Note 74:1 — Chapter XI

The following contrasted extracts represent some of the variations above alluded to. The passages on the one side will be found in the first, and those in the other in the last corrected edition of the "History of the Stuarts."

First edition. Later editions.

King James inculcated those monarchical tenets with which he was so much infatuated. P. 54. Inculcated those monarchical tenets which he had so strongly imbibed.

Divine right. And though these doctrines were perhaps more openly inculcated and more strenuously insisted on during the reign of the Stuarts, they were not then invented. P. 120. And though it is pretended that these doctrines were more openly inculcated, and more strenuously insisted on, during the reign of the Stuarts, they were not then invented.

America. The seeds of many a noble state have been sown in climates kept desolate by the wild manners of the ancient inhabitants; and an asylum secured in that solitary world for liberty and science, if ever the spreading of unlimited empire, or the inroad of barbarous nations, should again extinguish them in this turbulent and restless hemisphere. P. 134. Expunged.

Charles I. However moderate his temper, the natural illusions of self-love, joined to his education under James, and to the flattery of courtiers and churchmen, had represented his political tenets as certain and uncontroverted. P. 148. However moderate his temper, the natural and unavoidable prepossessions of self-love, joined to the late uniform precedents in favour of prerogative, had made him regard his political tenets as certain and uncontroverted.

Loans were by privy seal required of several: to others the way of benevolence was proposed; methods supported by precedents, condemned by positive laws, and always invidious even to times more submissive and compliant. In the most despotic governments, such expedients would be regarded as irregular and disorderly. P. 159. Of some, loans were required: to others, the way of benevolence was proposed: methods supported by precedent, but always invidious even in times more submissive and compliant. In the most absolute governments, such expedients would be regarded as irregular and unequal.

The new counsels which Charles had mentioned to the parliament, were now to be tried in order to supply his necessities. Had he possessed any military force on which he could depend, 'tis likely that he had at once taken off the mask, and governed without any regard to the ancient laws and constitution: so high an idea had he imbibed of kingly prerogative, and so contemptible a notion of the privileges of those popular assemblies, from which he thought he had met with such ill usage. But his army was new levied, ill-paid, and worse disciplined; no way superior to the militia, who were much more numerous, and who were in a great measure under the influence of the country gentlemen. It behoved him therefore to proceed cautiously, and to cover his enterprises under pretext of ancient precedents. P. 158. The new counsels which Charles had mentioned to the parliament, were now to be tried, in order to supply his necessities. Had he possessed any military force on which he could rely, it is not improbable that he had at once taken off the mask, and governed without any regard to parliamentary privileges: so high an idea had he received of kingly prerogative, and so contemptible a notion of the rights of those popular assemblies, from which he very naturally thought he had met with such ill-usage. But his army was new levied, ill-paid, and worse disciplined; nowise superior to the militia, who were much more numerous, and who were in a great measure under the influence of the country gentlemen. It behoved him therefore to proceed cautiously, and to cover his enterprises under pretence of ancient precedents, which, considering the great authority commonly enjoyed by his predecessors, could not be wanting to himself.

In most national debates, though the reasons may not be equally balanced, yet are there commonly some plausible topics, which may be pleaded even in favour of the weaker side; so complicated are all human affairs, and so uncertain the consequences of every public measure. But it must be confessed, that in the present case, nothing of weight can be thrown into the opposite scale. The imposition of ship-money, is apparently the most avowed and most dangerous invasion of national privileges, not only which Charles was ever guilty of, but which the most arbitrary princes in England, since any liberty had been ascertained to the people, had ever ventured upon. P. 218. Expunged.

Perhaps the King, who dreaded above all things the House of Commons, and who never sufficiently respected the constitution, thought, that, in his present urgent distresses, he might be enabled to levy subsidies, by the authority of the peers alone. But the employing so long a plea of necessity, which was evidently false, and ill grounded, rendered it impossible for him to avail himself of a necessity which was now at last become real and inevitable. P. 247. Perhaps the King, who dreaded above all things the House of Commons, and who expected no supply from them on any reasonable terms, thought, that in his present distresses, he might be enabled to levy supplies by the authority of the peers alone. But the employing so long the plea of a necessity, which appeared distant and doubtful, rendered it impossible for him to avail himself of a necessity which was now at last become real, urgent, and inevitable.

The attempt to seize the Five Members.

This strange resolution, so incompatible with the majesty of a king, so improper even for the dignity of any great magistrate, was discovered to the Countess of Carlisle, sister to Northumberland, a lady of great spirit, wit, and intrigue. P. 318. This resolution was discovered to the Countess of Carlisle, sister to Northumberland, a lady of spirit, wit, and intrigue.