitur.' Cf. 357: 'Et si opus fuerit, faciet hayam in campis, habentem longitudinem duarum perticarum, et allocabitur ei pro opere unius diei. Et die quo carriare fenum debet, ducet unam carrectatam domi de alio feno Abbatis, uel aliud carriagium cum carrecta faciet, si sibi fuerit injunctum.' 361: 'A gula autem Augusti usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis qualibet septimana operabitur per unum diem integrum, qualecunque opus sibi praecipiatur.' 365: 'Et operatur quaelibet virgata a festo Sancti Michaelis usque ad festum Translationis Sancti Benedicti qualibet septimana tribus diebus ... quodcumque opus praeceptum fuerit; videlicet, si flagellare oportet, flagellabit infra villam viginti quatuor garbas de frumento et siligini, de hordeo triginta garbas, de avena triginta garbas. Extra villam flagellabit de frumento viginti garbas, de avena viginti quatuor garbas. Nec exibit extra hundredum ad flagellandum nisi ex gratia. Quodcunque aliud genus operis facere debeat, operabitur tota die si ballivus voluerit; praeterquam in bosco, ubi si secare debeat, operabitur usque ad nonam; et si pascere eum dominus voluerit, operabitur usque ad vesperam. Si debeat spinas vel virgas colligere, colliget unum fesciculum, et portabit usque ad curiam pro opere unius diei. In quadragesima autem nullum genus operis faciet ad cibum proprium usque nonam nisi quod herciabit tota die.' It seems quite clear that the lord has in some cases the choice between different kinds of work, but the amount to be required is settled once for all. When we find in the Glastonbury Inquisition of 1189 the sentence, 'operabitur quodcumque ei praeceptum fuerit sicut neth,' it means evident, that the peasant's work, whatever it is, is settled according to the standard of the neat's holding.

[663] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 41: 'Et herciat semel sine mensura aliqua ei assignata cum hoc quod habet in carruca.'

[664] Placitorum Abbreviatio, p. 212: 'Alia carta eiusdem eidem Elie facta et heredibus suis de dicta bovata terre una cum dicto Rogero villano suo et secta et sequela sua.' Ramsey Cart. i. 355: 'Prior de Sancto Ivone habet ingressum in una virgata terrae per Henricum de Kylevile, in qua tres sunt mansiones, et unus pro caeteris facit servitium debitum manerio.'

[665] Ramsey Inqu., Cotton MSS., Galba, E. x. f. 49: 'Quicumque acceperit pro mercede sua 18 denarios debet operari cum domino suo tribus diebus vel dare unum denarium.' Cf. Rot. Hundr. ii. 781, b: 'Servi: Dabit ad exennium contra Natale 6 panes ... et venit ad prandium domini pro predicto exennio sexta manu si voluerit.'

[666] Cotton MSS., Galba, E. x. f. 19. See Appendix xiv.

[667] Domesday of St. Paul's, Hale's Introduction, pp. xxxviii, xxxix.

[668] Gesta Abbatum (Rolls Ser.), 74. Cf. Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 145.

[669] See, for instance, the beginning of the description of Dorsetshire.

[670] Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 587, T.P.R. 8109: 'Sciendum quod tenentes Abbatis de Osoluestone in Donington et Byker cum pertinentiis fuerunt semel in anno pro voluntate Abbatis ad curiam suam tenendum ibidem et invenient eidem Abbati et toti familie sue quam secum duxerit omnia necessaria sufficientia in adventu suo per unum diem integrum et noctem sequentem, vel noctem precedentem et diem sequentem in esculentis et poculentis tam vino quam cervisia, feno et prebenda pro equis eorum et equis carucariorum salem querencium, una cum candela et ceteris costis omnimodis inter necessaria computandis. Et si abbas non venerit facient finem cum celerario si voluerit vel cum alii quem Abbas nomine suo miserit ad minus 20 solidis. Et si is qui nomine Abbatis missus ibidem fuit et finem recusauit, procurabitur ut premittitur. Et si aliquid de necessariis in administrando defuerit, omnes tenentes qui comestum contribuere debent die crastino in plena curia super necessariorum defectu per senescallum calumpniabuntur et graviter amerciabuntur. Et talis fuit consuetudo ab antiquo et habetur quolibet anno pro certo redditu, et de quo Petrus de Thedingworth quondam Abbas de Osoluestone et predecessores sui a tempore quo non extat memoria sub forma predicta fuerunt seisiti.'

[671] See about this point, Hale's Introduction. It is generally very good on the subject of the farm.

[672] Domesday of St. Paul's, 21: 'Potest wainagium fieri cum tribus caruciis octo capitum cum consuetudinibus villate.'

[673] The Templar's Book of 1185 at the Record Office (Q.R. Misc. Books, N. 16) is already a rental in substance.

[674] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 117: 'Nigellus capellanus tenet unam virgatam, sed illa virgata non solet ad operacionem redigi. Cum dominus voluerit operabitur sicut alie.' Rot. Hundr. ii. 815, a: '... dabit 8 solidos per annum pro operibus suis qui solidi poterunt mutari in aliud servicium ad valorem pro voluntate domini.'

[675] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 29: 'G. de P. (tenet) unum mesuagium et tres acras et dimidiam pro 2 solidis et facit sicut homines de Mera quando sunt ad gabulum. Hoc tenementum non solet esse ad opus.' 116: 'Leviva vidua tenet dimidiam hidam; unam virgatam tenet eodem servitio; aliam tenet pro gabulo et non potest ad operationem poni sicut alia.'

[676] Bury St. Edmund's Reg., Harl. MSS. 3977, f. 82, d: 'Omnes liberi et non liberi dabunt festivales exceptis illis liberis qui habent residentes sub illos.' Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. i. f. 176, b: 'Abbas et conventus remiserunt R. de W. ... omnia carriagia ... nec non et illas custodias quae predictus R. et antecessores sui personaliter facere consueverunt cum virga sua super bederipas ipsorum ... et super arruras precarias que ei fieri debent in manerio de Pultone.'

[677] Custumals of Battle Abbey (Camd. Soc), p. 122.

[678] Black Book of Peterborough (Camden Ser.), 164: 'In Scotere et Scaletoys sunt undecim carrucatae ad geldum Regis et 24 plenarii villani ... Plenarii villani operantur duobus diebus in ebdomada ... Et ibi sunt 29 sochemanni et operantur uno die in ebdomada per totum annum et in Augusto duobus diebus. Et isti villani et omnes sochemanni habent 21 carrucas et omnes arant una vice ad hyvernage et una ad tremeis.'

[679] Bracton, iv. 9. 5, f. 263: 'Est autem dominicum quod quis habet ad mensam suam et proprie, sicut sunt Bordlands Anglice.'

[680] Madox, History of the Exchequer, i. 407: 'Concessisse unam virgatam terrae in Husfelds, scilicet 20 acras uno anno et 20 acras alio.'

[681] In Beauchamp, a manor of St. Paul's, London, the home farm is one of the largest. Domesday of St. Paul's, 28: 'In dominico tam de wainagio veteri quam de novo essarto 676 acre terre arabilis et de prato 18 acre et de pastura 8 acras [sic] et in magno bosco bene vestito quinquies 20 acre et in duabus granis Dorile et Langele 16 acras.'

[682] As to the economic aspects of the subject, see Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices; Ashley, Introduction to the Study of Economic History; and Cunningham, Growth of Industry and Commerce (2nd ed.).

[683] Harl. MSS. 1006, f. 2.

[684] Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Series), i. 282: 'Quae culturae coli possunt sufficienter cum tribus carucis propriis et consuetudine carrucarum ville et duabus precariis carucis (corr. carucarum?), quae consuetudo ad valentiam trium carucarum aestimatur.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 13, 14: 'Potest ibidem fieri wainagium cum 5 carucis quarum tres habent 4 boves et 4 equos et due singule 6 equos cum consuetudinibus villate propter (corr. praeter?) dominicum de Luffehale et alia quae remota sunt, que tamen sunt in dispositione firmarii.' Cf. Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, pp. 28, 107.

[685] As an instance, Bury St. Edmund's Register, Harl. MSS. 743, f. 194: '(Bucham) abbas S^ti Edmundi capitalis dominus ... tenet in eadem villa preter homagium liberorum nihil.'

[686] Domesday of St. Paul's, 58.

[687] Eynsham Inqu., Chapter of Christ Church, Oxford, N. 27, f. 5, a: 'Robertus Clement ... tenet de dominicis superius mensuratis dum domino placet unam selionem apud Weylond atte Wyche, unam selionem apud Blechemanfurlong, tres seliones in Wellefurlong, et unam selionem apud Groueacres pro 11 solidis per annum.'

[688] It is well known that the second book of Fleta contains a sketch of the functions of manorial officers. In thirteenth-century MSS. we find also a special tract on the matter entitled de Senescalcia. See Cunningham, Growth of Industry and Commerce (2nd ed.), p. 222. Let it be understood that I do not attempt an exhaustive survey of the subject, but only a general indication of its bearings.

[689] Domesday of St. Paul's, 122; forms of agreement by which the manors were let to farm in the twelfth century: 'Haec est conventio inter capitulum Lundoniensis ecclesiae beati Pauli et Robertum filium Alwini sacerdotis. Capitulum concedit ei Wicham manerium suum ad firmam quamdiu vixerit et inde bene servierit. Primo quidem anno pro 58 solidis et 4d. et pro una parva firma panis et cervisiae cum denariis elemosine. Deinceps vero singulis annis pro duabus firmis brevibus panis et cervisiae.'

[690] Exch. Q.R. Miscell.: 'Consuetudines de Aysle: memorandum quod homagium debet eligere prepositum et dominus manerii potest eum retinere.... Et memorandum quod homines debent habere pastorem ovilis per electionem curie.'

[691] The duty of serving as reeve is therefore often treated as one of the characteristic marks of serfdom; e.g. Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 26.

[692] Harl. MSS. 1006, f. 18: 'Debet esse messor ad frumentum et amerciamenta domini colligendum.'

[693] Shaftesbury Inqu., Harl. MSS. 61, f. 60: 'Arator ... debet invenire omnia instrumenta aratri ante rotas.'

[694] Ibid., f. 54: 'Bubulci et gadince.' Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189: 'Petras bovarius ... custodit boves domini et vadit ad aratrum.'

[695] 'Hereward,' Glastonbury Inqu., 24, 105, etc.; Domesday of St. Paul's, 53.

[696] Cartul. of Battle (Camden Ser.), f. 39, b: 'wodeward.'

[697] Bury St. Edmund's Reg., Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 322, a: 'Ad istud pertinet tenementum falcacio claustri sed cum falce lurardi.'

[698] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 36: 'Reginaldus thernebedellus tenet dimidiam virgatam terre et summonet homines ad comitatum et hundredum.'

[699] Ibid., 7; cf. 156.

[700] Ely Cart., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi, f. 15, d: 'Debet namiare cum bedello et ceteris avermannis' (men provided with horses). Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 31: 'Robertus de Eadwic sequitur hundredum et comitatum ad suum costum.... Custodit preces arature et messis et debet adjuvare ad namia capienda infra hundredum et est quietus de pannagio.'

[701] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. f. 92, 93; Compoti of Nicholas de Wedergrave, who had charge of the monastery from the 21st of November, 16 Edward II, till the 12th of March, 16 Edw. II, as to the liberaciones et conredia servientium: 'Et quod retinuit et necessarie oportuit retinere in eadem abbathia 60 ministros et servientes pro hospitalitate et aliis obsequiis faciendis in eadem abbathia.'

[702] Bury St. Edmund's Register, Harl. MSS., 743, f. 260: 'Scriptum Johannis Northwold abbatis de quinque servanciis' (A.D. 1294); f. 260, d: '... de minutis officiis.'

[703] Gloucester Cart. (Rolls Ser.), iii. 213, 214: 'Hoc intellecto quod quandocumque placuerit loci ballivo amoveantur ab uno loco usque ad alium ad commodum domini infra terminum, salvis eisdem liberationibus et stipendiis prius provisis. Nec aliquis admittatur ad servitium domini sine saluis plegiis de fideliter serviendo et de omittenda satisfaciendo. Et moraturi tunc praemuniantur quod sibi provideant ad morandum ... Item quod nullus famulus sit in curia cui plenum non deputetur officium. Ita quod si unum officium suo statui sit insufficiens in alio suppleatur defectus.'

[704] Merton College MSS., 91, f. 153: 'Coment hom deyt alower oueraygnes en feyneson e en aust. Vous purrez bien auer sarcler 3 acres pur un dener e auer fauche lacre de pre pur 4 deners.... E vous devez sauer qe 5 hommes poent bien lyer et syer 2 acres le iour checune manere de ble qe luns plus e lautre mens.... E la ou les 4 prenent 7 d. ob. le iour e le quint pur ceo qil est lyour le iour 2 d., donqe devez donner pur lacre 4 den. E pur ceo qen mouz de pays i ne sevent nient sier par lacre si poet hom sauer par siours e par les jurnees ceo qil fount. Mesqe vous reteignez les siours par les eez ceo est a sauer qe 5 hommes ou 5 femmes le quel qe vous voudrez que home apele 5 home font un eez, e 25 hommes font 5 eez, e poent 25 hommes shyer e lier 10 acres le iour entiers ouerables.... E si il accunte plus de jurnees qe ne fiert solon ceste acounte, si ne lor deuez pas alower.'

[705] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, 16, 17.

[706] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, 14, 15 Cf. 13: 'Ernaldus C. tempore episcopi Henrici habuit de quolibet preposito et quolibet firmario unum denarium ad natale pro taliis quas inveniet eis et morsuras candelarum.'

[707] Bury St Edmund's Registrum Album, Cambr. Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f. 169, a: 'Isti habent biscum panem ... grangiator, bedellus, lurard.' Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., 1, f. 126: 'Et quod habeat ... quolibet anno de tota vita sua unam robam de secta armigerorum nostrorum et unam robam competentem vel duas marcas pro uxore sua.' f. 142: 'Concessisse Thome de Panis redditum unius robe annuatim recipiendi apud Glastoniam de secta armigerorum nostrorum videlicet quartam partem panni cum furrura agnina precii 2 solidorum uel duos solidos et si aliquo anno armigeris nostris robas non dederimus, volumus et concedimus ... capiat illo anno ... 20 solidos.' f. 146, d: '... tres panes, videlicet unum panem uocatum priestlof et alterum panem uocatum bastardlof et tercium panem uocatum seriauntlof de panetria predicti abbatis.... Et redditum unius robe ... videlicet quartam partem unius panni de lecta officiariorum cum furrura agnina. Et pro predicta Aluecia uxore sua unam robam videlicet et octo virgas panni de secta secundorum clericorum cum furrura de scurellis.'

[708] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 3. Cf. 16: 'Vinitor habet talem liberacionem sicut prepositus grangie.'

[709] Cellarer's Register of Bury St. Edmund's, Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 49, b: 'Inquisitio generalis dicit quod omnes gersumarii debent esse prepositi vel heywardi ad voluntatem domini nec se excusare possint racione alicuius tenementi ut patet in curia ibidem tenta anno regis Henrici 54^to. Et notandum quod quicumque est prepositus aule de Bertone magna habebit infra manerium unum equum sumptibus domini cum una stotte et dimidiam acram ordei de meliore post terram compostatam et habebit stipulam pisei vel fabarum sine diminucione. Et si tenet duas terras custumarias plenas erit quietus pro operibus suis pro una terra et habebit ad natale domini 1 den. ad oblacionem, die purificacionis unam candelam precii quarterii et ad carnipriuium debet participari una perna baconis inter omnes famulos curie et ad pascham habebit 1 d. pro oblacione sua.' Eynsham Inqu. 6: 'Et quis eorum fuerit prepositus manerii, liber erit et quietus de omnibus servitiis et consuetudinibus quas facit Johannes Mareys predictus, auxiliis, pannagiis et denario S^ti Petri exceptis.'

[710] Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian), 3: 'Terra debuit custodiam clauium conuentus.' Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 26, a: 'Ad idem tenementum pertinet esse coronarium et replegiare homines episcopi ... et facere capciones et disseisinas infra insulam et extra.' Shaftesbury Cart., Harl. MSS., 61, f. 60: 'Iacobus tenet 5 acras et servabit boves excepta pestilencia et violencia.'

[711] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., 1, f. 126: 'Carta abbatis Galfridi facta Willelmo Pasturel (pistori) de terris et tenementis in Glastonia:... reddendo inde per annum nobis et successoribus nostris unam rosam ad festum nativitatis beati Johannis baptiste pro omni seruicio saluo seruicio regali quantum pertinet ad tantam terram et salvo nobis et successoribus nostris sectis curiarum nostrarum Glastonie sicut alii liberi eiusdem uille nobis faciunt.' Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 10: 'Galterus portarius tenet tenementum suum scilicet portam hereditarie cum his pertinentiis.' Shaftesbury Cart., Harl. MSS., 61, f. 90: 'Maria Dei gratia Abbatissa ecclesie S^ti Eadwardi.... Cum dilectus noster Thurstanus portarius portam nostram cum omnibus ad eam pertinentibus toto tempore vite sue libere et quiete et iure hereditario possedisset et Robertus filius et heres eius, dum post eum contigit Thomam heredem eiusdem Roberti post decessum patris eius eo quod minoris esset etatis in custodiam nostram deuenire ... cumque ipsum diucius tenuissemus in custodia pensatis predecessorum suorum obsequiis qui nobis fideliter et laudabiliter ministrauerunt ... iura ad ipsum et ad heredes eius racione custodie dicte porte pertinencia ... presenti pagina duximus exprimenda.'

[712] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 13.

[713] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., 1, f. 125: 'Carta Murielle Pasturel facta Galfrido Abbati Glastoniensi de tenementis et redditibus pertinentibus (ad) servanciam de la lauandrie.'

[714] Bury St. Edmund's Reg., Harl. MSS., 743, f. 270 sqq.: '... ita tamen quod nullus obedienciariorum predictorum potestatem habeat seu auctoritatem conferendi aliquod officium seu servanciam alicui ad terminum vite nec statum liberi tenementi alicui in premissis de cetero concedendi, set huiusmodi seruientes officia predicta necessaria ex collacione predictorum obedienciariorum habentes ad voluntatem obedienciariorum predictorum removeantur quociens necesse fuerit (A.D. 1294).'

[715] A fourth class would be composed of tenements belonging to people personally strange to the manor. Such 'forinsec' tenants were often high and mighty persons who had nothing to do with the agrarian arrangements of the place. I do not speak of this class, because its position is evidently an artificial one and of no importance for the internal organisation of the manor, though interesting from the legal point of view.

[716] Shaftesbury Inqu., Harl. MSS., 61, f. 45, d: 'Bubulci et Gadinci habent sabbatum per ordinem carucarum donec eorum aretur terra.' Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 14: 'Habebit etiam unam acram in autumpno uno anno apud Strete et alio anno aliam acram apud Waltonam.'

[717] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1180, p. 46: 'Stephanus fil. B.... de dominico 2 acras ad implementum terre sue.' Cf. 39: '3 acras ad perficiendum suas 5 acras.' Ibid. 81: 'Norman de Pola dimidiam virgatam. Totum tenementum suum est de dominico.'

[718] Ibid. 39: 'unam acram pro 4 d. ad emendacionem terre sue.'

[719] Ibid. 27: 'Robertus prepositus unam acram pro quodam soc quam magister Alured tenuit, et dicunt juratores sic esse utilius quam esset in cultura, quia longe est a dominico.'

[720] Domesday of St. Paul's, p. 118: 'Anno domini 1240 Hugone de S^to Eadmundo existente custode manerii de bello campo homines infrascripti tenentes terras de dominico quas vocant inlandes sine auctoritate capituli augmentaverunt redditum assizum, ut auctoritas capituli interveniret.'

[721] Ibid., p. 121: 'Ricardus A. non feffatus nisi per firmarium consuevit dare annuatim 4 solidos; de cetero dabit 4 sol. 7 den. et ob.' Cf. 52: 'Subscripti sunt feffati de pasturis et frutectis usque ad titulum in proximum.' Add. MSS. 6159, f. 70: 'Robertus Cob tenet 5 acras pro 25 d. per capitulum ut sit perpetuum.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 60: 'Ricardus Wor 13 acras de terra arabili et unum mariscum 10 acrarum pro 4 sol. et 10 d. et per cartam capituli.'

[722] Ramsay Inqu., Cotton MSS., Galba E. x. fol. 49: 'De nova purprestura 50 acras ... quas 4 homines de dominico tenent.' Cf. Domesday of St. Paul's, 7. 20.

[723] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, 111: 'Homines tenent septem virgatas terre de dominico de terra superius nominata, in parte erat liberata in tempore Henrici episcopi et in parte postea cum 7 acris quas Johannes clericus tenet.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 51: 'Tenentes de dominico antiquitus assiso.' 53: 'Dicunt eciam quod terre de dominico de novo tradite satis utiliter tradite sunt.'

[724] Bracton, f. 220. See F.W. Maitland in the Harvard Law Review, iii. 173.

[725] Rot. Hundr. ii. 336, a: 'In firmariis Johannes clericus tenet unam dimidiam virgatam terre ad terminum vitae suae pro 6 solidis per annum pro omni servicio.' Cf. 344, 346. Add. MSS. 6159, p. 70: 'Hanc terram tenuit postmodum Thomas de Retendon et cum esset conventus a capitulo super ingressu in illa eo quod aliquando dixisset quod tenuit eam in feodo et non posset illud monstrare et recognovit se non habere ius in illa et reddidit eam quietam decano et capitulo qui postmodum concesserunt eandem terram cum manso ipsi Thomae tenendum de ipsis ad vitam suam tantum pro 2 sol. et 6 d. per annum.' Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., 1, 240, a: 'Magister Nicholaus de Malmesburi rector ecclesie de Cristemalforde ... quod cum ego recepissem terram Ricardi de Leyweye in manerio de Cristemalforde ... ad terminum 15 annorum et uiri religiosi Glastonie se opposuissent dicentes (dicenti?) me esse infeodatum de terra predicta, presenti scriptura confiteor me post predictos 18 annos in dicta terra non posse vendicare feodum nec liberum tenementum.'

[726] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 79: 'Johannes clericus ... idem tenet unum cotsetle pro 16 d. pro omni servitio ex presto firmariorum Reginaldi scilicet de Waltona.' Domesday of St. Paul's, 94: 'Gilbertus filius N. tenet tres virgatas in quas Gilbertus avus suus habuit ingressum per Theodoricum firmarium et modo reddit pro illis 36 solidos,' etc. Ibid. 40: 'Thomas filius Godrici 22 acras pro 22 d. cuius medietas quondam Stephani, set habet eam per Ricardum firmarium,' Ibid. 25: 'Walterus de mora 14 acras pro 4 solidis et 8 d. quondam Elvine, cui non attinet, cuius ingressus ignoratur.'

[727] Warwickshire Hundred Roll, Q.R. Misc. Books, 429, f. 13, b: 'Unde Willelmus de Wexton tenet unum cotagium libere ad terminum vite sue pro 4 solidis metens in autumpno per 1 diem.' A peculiar case is found in Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 69: 'Godwin palmer ... dimidiam virgatam ... ex tempore Roberti Abbatis per Thomam Cameriarum in cujus custodia fuit tunc manerium.' (Later hand): 'Iste Godwin dedit Henrico abbati dimidiam marcam et acrevit gabulum de 12 d. Hec convencio durabit dum dominus Abbas erit.'

[728] Domesday of St. Paul's, 25: 'Robertus filius Roger filii mercatoris unam acram et dimidiam pro 6 d. Item paruum augmentum pro 1 d.'

[729] Rot. Hundr. i. 451: 'Item Andreas prepositus tenet tantum terre sicut dictus Goscelinus villanus in omnibus. Et preter hoc tenet 3 acras pro libra cimini. Item Rogerus Doning facit sicut dictus Goscelinus in omnibus et debet domino suo pro uno seillione terre 6 d. per annum. Willelmus Mathew tenet eodem modo et preter hoc dat domino suo pro una acra 4 capones precii 6 den.'

[730] Worcester Cart., 27, a: 'de forlandis. De Thoma de G. pro 5 acris.... De acra quam Symon Carpenter tenuit. De Alicia vidua pro dimidia acra. De Johanne Roberti pro 4 buttis in crofta,' etc.

[731] Domesday of St. Paul's, p. 7 sqq.: '(Kenesworthe) isti tenent de dominico et de essarto.' 21 sqq.: '(Erdelege) isti tenent de essarto veteri.' 75: '(Nastox) nova essarta.'

[732] Worc. Cart., 13: 'Idem tenet assartum pro medietate fructus et Prior invenit medietatem seminis.'

[733] The essarts of St. Paul, London, are divided into small portions among the peasantry, and the same men own them who are possessed of the regular holdings—all indications that the clearing was made according to a general plan and by the whole village.

[734] Worcester Cart., 47, 48: 'de soccagiis et forlandis villanorum.' Cf. 49.

[735] A curious species of land tenure is the so-called rofliesland (rough lease?). Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, 29: 'W. de W. tenet unum Rofliesland eodem servicio; tota terra est in voluntate domini.' 65: 'W. tenet 5 acras et filius suus 5 acras; unus eorum tenet carucam domini, alter fugat boves. Terra quam filius eius tenet est Rofles.' 66: 'R. fil. A. tenet unum ferdel de Rofliesland pro 2 solidis pro omni servicio per camerarium.' 90: 'Idem tenet dimidiam virgatam de rofliesland pro duobus solidis, quod utilius esset edificari.' Cf. 164, sub voce Roflesland. The name is found often in old leases in Wilts and Somerset as a 'Rough lease' or a 'Rowlease.' I think the term must indicate one of those informal agreements of which I speak in the text. See also Reg. Malmesbur. ii. 9, 10.

[736] Rot. Hundr. ii. 437: 'Symon et Petrus ... tenent de eodem Alano unam virgatam terre et solvunt per annum 8 s. et debent arare tres dimidias acras terre ... Adam Swetcoc tantum tenet de predicto Alano et solvit 9 sol. 3 d. et facit per omnia sicut predicti Simon et Petrus et tantum plus quod debet metere ... Thomas Alwyne tantum tenet de predicto Alano et solvit 8 s. et debet arare 3 acras avene et metere duas acras,' etc. Cf. 446, 473.

[737] Rot. Hundr. ii. 656.

[738] In Sawtrey le Moyne and Sawtrey Beaumeys (659, 660) the free tenants are partly virgaters and half-virgaters, partly holders of small plots. I need not say that all my quotations are of cases which might be multiplied to any extent.

[739] The undated Survey of the Ramsey Cartulary (ii. 487) has a different reckoning: 'Item omnes positi ad censum qui tenent virgatam, vel dimidiam virgatam, dabunt per annum pro virgata octo solidos, vel pro dimidia virgata quatuor solidos.' There are several other small discrepancies with the Hundred Roll description. The document endorsed in the Cartulary seems the earlier one, and the differences have to be explained in all probability by some attempt on the part of the Monastery to set up a higher rent at the time of its compilation. One does not see the slightest ground for any reduction of the rent in process of time. Generally speaking, the conditions described in the Hundred Roll are more irregular than those mentioned in the Cartulary.

[740] The Ramsey Cartulary has simply: 'Et virgatarius arabit et herciabit qualibet septimana per unum diem sicut operarius.'

[741] Rot. Hundr. ii. 348.

[742] Ib. 443, 444. Isabel, the daughter of William le Frend, is taken as a typical half-virgater.

[743] Rot. Hundr. ii. 326.

[744] Ib. ii. 327.

[745] Ib. ii. 436.

[746] Ib ii. 438.

[747] Ib. ii. 473.

[748] Rot. Hundr. 470: '(villani) quilibet istorum tenet dimidiam virgatam terre de predicta Elena de quibus xxx et 1 operantur in uno anno et alii xxxij operantur in alio anno et in eodem anno quo operantur dant domine per annum 8 d. et alii qui non operantur dant per annum quilibet dimidius virgatarius 2 s. 10 d. et auxilium Vicecomitis 1 d. obolum et quilibet dat obolum, quadrantem ad festum St. Michaelis.'

[749] Maitland, Select Pleas in Manorial Courts, vol. i. 95: A reeve complains that Richer Jocelin's son and Richard Reeve and his wife have insulted him, by saying among other things '... quod cepisse debuit munera de divitibus ne essent censuarii et pauperes ad censum posuisse debuit.'

[750] It might perhaps be objected that the difference in favour of the free people ought to be explained by a depreciation of money which in process of time lowered the value of quit rents. But the explanation would hardly suit the age in which the Hundred Rolls were compiled. The phenomenon mentioned in the text may be observed in all the Cartularies, and there is no reason to think that the free rents which occur in them are already antiquated survivals of agreements which had lost their economic sense.

[751] Rot. Hundr. ii. 542.

[752] Ib. 348.

[753] Ib. 508.

[754] Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, N 29, f. 11 a.

[755] Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, N 29, f. 12: 'Idem Thomas habet ibidem 12 villanos tenentes 4 virgatas terre et dimidiam in villenagio, unde Johannes Aylind tenet dimidiam virgatam terre pro 5 s. 8 d. faciens fenum domini per unum diem cum uno homine, metens blada eiusdem domini per 1 diem cum uno homine, etc. Idem Thomas habet ibidem 11 liberos tenentes 11 virgatas terre et dimidiam. Unde Willelmus en la Nurne tenet dimidiam virgatam et 4 acras terre pro 4 solidis faciens sectam ad curiam de Bathekynton bis per annum pro omni demanda.'

[756] Bodekesham, Cambs. (R.H. ii. 487), is probably a case of molland. The often-quoted instance of Ayllington is doubtful, although the Ramsey Cartulary speaks of the liber tenentes as malmanni. The expression was probably in use for all rent-paying people, although properly a designation of those who had commuted their services. See Appendix XV.

[757] R.H. ii. 349, 350: 'In Weston, Bucks, the service of the villain virgater is estimated at 5 s. 2 d.... Elyas Clericus tenet dim. virgatam et reddit Johanni de Patishull 1 d. Willelmus fil. Willelmi de Ravenestone tenet dim. virgatam de eodem feodo et reddit per annum 1 d. Thomas Acpelard tenet dimidiam virgatam terre et reddit dicto Willelmo de Nodaris 3 d. Stephanus Elys tenet dimidiam virgatam et solvit eodem Willelmo 2 d. Thomas Thebaud tenet dimidiam virgatam et reddit eidem Willelmo 1 d.... Item Robertus le Cobeler tenet dimidiam virgatam terre et solvit eodem 1 libram cimini. Omnes isti prescripti dant per annum forinsecum et scutagium domino Willelmo de Nodaris quando currit.' Cf. Torrington, Bucks, R.H. ii. 352.

[758] R.H. ii. 713 (Stanton, Oxon.): 'ad alternacionem cujuslibet domini de Stanton debet recognoscere eundem dominum de uno spervario et dabit dimidiam marcam eidem domino.'

[759] See e.g. Ramsey Cartul. i. 138, 142.

[760] R.H. ii. 402, 403.

[761] R.H. ii. 466. Cf. 609.

[762] R.H. ii. 502.

[763] R.H. ii. 484, 485.

[764] R.H. 469, 470, 475.

[765] A good specimen of the accusations which might be made against a manorial agent is afforded by the Court-rolls of the Abbey of Ramsey. Seld. Soc. ii. p. 95.

[766] Seld. Soc. ii. 22: 'Et dicit curia quod tenementum et una acra servilis condicionis sunt et una acra libere.'

[767] Coram Rege, Pascha 9 Edw. I, 34, 6: 'Messarius abbatis et messarius villate.'

[768] Okeburn Inqu. 56 (Add. MSS. 24316): 'Eligere debent unum messarium de se ipsis et domini de ipso electo poterunt facere prepositum.'

[769] Gloucester Cart. iii. 221: 'Prepositus eligetur per communitatem halimoti qui talem eligant qui ad suam terram propriam excolendum et cetera bona sua discrete et circumspecte tractanda idoneus merite notatur et habeatur, pro cuius defectibus et abmittendis totum halimotum respondeat, nisi ubi urgens necessitas aut causa probabilis illud halimotum coram loci ballivo rationabilem praetendere poterit excusationem.' Cf. Walter of Henley, ed. Lamond, pp. 10, 64, 66.

[770] Seld. Soc. ii. 12: 'Nicholaus filius sacerdotis ... et Robertus de Magedone ... in misericordia quia contradixerunt tallagium quod positum fuit super eos per vicinos suos.' Glastonb. Inqu. of 1189, p. 33: 'Totum manerium reddit de dono 73 solidos et 4 den. sicut homines ville illud statuunt.'

[771] Ramsey Cart. i. 401: 'Sunt in scot et in lot et in omnibus cum villata.' Spalding Priory Reg., Cole MSS. xliii. p. 283: 'Libere tenens facit fossatum maris et omnes communas ville secundum quantitatem bouatae.'

[772] Ramsey Cart. i. 398: 'Henricus le Freman solebat esse in communa villatae, ut in tallagio et similibus. Nulla inde facit.' p. 394 (a villager does not pay his part of the tallage), 'quod quidem tallagium tota villata et ad magnum ipsorum gravamen hucusque persolvit.'

[773] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. i. f. 111: 'Si nul soit enfraunchi de ses ouvrages dont la ville est le plus charge.'

[774] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 25, b: 'Dominus debet invenire duos homines sumptibus suis coram eisdem justiciariis et villata de Rode sumptibus suis tres homines invenient. Et hoc per consuetudinem a tempore quo non extat memoria ut dicitur.' Cf. Domesday of St. Paul's, 15: 'Alanus filius Alexandri de Cassingburne tres virgatas pro 20 solidis et preter haec 10 acras de villata et 10 de dominico propter sectam sire et hundredi quam modo non facit.'

[775] Custumal of Bleadon, 257: 'Invenit fabrum pro ferdello domino et toti villae.'

[776] Shaftesbury Cart., Harl. MSS. 61, f. 63: 'Ibit ad scotaliam domine sicut ad scotaliam vicinorum.'

[777] Ramsey Cart. i. 425: 'Ponitur in respectu quousque videatur quomodo se gerat versus dominum abbatem et suos vicinos.'

[778] Seld. Soc. ii. 172: 'Ad istam curiam venit tota communitas villanorum de Bristwalton et de sua mera et spontanea voluntate sursum reddidit domino totum jus et clamium quod idem villani habere clamabant racione commune in bosco domini qui vocatur Hemele et landis circumadjacentibus, ita quod nec aliquid juris vel clamii racione commune in bosco predicto et landis circumadjacentibus exigere, vendicare vel habere poterint in perpetuum. Et pro hac sursum reddicione remisit eis dominus de sua gracia speciali communam quam habuit in campo qui vocatur Estfeld,' etc.

[779] Annals of Dunstable (Annales Monast.) iii. 379, 380: 'Et prior dicit, quod praedicta tenementa aliquo tempore fuerunt in seisina hominum villate de Thodingdone, qui quidem homines, unanimi voluntate et assensu, feofaverunt praedictum Simonem, praedecessorem praedicti prioris, de praedictis tenementis, tenendum eidem Simoni et successoribus suis in perpetuum. Jurati dicunt ... quod praedicta tenementa aliquo tempore fuerunt in seisina praedictorum hominum villatae de Thodingdone et quod omnes illi, qui aliquid habuerunt in praedictis duabus placiis terrae, congregati in uno loco ad quandam curiam apud Thodingdone tentam, unanimi assensu concesserunt praedicto Symoni, quondam priori de Dunstaple, praedecessori prioris nunc, praedictas placeas terrae, cum pertinentiis, tenendum eidem et successoribus suis in perpetuum, reddendo inde eisdem hominibus et eorum haeredibus per annum sex denarios temporibus falcacionis prati.'

[780] Madox, Firma Burgi, 54, f: '... statim visis litteris capiat in manum Regis maneria de Cochame et Bray, quae sunt in manibus hominum praedictorum maneriorum, et salvo custodiat, ita quod deinceps Regi possit respondere de firma praedictorum maneriorum ad scaccarium.' 54, g: 'Miramur quamplurimum quod 30s. quos monachi de Lyra de elemosyna nostra constituta singulis annis per manus ballivorum villae vestrae, antequam predictam villam caperitis ad firmam recipere.' Cf. Exch. i. 407, a, 412, b; Rot. Hundr. ii. 134: 'Benmore juxta Langport fuit de dominico domini Regis pertinens ad Sumerton ubi omnes homines domini Regis de Sumerton, Sutton, Puttem et Merne solebant communicare cum omnimodis averiis suis, set per negligenciam villanorum de Sumertone qui manerium tunc temporis ad firmam tenuerunt et Henricus de Urtiaco vetus eandem moram sibi appropriavit.'

[781] Gloucester Cart. iii. 181: 'Omnes isti villani tenent de dominio quoddam pratum quod vocatur Hay continens 23 acras et reddunt inde per annum 23 solidos 3 denarios.'

[782] Cf. Prof. Maitland's Introduction to the rolls of the Abbey of Ramsey. Seld. Soc. ii. 87.

[783] See the record of proceedings in the Court of the manor of Hitchin, printed by Mr. Seebohm at the end of his volume on the 'Village Community.'

[784] Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. xvi.

[785] Add. MSS. 6159, f. 54, a: 'Visus de borchtruning.'

[786] Gloucester Cart. iii. 221; Malmesbury Cart. ii. 17. Cf. Kovalevsky, 'History of police administration in England' (Russian), 137.

[787] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 101: 'De tidinga Estone 5 solidos vel placita que orientur.' Cf. Maitland, Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. pp. xxx, xxxiii.

[788] Rot. Hundr. ii. 461, b: 'Et predicti Radulfus et Robertus habent suas duodenas.'

[789] Y.B. 21-22 Edw. I, 399: 'Presence a vewe de franc pledge demande par la reson de la persone, non de la tenure.'

[790] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. i. f. 100, b: 'Predictus Abbas consensit quod omnes homines eorum de predictis villis qui fuerint duodecim annorum et amplius faciant sectam ad predictum hundredum bis in annis perpetuum ... exceptis omnibus bercariis, carrucariis predictarum villarum et carrectariis cuiuscumque hominis fuerint et omnibus aliis hominibus tam de predictis villis quam aliunde qui sunt de manupastis ipsius abbatis qui nullam sectam facient ad predictum hundredum nisi ibidem fuerint implacitati vel alios implacitent.'

[791] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. i. f. 112: '... ne soit a la peis le roi come tere tenaunt en diseine ou en fraunche pleivine.' f. 111: 'Serment de ceux qui entrent en diseine ... ne celeras chose qe apent a la pei le roi de engleterre.'

[792] Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. xviii.

[793] Seld. Soc. ii. p. lxx.

[794] Rot. Hundr. ii. 143: 'Ermoldus de Boys dominus de Asynton solebat facere sectam ad Boxford ad Sockomanemot pro terra Ricardi Serle in Cornerche, nunc illa secta subtracta per 4 annos.' The expression 'frank-halimote' occurs often, but it is evidently an equivalent to 'libera curia,' and interchanges with 'liberum manerium.' See Rot. Hundr. ii. 69, 74, 127.

[795] Eynsham Inqu., Christ Church MSS. 15, a: 'Curia debet ibi teneri si dominus voluerit.'

[796] Seld. Soc. ii. 49, etc.

[797] Beaulieu Cart., Harl. MSS. 748, f. 113: 'De sectatoribus intrinsecis ... et qui habent terram in campis ... et ad forciamentum curie omnes predicti tam liberi quam alii cum 12 burgensibus vel pluribus venient ad curiam per racionabilem summonicionem.' Glastonb. Cart., Wood MSS. i. 101, d: 'Ipse et heredes et homines sui de Acforde facient bis in anno sectam ad hundredum abbatis de Nywentone et ad afforciamentum curie.'

[798] Rot. Hundr. ii. 710, a; Ramsey Cart. i. 491.

[799] Warwick Hundred Roll, Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, 29, p. 10: 'Quidam de tenentibus dicunt quod nunquam fecerunt sectam.'

[800] Gloucester Cart. iii. 208.

[801] Chapter-house Box 152, No. 14: 'Hereditas de qua una secta debetur.'

[802] Ramsey Cart. i. 412: 'Prohibitum est in plena curia, ne quis ducat placitatores in curiam abbatis ad impediendum vel prorogandum judicium domini Abbatis.' Gesta Abbatum (St. Alban's), 455: 'Non permittatur quod in halimotis adventicii placitatores partes cum sollemnitate sustineant sed communiter per bundos (i.e. bondos) de curia veritas inquiratur, sine callumnia verborum.'

[803] Stoneleigh Reg. f. 75: 'Curia de Stonle ad quam sokemanni faciebant sectam solebat ab antiquo teneri super montem iuxta villam de Stonle vocatam Motstowehull, ideo sic dictum quia ibi placitabant sed postquam abbates de Stonle habuerunt dictam curiam et libertatem pro aysiamento tenencium et sectatorum fecerunt domum curie in medio ville de Stonle.'

[804] Selden Soc. ii. p. 67.

[805] Introduction to Seld. Soc. vol. ii. p. 76.

[806] The Durham halimot books (Surtees Society) supply some instances.

[807] Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 33: 'De dono 73 solidos sicut homines ville illud statuunt.'

[808] Selden Soc. ii. 36, 168.

[809] Selden Society, vol. ii. 6, 7, 8.

[810] Ibid. 31: 'Johannes Smert ... Henricus Coterel maritavit se sine licencia domini, ideo distringantur ad faciendum voluntatem domini.'

[811] Ibid. p. 44: 'Postea taxata fuit dicta misericordia per Rogerum de Suhtcote, Willelmum de Scaccario, Hugonem de Cumbe liberos sectatores curie usque ad duas marcas.'

[812] Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. lxv.

[813] Ibid. pp. 163, 166.

[814] Comp. Heussler, Institutionen des deutschen Privatrechts, i. 215; ii. 622; but I cannot agree with him as the ceremony being employed only where there was to be a 'donatio mortis causa.' In connexion with this the part played by the Salman is misunderstood, as it seems to me.

[815] The court rolls of Common Law manors do not think it necessary to give the particulars about the transmission of the rod. But the description of the practice at Stoneleigh, which, though ancient demesne, presents manorial customs of the same character as those followed on ordinary estates, leaves no doubt as to the course of the proceedings. See above the passage quoted on pp. 113-6. Comp. a parallel ceremony as to freehold, Madox, Formulare, p. 54. The instance has been pointed out to me by Prof. Maitland.

[816] See Pollock, Land-laws, 199, 208 (2nd ed.).

[817] Seld. Soc. ii. 33; insertion of a lease in the roll; p. 35: 'Lis conquievit inter ipsos ita quod concordati fuerunt in hac forma de voluntate domini et in plena curia ita videlicet quod predictus Willelmus de Baggemere concessit, remisit et quietum clamavit pro se et heredibus suis ... et hoc paratus est verificare per recordum rotulorum seu 12 juratores ejusdem curie per voluntatem domini et senescalli.' p. 166: 'Et sciatis quod si haberem ad manus rotulos curie tempore Willelmi de Lewes ego vobis certificarem et vobis monstrarem multa mirabilia non opportune facta.'

[818] These points have been conclusively settled by the masterly investigations of Brunner, Zeugen- und Inquisitions-beweis (Abhandlungen der Wiener Akademie) and Entstehung der Schwurgerichte.

[819] Seld. Soc. ii. 41: 'Quod talis sit consuetudo manerii et quod dicta Augnes sic venit in plena curia cum marito suo et totum jus et clamium quod haberet vel aliquo modo habere poterit in toto vel in parte hujus burgagii in manus domini ad opus ejusdem R. reddidit ponit super curiam ... Et 12 juratores curie,' etc.

[820] I do not mean to say that the analytical distinctions which we make between fact and law, between presenters to a tribunal and assessors of a tribunal, were clearly perceived or consequently carried out in the twelfth or thirteenth centuries. On the contrary there was a good deal of confusion in details, and the instinctive logic of facts had more to do in dividing and settling institutions than conscious reasoning. Juries and assizes of the Royal Courts might be called upon incidentally to decide legal questions, but, in the aggregate, there can be hardly a doubt that the sworn inquests before the Royal judges were working to provide the Courts with a knowledge of local facts and perhaps conditions, while the manorial court gave legal decisions.

[821] Seld. Soc. ii. 41: 'Et 12 juratores curie ... dicunt super sacramentum suum quod predicta Agnes venit in plena curia et totum jus et clamium quod aliquo modo habere potuit in dicto burgagio in manus domini reddidit.' 42: 'Et juratores ... dicunt super sacramentum suum quod Juliana per quam dicta Matildis petit hujusmodi messuagium nunquam fuit seisita de ipso mesuagio, set Willelmus Ponfrayt maritus ipsius Juliane, unde secundum consuetudinem manerii Juliana post mortem W. mariti sui nichil poterit clamare nisi dotem in huiusmodi mesuagium nisi fuerit in plena curia una cum marito suo de huiusmodi perquisito conjunctim seisita.' Cf. p. 40: 'Unde Willelmus pro premissis in plena curia recordatis et inrotulatis dat domino 10 solidos.'

[822] 4 Inst. 270, cap. 58.

[823] Y.B. 11/12 Edw. III (Rolls Ser.), p. 325, sqq.: '... les suters de Cokam firent venir plein record ... les suiters agarderent seisine de terre ... ila firent faux judgement ... Stonore: Cest usage est molt encontre la ley, qe cesti qe doit tenir les plees ne poet pas recorder un attourne en ple qe serra plede devant lui mesme. Trew: Nous voloms averer qe les usages sont tiels, qe le seneschal de la court poet resceivir un attourne, issint qil dei entre les suiters coment il ad resceu un tiel attourne en tiel ple a la proschein court apres la resceite, et vous dions qe cesti Adam qe respondi par attourne fut resceu attourne en la manere.' Cf. Lysons, Magna Brit. i. 266. Y.B. 3 Edw. III. 29: 'Rob. le W. porta son brief de faux judgement devers un home et sa feme, et apres le record avowe par les suters de la court de Bloxham ... les suters agarderent qe Robert et ses plegis fuerent in le mercie, et quod narratio sua fuit iniqua, et recordarent un nonsuit la ou la partie fust en court, per qe nous prioms qe cel record soit revers.' Viner, Abr. ii. A. 5, O. 6.

[824] Y.B. 11/12 Edw. III (Rolls Ser.), p. 517: 'Trew. Le brief suppose qe le defendant tint le ple et qil fut baillif, ou seuters tenent le ple qe ont record; jugement de bref. Et non allocetur, quia ipse tenet curiam et ei dirigitur breve.'

[825] Note Book of Bracton, pl. 1122: 'Preceptum fuit ballivis de Kingestona quod in plena curia sua de Kingestona recordari facerent loquelam ... et recordum venire facerent per quatuor qui recordo illi interfuerunt, etc.... Ideo balliui inde sine die et Radulfus in misericordia.' 834: 'Preceptum fuit vicecomiti quod preciperet balliuis manerii Domini Regis de Haueringes quod recordari facerent in curia domini Regis de Haueringes loquelam que fuit in eadem curia per breve domini Regis ... unde predicte Agnes et Dyonisia queste fuerunt falsum sibi factum fuisse iudicium in eadem curia et quod diligenter inquirerent qui fuerunt illi de maneriis Domini Regis de Writele, Neuport et Hatfeuld qui interfuerunt predicto iudicio faciendo simul cum hominibus Domini Regis de Haueringes et illos venire facerent aput Aueringe ad diem quem predicti homines et balliui Haueringe predicti loquelam recordari facerent, ita quod tam predicti ballivi et homines de Haueringe quam predicti homines de predictis maneriis recordum illud haberent coram justiciariis aput Westmonasterium per 4 legales homines de manerio de Aueringes et 6 de maneriis de Writele, de Neuport et de Hatfeuldia ex illis qui recordo illi interfuerunt.... Consideratum est quod illi de predictis maneriis falsum fecerunt iudicium et ideo omnes de manerio in misericordia preter Willelmum Dun ... qui noluerunt consentire judicio.'

[826] Stoneleigh Reg., f. 75: 'Item si aliquis deforciatur de tenemento suo et tulerit breve Regis clausum ballivis manerii versus deforciantes, dictum breve non debet frangi nisi in curia ... Item quando ballivus aliquem summoneat ex precepto curie, tunc assumet secum duos sokemannos quos voluerit pro testanda summonicione predicta ... Item qualitercumque placitum terminetur in curia sive in deficiendo in lege vadiata sive per non defensionem dampna sunt semper taxanda per curiam ... Item debent sokemanni respondere per 12 coram justiciariis et coronatore domini Regis. Et ipsi dabunt iudicia curie de Stonle ... Item nullus adiudicabitur tenens terre nisi qui a curia tenens acceptatur per fidelitatem et alias consuetudines licet tenens extra curiam aliquem feoffaverit per cartam vel sine carta.'

[827] Selden Soc. ii. 122: 'Capiatur in manum domini quarta pars unius rode prati jacens in Smalemade quam Rogerus Greylong vendidit Nicholao le Neuman sine licencia curie.' Cf. 112: 'Praesentatum est quod Hugo Graeleng solvit sursum extra curiam ad opus Thome Aspelon de Broucton liberi unam portionem cuiusdam mesuagii ... Ideo preceptum quod capiatur in manum domini.'

[828] We hear constantly such phrases as the following: 'Quod iuncta est secum vocat rotulos ad warrantum; ponit se super rotulos.' But we have also: 'Et partes pecierunt quod inquiratur per villatam que dixit quod sufficientem duxit sectam. Postea testificatum fuit per totam villatam quod dictus Nicolaus tenebatur dicto Bartholomeo in predictis 5d.' (Seld. Soc. ii. 118). In one case the party relies on the evidence of the Register of Ramsey (p. 111), which was compiled, of course, on the basis of sworn inquests held in the different manors.

[829] Seld. Soc. ii. 112.

[830] Augment. Court Rolls, Portf. xxiii. No. 94, m. 3: 'Quod quidem per senescallum concessum est eisdem' (the entry is omitted in Mr. Maitland's publication).

[831] Seld. Soc. ii. 111.

[832] Augment. Court Rolls, Portf. xxiii. No. 94, m. 25 v. (the entry is not in the Selden volume): 'Margeria que fuit uxor Nicholai de Aula de Kingesripton venit et petit unum parvum mesuagium existens in manu domini quod quondam fuit de mesuagio suo proprio et quod ipsa Margeria singulis annis defendit versus dominum Abbatem, unde petit quod ius suum super hoc inquiratur per bonam inquisicionem. Que venit et dicit ... Et ideo preceptum eidem quod inde habeat colloquium cum domino. Et postea colloquio habito cum domino concessum est ei quod pacifice habeat faciendo seruicia inde debita et consueta.'

[833] Selden Soc. ii. 127.

[834] Selden Soc. ii. 173.

[835] Ibid. 94: 'Reginaldus fil. Benedicti injuste dedicit esse unus de 12 juratoribus allegando libertatem ... Dicunt eciam quod Willelmus de Bernewell injuste allegat libertatem propter quam contradicit esse unus de juratis.' Cf. Cor. Rege incerti anni Johann. 5: 'Predecessores sui et ipse tenuerunt liberum tenementum et quod quidam ex juratis sunt consuetudinarii monialium.' Cor. Rege Pascha, 9 Edw. I, 34, b: '(Amerciamentum sochemanni) per pares vel per liberos de curia et vicinos ad curiam venientes.'

[836] Hereford Rolls (Bodleian), 12: 'Compertum per libere tenentes quod custumarii falso presentant ... ideo custumarii in misericordia.' Rot. Hundr. ii. 469: 'Quatuor homines et prepositus presentabant defaltas predictis liberis hominibus et ipsi liberi presentabant ballivis.'

[837] Seld. Soc. ii. 44.

[838] Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. lxx.

[839] Seld. Soc. ii. 67.

[840] Ibid. 164.

[841] See as to all this Mr. Maitland's Introduction to the Selden volume (ii), pp. lxix, lxx.

[842] Introd. to Selden Soc. ii. p. lxi, and following. Comp. Coram Rege, 27 Henry III, 2: 'Dicunt quod non est aliquis liber homo in eodem manerio nisi Willelmus filius Radulfi qui respondet infra corpus comitatus.'

[843] Y.B. 21-22 Edw. I, 526 (Rolls Series).

[844] Comp. Mr. Maitland in his often-quoted Introduction, p. lxxi.

[845] Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. lxvi.

[846] Archaeologia, vol. 47, p. 27, and following.

[847] Rot. Hundr., Cartulary of Ramsey, i.

[848] Gomme, Village Community, 162, etc.

[849] Cart. of Malmesbury (Rolls Ser.), ii. 221.

[850] A very good case in point is presented by Hitchin, because the boundaries and the jurisdiction of the manor comprise a great number of villages and hamlets which managed their open fields quite independently of the central township of Hitchin, and could not but do so, as they lay quite apart and a good way from it, as may be seen on the Ordnance Map. And still the manor comprises 'the township of Hitchin and the hamlet of Walsworth, the lesser manors of the Rectory of Hitchin, of Moremead, otherwise Charlton, and of the Priory of the Biggin, being comprehended within the boundaries of the said manor of Hitchin, which also extends into the hamlets of Langley and Preston in the said parish of Hitchin, and into the parishes of Ickleford, Ipolitts, Kimpton, Kingswalden, and Offley.' (Seebohm, Village Community, 443, 444.) As Mr. Seebohm tells me, the contrast between the central portion, that of the township, managed in one open field system, and the outlying parts, is probably reflected in the curious denominations of the manor as Portman and Foreign. It is well known how frequently our surveys mention hamlets; in many cases these annexes of townships are so widely scattered, that it would be impossible to suppose one open field system for them.

[851] Seld. Soc. ii. 68, 90.

[852] Ibid. 162, 166.

[853] Introd. to Seld. Soc. ii. p. xxxix.

[854] 'Cest action est mixte en favour de franchise car rarement se sustreit nul del fief de son seiniur, s'il ne soy claime frank' (p. 165).

[855] P. 168.

[856] P. 212: 'Si le defendant puisse monstrer frank cep de ses Anncestres en la conception ou en la nativity ou puis, y' ert le defendant tenable pur frank a touts jours tout y soyent present pere et mere frere et cosins et tout son parenter que soy coynossent estre serfs al actor, et tesmoignent le defendant estre serf. Le autre notability est, que nient pluis ne fait long tenure de villeinage franchome serf que long tenure de frank fieu ne fait home serf frank, car franchise ne soy defait jammes par prescription de temps.' P. 166: 'Servage est un subjection issuant de cy grand antiquite, que nul frank ceppe ne purra estre trouve par human remembrance.' Cf. Britton, i. 196.

[857] P. 167: 'ou si son seignior luy eject de son fief, et luy done sustenance (corr. ne luy done sustenance).' 294: 'Abusion est que home puisse challenger celuy pur son naife a que il ne trova unque sustenance, de sicome serf nest my serf forsque tant come il est en gard, et de sicome nul ne poet challenger son serf pur serf tout soit il en sa garde s'il retrouve (corr. ne trouve) sustenance a son serf que luy vault mees et terre en son fief, ou il purra gaigner sa sustenance, ou autrement luy retient en son service.' Cf. 169.

[858] Cf. p. 155.

[859] P. 166.

[860] P. 294.

[861] Ib. p. 294. 'Abusion est que serfs sont frank pledges ou pledges de frank home.' Cf. 110.

[862] P. 169. 'Nota que villeins ne sont my serfs car serfs sont dits de garder sicom est dit.' 295: 'Abusion est a tenir villeins serfs, et ceste abusion merust grand destruction de poor people, grand poverty, et grand peche.'

[863] P. 291: 'Abusion est que lon dit que villenage neste my frank tenement ... car villein et serf ne sont my en (corr. un) voice, ne en (corr. un) signification, eins poet chascun frank home tenir villenage a luy et a ses heires fesant le servage et le charge del fiew.'

[864] P. 170: 'Ascuns receverent fiefs assoubs de chescun obligation sicome per service faire ou en pure almoigne, ascuns a tenir par homage, et en service al defense del Realme, et ascuns par villeins customes d'arrer, over charrier, sarclir, franchir, seier, tasser, batre ou tilt autres manners de services, et ascun foits sans reprise de manger; et dont plusors fines sont troves levees en le tresore que font mencion de ceux services et viles customes faire, aussi bien come autres de pluis curtoise services, et dount tout soit que tiels gents ne eient point de chartres, ne monuments sils soient nequident engettes ou disturbes de lour possessions a tort, droit les succort per l'assize de novel disseisine attenir en le state come devant per cy que ils puissent averrer que ils scavoient lour certaintie de services et doveraignes per an come ceux que auncestres avant eux furent astrers de pluis longe temps per case que les disseisors nen furent seigniors.'

[865] 169: 'Villeins sont cultivers de fief demorants en villages uplande, car de Vile est dit Villeins, de Burgh Bourghois, et de Cite Cittizens, et de Villeins est mencion fait en le Chartre de Franchise, ou est dit, que villein ne soit mie cy grivement amercie que sa gaigneur ne soit a luy salve, car de serf ne fait il my mention pur ceo que ils ount rien propre que perdrent. Et de Villeins sont lour gaignures appelle Villenages.'

[866] 167. On the other hand it is mentioned, that serfs cannot be devised because they are astriers and annexed to the free tenement of the lord.

[867] 171: 'Et de ceo soy entremist Seint Edward en son temps d'enquirer de toutes les ... que luy fesoit a tiel gaignors oustre lour droit et en fist grande vengeance. Et puis pargents que meins doulent pecheir que faire ne duissent sont plusiours ceux villeins par tortious distresses chasses a faire a lour seignours le service de Rechat de sank, et plusors autre customes voluntaries pur mener les en servage a lour poiar, dont lour remedie per le ne injuste vexes per les negligence des Royes' (the end of the sentence is evidently omitted or 'is falling into disuse' must have been meant).—p. 305: 'abusion est que le briefe de ne injuste vexes va issint en decline.'

[868] It ought to be mentioned that the hundreds to which suit is due belonged to the Church of Ely.

[869] Rot Hundr. ii. 82: 'Walterus de Pedecorthin est dominus (de Ingwethin), in qua est una virgata terre et facit sectam ad hundredum bis in anno, set non ad parva hundreda nec ad comitatum, nesciunt quo warranto.' ii. 201: 'Decena de Larncynge solebat facere sectam ad dictum hundredum de Bretford set de consensu W. de Breuse dicta decena divisa fuit in duas partes. Ita quod una pars secta ad curiam domini de Brawatere et alia medietas ad dictum hundredum de Bretford ad dampnum domini dicti hundredi 5 solidorum per annum:' ii. 195: '8 homines de homagio Johannis le Butiler in Stones et Boxham qui debent facere sectam ad predictum hundredum subtraxerunt sectam suam ad duo hundreda generalia per annum et unus predictorum hominum retraxit sectam suam per totum annum debitam.'

[870] R.H. ii. 597. Cf. 469, 470.

[871] Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books A. 29, f. 64, b: 'Nota—predictus Ricardus (de Loges) dicit se non habere Warentum aliquem nisi per antiquam tenuram sine carta.... Idem Ricardus habet visum franci plegii unde vocat ad warantum le Domesday (!) ... Idem Ricardus tenet quicquid tenet in Soume de comite Cestrie, ut idem Ricardus dicit, per seruicium ducendi comitem Cestrie usque curiam Regis per medietatem foreste predicte de Kanoke, obviando ei ad pontem de Rocford ad mandatum comitis et idem comes dabit unam sagittam barbatam dicto Ricardo et capiat in foresta unam feram si voluerit eundo et aliam redeundo si voluerit, et in redeundo obviabit ei ad pontem de Repelwas ad mandatum comitis et dabit ei aliam sagittam.' Cf. Rot. Hundr. ii. 689: '[Libere tenentes] Johanna Galard tenet in eadem dimidiam virgatam terrae de dono Willelmi fratris sui et reddit eidem per annum 6 d. et idem Willelmus tenet de hereditate per defensum antecessorum suorum qui dictam dimidiam virgatam terrae habuerunt de dono Regis cujus nomen ignoramus.' Thomas Wyteman tenet in eadem I virgatam terrae de Philippo de Lenettale, et est de confirmacione Regis, ut dicta dimidia virgata terrae prescripta. I have already quoted this passage in the note on the hundredors. I give it as corrected according to the MS. in the Record Office. In the printed version of the Hundred Rolls it has lost its meaning.

[872] R.H. ii. 477, 478. 'Libere tenentes. Robertus de Aula tenet in predicta villa duas virgatas terre de Abbate de Ramesaye de antiquo conquestu et supradictas septem virgatas similiter de antiquo et facit sectam curie bis per annum et si brevis domini Regis ibi sit faciet sectam de tribus septimanis.... Robertus Mariot tenet 5 virgatas terre de Roberto de Aula de feodo Episcopi Elyensis de antiquo feffamento.'

[873] Rot. Hundr. ii. 656, 660. Cf. as to the meaning of antiqua tenura, etc. Rot. Hundr. i. 79, 354.

[874] Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, No. 29, f. 7: 'Idem Edmundus habet libere tenentes subscriptos. Ricardus de Hulle tenet unum mesuagium et 8 acras terre pro 14 solidis et secta ad curiam suam ibidem de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas (about ten similar holdings) et sciendum quod omnes predicti debent sectam predictam et tenent per fidelitatem et nullum faciunt homagium.'

[875] Bracton, f. 33 b. Madox, Formulare Anglicanum.

[876] Coram Rege, Pascha 6 Edw. I, f. 6, 6: 'Et requisitus si aliquid scit dicere quare predictum mesuagium quod est infra predictum manerium esse non debeat de condicione antiqui dominici Regis, utpote per feoffamentum domini Regis vel antecessorum suorum,' etc. Cf. Placit. Abbrev. 150 (quoted p. 113, n. 4).

[877] Besides the extracts from the Stoneleigh Register quoted on p. 113, n. 1, and p. 198, n. 1, I may be allowed to call attention to f. 76: 'Item nullus adiudicabitur tenens terre nisi quia curia tenens acceptatur per fidelitatem et alias consuetudines licet tenens extra curiam aliquem feoffaverit per cartam vel sine carta.' Maitland, Manorial Rolls of King's Ripton (Selden Soc. ii). p. 122: 'Capiatur in manum domini quarta pars unius rode prati jacens in Smalemade quam Rogerus Greyling vendidit Nicholao le Neuman sine licencia curie.' Cf. as to the references to the Court-roll in case of doubt and contention. Augmentation Off. Court Rolls, Ripton Regis, xxiii, N. 94, f. 10: 'Et quod iuncta est secum vocat rotulos ad Warantum. Et predicta Mathildis dicit quod uxor eius non est iuncta et ponit se super rotulos.' Now the importance of the Roll is derived from the authority of the Court of which it records the proceedings.

[878] Rot. Hundr. i. p. 104: 'Sokemanni domini Regis de Soka de Piclinton tenere solebant 3 carucatas terre et unam bovatam in Brunneby de antecessoribus Radulfi de Lacely et ipso Radulfo. De quibus hospitalarii habent unam bovatam de dono antecessorum dicti Radulfi.... Item prior de Elreton 4 bovatas ... que sunt de tenura sokemannorum.' These are free men under Soke, but there is not much to distinguish them from people on ancient demesne soil. Cf. Maddox, Exch. 428, c: 'Liberi sokemanni de Askebi et Tinton reddunt compotum de 20 marcis et I palefridi ut Henricus de Nevill eos juste deducat de tenementis quae tenent in eisdem villis, nec ab eis exigat consuetudines vel servitia quae facere non solebant tempore Henrici Regis patris Regis,' etc.