Note 35 — LETTER VII.

This is the opinion of Mr. Pitt, in his speech on the Stamp-act.

"It is my opinion, that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. The Americans are the SONS, not the BASTARDS of England. The distinction between legislation and taxation is essentially necessary to liberty. The Commons of America represented in their several assemblies, have ever been in possession of this their constitutional right of giving and granting their own money. They would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it. The idea of a virtual representation of America, in this house, is the most contemptible idea that ever entered into the head of man. It does not deserve a serious refutation."

That great and excellent man Lord Cambden, maintains the same opinion in his speech, in the house of peers, on the declaratory bill of the sovereignty of Great-Britain over the colonies. The following extracts so perfectly agree with, and confirm the sentiments avowed in these letters, that it is hoped the inserting them in this note will be excused.

"As the affair is of the utmost importance, and in its consequences may involve the fate of kingdoms, I took the strictest review of my arguments; I re-examined all my authorities; fully determined, if I found myself mistaken, publicly to own my mistake, and give up my opinion, but my searches have more and more convinced me, that the British parliament have no right to tax the Americans. Nor is the doctrine new; it is as old as the constitution; it grew up with it, indeed it is its support. Taxation and representation are inseparably united. God hath joined them; no British parliament can separate them; to endeavour to do it is to stab our vitals.

"My position is this—I repeat it—I will maintain it to my last hour—Taxation and representation are inseparable. This position is founded on the laws of nature; it is more, it is itself an eternal law of nature; for whatever is a man's own, is absolutely his own; and no man hath a right to take it from him without his consent, either expressed by himself or representative; whoever attempts to do it, attempts an injury; whoever does it, commits a robbery; he throws down the distinction between liberty and slavery." "There is not a blade of grass, in the most obscure corner of the kingdom, which is not, which was not, represented since the constitution began: there is not a blade of grass, which when taxed, was not taxed by the consent of the proprietor." "The forefathers of the Americans did not leave their native country, and subject themselves to every danger and distress, to be reduced to the state of slavery. They did not give up their rights; they looked for protection, and not for chains, from their mother-country. By her they expected to be defended in the possession of their property; and not to be deprived of it: For should the present power continue, there is nothing which they can call their own, or, to use the words of Mr. Locke, what property have they in that, which another may, by right, take, when he pleases, to him self."

It is impossible to read this speech and Mr. Pitt's, and not be charmed with the generous zeal for the rights of mankind, that glows in every sentence. These great and good men, animated by the subject they speak upon, seem to rise above all the former glorious exertions of their abilities. A foreigner might be tempted to think they are Americans, asserting with all the ardour of patriotism, and all the anxiety of apprehension, the cause of their native land, and not Britons striving to stop their mistaken countrymen from oppressing others. There reasoning is not only just; it is "vehement," as Mr. Hume says of the eloquence of Demosthenes, "'Tis disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in a continual stream of argument." Hume's Essay on Eloquence.