Note Page i — APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

The following five Notes, dictated by the emperor Napoleon, and signed by general Bertrand, were found in king Joseph’s portfolio, at the battle of Vittoria.

OBSERVATIONS ADDRESSÉES AU GÉNÉRAL SAVARY SUR LES AFFAIRES D’ESPAGNE.

Le 13 Juillet, 1808.

1^ere Observation.—Les affaires des Français en Espagne seroient dans une excellente position si la division Gobert avait marché sur Valladolid, et si la division Frère eut occupé San Clemente, ayant une colonne mobile à trois ou quatre journées sur la route du général Dupont.

Le g^al Gobert ayant été dirigé sur le général Dupont, le g^al Frère étant avec le maréchal Moncey, harassé et affaibli par des marches et des contremarches, la position de l’armée Française est devenue moins belle.

2^e Observation.—Le maréchal Bessières est aujourd’hui à Medina del Rio Secco avec 15 mille hommes, infanterie, cavalerie, artillerie. Le 15 ou le 16, il attaquera Bénavente, se mettra en communication avec le Portugal, jettera les rebelles en Galice, et s’emparera de Léon. Si toutes les opérations réussissent ainsi, et d’une manière brillante, la position de l’armée Française redeviendra ce qu’elle était.

Si le général Cuesta se retire de Bénavente sans combattre, il se retirait sur Zamora, Salamanque, pour venir gagner Avila et Segovia, certain qu’alors le maréchal Bessières ne pourrait point le poursuivre, puisque, dans cette supposition, il serait menacé par l’armée de Galice, dont l’avant-garde est réunie à Léon.

Alors il faut que le général qui commande à Madrid puisse promptement réunir 6 à 7000 hommes pour marcher sur le général Cuesta. Il faut que la citadelle de Ségovie soit occupée par quelques pièces de canon, trois à 400 convalescens, avec six semaines de biscuit.

C’est une grande faute de n’avoir pas occupé cette citadelle, quand le major-général l’a mandé. De toutes les positions possibles, Ségovie est la plus dangereuse pour l’armée: capitale d’une province, assise entre les deux routes, elle ôterait a l’armée toutes ses communications, et l’ennemi une fois posté dans cette citadelle, l’armée Française ne pourrait plus l’en déloger. Trois ou 400 convalescens et un bon chef de bataillon, une escouade d’artillerie, rendront le château de Ségovie imprégnable pendant bien de tems, et assureront à l’armée l’importante position de Ségovie.

Si le général Cuesta se jette en Galice, sans combattre, sans éprouver de défaite, la position de l’armée devient toujours meilleure; à plus forte raison, s’il est jetté en Galice après avoir éprouvé une forte défaite.

3^e Observation.—Si le maréchal Bessières, arrivé devant Bénavente, reste en présence sans attaquer le g^al Cuesta, ou s’il est repoussé, son but sera toujours de couvrir Burgos, en tenant le plus possible l’ennemi en échec; il peut être renforcé de 3000 hommes de troupes de ligne, qui accompagnent le roi, mais alors il n’y a point à hésiter. Si le maréchal Bessières a fait une marche rétrograde sans bataille, il faut sur le champ lui envoyer 6000 hommes de renforts. S’il a fait son mouvement après une bataille, où il ait éprouvé de grandes pertes, il faudra faire de grandes dispositions: rappeller à marche forcée sur Madrid le g^al Frère, le g^al Caulaincourt, le g^al Gobert, le g^al Vedel, et laisser le g^al Dupont sur les montagnes de la Sierra Morena, ou le rapprocher même de Madrid, en le tenant toujours, cependant, à sept ou huit marches, afin de pouvoir écraser le g^al Cuesta et toute l’armée de Galice, pendant que le g^al Dupont servira d’avant-garde pour tenir l’armée d’Andalousie en échec.

4^e Observation.—Si le général Dupont éprouvait un échec, cela serait de peu de conséquence. Il n’aurait d’autre résultat que de lui faire repasser les montagnes; mais le coup qui serait porté au maréchal Bessières serait un coup porté au cœur de l’armée, qui donnerait le tetanos, et qui se ferait sentir à toutes les points extrêmes de l’armée. Voilà pourquoi il est très malheureux que toutes les dispositions ordonnées n’aient pas été suivis. L’armée du maréchal Bessières devrait se trouver avoir au moins huite mille hommes de plus, afin qu’il n’y eut aucune espèce de chance contre l’armée du maréchal Bessières.

La vraie manière de renforcer le général Dupont, ce n’est pas de lui envoyer des troupes, mais c’est d’envoyer des troupes au maréchal Bessières. Le général Dupont et le général Vedel sont suffisans pour se maintenir dans les positions qu’ils ont retranchés; et si le maréchal Bessières avait été renforcé, et l’armée de Galice écrasée, le général Dupont immédiatement après se trouverait dans la meilleure position, non seulement par des forces qu’on pourrait alors lui envoyer, mais encore par la situation morale des affaires. Il n’y a pas un habitant de Madrid, pas un paysan des vallées qui ne sente que toutes les affaires d’Espagne aujourd’hui sont dans l’affaire du maréchal Bessières. Combien n’est-il pas malheureux que dans cette grande affaire on se soit donné volontairement 20 chances contre soi.

5^e Observation.—L’affaire de Valence n’a jamais été d’aucun considération. Le maréchal Moncey seul était suffisant. C’était une folie que de songer à le secourir. Si le m^al Moncey ne pouvait pas prendre Valence, 20 mille hommes de plus ne le lui auraient pas fait prendre, parcequ’alors c’était un affaire d’artillerie, et non une affaire d’hommes: car on ne prend pas d’un coup de collier une ville de 80 ou 100 mille âmes, qui a barricadé ses rues, mis de l’artillerie à toutes les portes et dans toutes les maisons. Or, dans cette hypothèse, le m^al Moncey était suffisant pour former une colonne mobile, faire face à l’armée de Valence, et faire sentir dans toute leur force les horreurs de la guerre.

Le g^al Frère ne pouvait donc rien pour faire prendre Valence, et le g^al Frère pouvait beaucoup posté à San Clemente, soit qu’il dût revenir à Madrid, soit qu’il dût prendre une position intermédiaire pour secourir le g^al Dupont.

C’était une autre erreur que de songer à faire aller le m^al Moncey à Valence pour ensuite le faire marcher en Murcie et sur Grenade. C’était vouloir fondre ce corps d’armée en détail et sans fruit. Comme le dit fort bien le général Dupont, il valait mieux lui envoyer directement un régiment que de lui envoyer trois dans cette direction là.

Dans les guerres civiles ce sont les points importans qu’il faut garder: il ne faut pas aller partout. Si cependant on a dirigé le m^al Moncey sur Valence, c’était à une époque où la situation des affaires n’était pas la même; c’était lorsque l’armée de Valence pouvait envoyer en Catalogne ou à Saragosse comme elle en menaçait.

6^e Observation.—Le but de tous les efforts de l’armée doit être de conserver Madrid. C’est là qu’est tout. Madrid ne peut être menacé que par l’armée de Galice. Elle peut l’être aussi par l’armée de l’Andalousie, mais d’une manière beaucoup moins dangereux, parcequ’elle est simple et directe, et que par toutes les marches que fait le g^al Dupont sur ses derrières, il se renforce. Les généraux Dupont et Vedel étaient suffisans, ayant plus de 20,000 hommes; le m^al Bessières ne l’est pas proportionnellement, vû que sa position est plus dangereuse. Un échec que recevrait le g^al Dupont serait peu de chose; un échec que recevrait le m^al Bessières serait plus considérable et se ferait sentir à l’extremité de la ligne.

Résumé.—Faire reposer et rapprocher de Madrid le g^al Frère, le g^al Caulaincourt, le g^al Gobert, afin qu’ils puissent arriver à Madrid avant le g^al Cuesta, si celui-ci battait le m^al Bessières. Immédiatement après l’événement qui aura lieu le 15 ou le 16, prendre un part selon les événemens qui auront eu lieu, et dans le but d’écraser l’armée ennemie en Galice.

Si le maréchal Bessières a eu grand succès, sans éprouver de grandes pertes, tout sera bien dans la direction actuelle. S’il a un succès après avoir éprouvé beaucoup de pertes, il faut se mettre en mésure de le renforcer. S’il se tient en observation sans attaquer, il faut le renforcer. S’il a été défait et bien battu, il faut se concentrer et rassembler toutes ses troupes dans le cercle de sept ou huit journées de Madrid, et étudier les dispositions dans les différentes directions pour savoir où placer les avant-gardes, afin de profiter de l’avantage qu’on a d’être au milieu, pour écraser successivement avec toutes ses forces les divers corps de l’ennemi. Si on n’ordonne pas sur le champ au g^al Dupont de repasser les montagnes, c’est qu’on espère que malgré la faute faite, le m^al Bessières a la confiance (qu’on partage) qu’à la rigueur il est suffisant pour écraser l’ennemi. Le m^al Bessières a eu le bon esprit de tellement réunir toutes ses forces, qu’il n’a pas même laissé un seul homme à St. Ander. Quelqu’ avantage qu’il y eut à laisser là un millier d’hommes, il a senti qu’un millier d’hommes pouvait décider sa victoire.

Quant à la division du g^al Verdier devant Saragosse, elle a rempli aux trois quarts son but. Elle a désorganisé tous les Arragoniens, a porté le découragement parmi eux, les a reduits à défendre les maisons de leur capitale, a soumis tous les environs, a bloqué la ville, et réuni tous les moyens pour s’en emparer sans que cela devienne trop conteux.

Voilà l’esprit de la guerre d’Espagne.

Dictated by the emperor Napoleon. Taken at the battle of Vittoria.

NOTE POUR LE ROI D’ESPAGNE.

Bayonne, le Juillet, 1808.

L’armée d’Espagne a son quartier général à Madrid; voici sa composition actuelle:

1º. Corps des Pyrénées Occidentales.

Le maréchal Bessières commande le corps des Pyrénées Occidentales, qui est fort de 23 mille hommes, infanterie, cavalerie, artillerie, occupe la place de St. Sebastian, les trois Biscays, les montagnes de St. Ander, la place de Burgos, et est chargée de combattre l’armée ennemie des Asturies et de Galice.

Toutes les troupes sont en mouvement pour composer l’armée de la manière suivante.

┌ ┌ le 4^e reg^t d’infanterie legère ┐

│ 1^ere brigade, │ 15^e d’infanterie de ligne │

│ le g^al Reynaud. └ 1^er bat^on de Paris en marche │

Division │ total 3000 hom. présens sous les armes, et 6 pièces de canon, ci 3000 h^es │

du g^al ┤ (Cette brigade marche sur Bénévent.) ├ 5100 h^es

Mouton. │ 2e brigade, { 2e regt d’infanterie legère │

│ le g^al Rey. { 12^e idem │

│ total 2100 hommes et 6 pièces de canon, ci 2100 │

└ (Cette brigade est à Burgos avec le roi, et doit joindre sa division.) ┘

——

À reporter 5100 h^es

De l’autre part 5100 h^es

┌ Brigade d’Armagnac 1800 ┐

Division │ Brigade Gaulois 1800 │

du g^al │ Brigade Sabathier 2800 │ 8400 h^es

Merle. └ Brigade Ducos 2000 ┘

——

Total 8400 h^es

et 16 pièces de canon.

Garde. ┌ Infanterie 1900 h^es

└ et 6 pièces de canon.

(Toutes ces troupes marchent sur Bénévent.)

┌ 10^e de chasseurs 450 ┐

│ 22^e id. 450 │

│ Garde 300 │

│ (Ces troupes marchent sur Bénévent.) │

│ Escadrons de dragons 200 │

Cavalerie. ┤ (Ces escadrons sont en marche et ont dépassé la frontière. ├ 1950 h^es

│ 26^e de chasseurs 450 │

│ (Arrivant à Bayonne sous peu de jours.) │

│ —— │

│ Total de la cavalerie 1950 h^es │

└ ==== ┘

Les forces actives du maréchal Bessières sont donc de 17,000 h^es. Il n’en a guère que 15,000 pour l’affaire de Bénévent.

S’il obtenait à Bénévent et à Léon un grand succès contre l’armée de Galice, peut-être serait-il convenable pour profiter de la victoire et de la terreur des premiers moments de se jetter dans la Galice. Toutesfois, il devrait d’abord prendre position à Léon, en s’emparant de la plaine, jettant l’ennemi dans les montagnes, et interceptant au moins à Astorga la communication de la grande route.

Garnison de Burgos.—Il y a dans le château de Burgos une garnison de dépôt[28] 600 h^es

———

À reporter 17,950 h^es

———

De l’autre part 17,950 h^es

Colonne du général Bonnet.—Il y a encore à Burgos le g^al de division Bonnet, faisant partie du corps du m^al Bessières: ce g^al va avoir sous ses ordres une colonne mobile de 1200 hommes, pour maintenir la tranquillité dans la ville et ses environs. Cette colonne est composée comme il suit: ┐

4^e bataillon du 118^e, formant 450 h^es │

(Actuellement existant à Burgos.) │

3^e bataillon du dépôt g^al actuellement à Vittoria 450 │ 1500 h^es

2 comp^ies du 4^e d’infanterie legère, formant un petit bataillon 400 ├

(En marche, ayant passé la frontière.) │

—— │

1300 h^es │

Escadron de dragons (en marche) 200 │

2 pièces de canon en marche │

—— │

1500 h^es │

==== ┘

Colonne d’Aranda.—Cette colonne, formée du 1^er bataillon de marche, fort de 1000 h^es et de 4 pièces de canon, peut se réunir au bésoin avec la colonne du g^al Bonnet: elles doivent assurer la communication jusqu’aux montagnes en avant d’Aranda, ci 1000 h^es

Colonne de Vittoria.—Le général de brigade Monthion, et le colonel Barerre, occupent Vittoria avec une colonne composée comme il suit:

2 compagnies du 15^e de ligne, formant un petit bataillon de 300 h^es

Le 2^e bat^on du 12^e d’infanterie legère 600

Le 2^e bat^on du 2^e id. 600

——

(Ce qui fait en infanterie) 1500 h^es

1 escadron de dragons (en marche) 200

2 pièces de canon.

——

(Tous ces corps sont en marche) 1700 ci 1700

———

À reporter 22,150 h^es

———

De l’autre part 22,150 h^es

Garnison de St. Sebastian.—Le général Thouvenot commande à St. Sebastian avec mille hommes de garnison, ci 1000

———

Recapitulation.—Le corps du m^al Bessières est de 23,150

Et 36 pièces de canon. ======

Les détachemens et troisièmes bataillons des corps qui sont aux divisions actives du m^al Bessières pourront sous 15 jours le réjoindre, vû qu’ils seront remplacés à Vittoria et à Burgos par d’autres corps.

2º. Arragon.

Jusqu’à cette heure les troupes qui sont en Arragon, faisaient partie du corps des Pyrénées Occidentales. Mais le corps des Pyrénées Occidentales se portant sur la Galice, il devient indispensable d’en faire une division à part.

Aujourd’hui, ce commandement comprend Pampelune, la Navarre, et les troupes qui forment le siège de Saragosse, sous les ordres du général Verdier.

Ces troupes sont divisées en quatre brigades, et sont composées ainsi qu’il suit:

3 regimens d’infanterie de ligne de la Vistule, ayant sous les armes 3600 h^es

Les 4^e, 6^e et 7^e bataillons de marche 1500

Le 3^e bataillon du 14^e provisoire 1300

Le 1^er regiment supplementaire 900

Les 47^e, 15^e et 70^e 1600

Un bataillon des gardes nationales d’élite 600

——

Total. 9500 h^es

La cavalerie consiste dans un regiment de lanciers Polonais 700 } 1100

Plus un escadron de marche 400 }

À Pampelune le g^al Dagout commande. Indépendamment d’une dépôt de 800 hommes, formant 800 la garnison de la citadelle; il a une colonne mobile composée du 1^er bataillon de marche du Portugal, du troisième bataillon du 118^e, fort de 650 hommes, et d’un escadron de dragons, ce qui forme un total de 1400 hommes disposibles pour se porter sur tous les points de la Navarre, et sur (ci 800

———

À reporter 11,400

De l’autre part 11,400

Et les communications de Saragosse, pour y mettre l’ordre: ci 1,400

Artillerie 200

———

Il y a donc en cernement en Arragon et en Navarre 13,000

======

Aussitôt que Saragosse sera pris, et que le corps de l’Arragon sera constitué, il sera nécessaire de fairer entrer au corps du mar^l Bessières le bataillon du 47^e, celui du 15^e, et les trois bataillons du 14^e provisoire; ce qui augmentera le m^al Bessières de deux mille hommes, afin de tenir les corps réunis. Il est possible qu’on fasse partir de Bayonne le 19,300 hommes de bonnes troupes de ligne, pour se diriger sur Saragosse et enlever la prise de cette place, si toutefois elle n’est pas encore prise.

Si Saragosse était pris, le corps du m^al Bessières pourrait être renforcé de ces trois mille hommes d’élite et de 2000 hommes du corps de Saragosse, ce qui lui ferait un corps nombreux pour la campagne de Galice.

Indépendamment de Saragosse, les rebelles occupent la ville de Jaca et plusieurs points dans les vallées. À tous les débouchés des vallées en France il y a un général de brigade avec une colonne mobile. On attendra la prise de Saragosse pour entrer dans ces vallées et y marcher dans les deux sens. En général l’esprit des vallées est bon; mais des troupes de contrebandiers que les chefs des rebelles ont enrégimentés les vexent.

3º. Catalogne.

Le général Duhesme occupe Barcelone, qui est une place qui a deux très belles forteresses, qui la dominent. C’est la plus grande ville de la monarchie.

Le général Duhesme a deux divisions, la division Chabran et la division Lechi, formant 11,000 h^es d’infanterie, 1600 h^es de cavalerie et 18 pièces de canon.

Le général Duhesme a eu plusieurs événemens; il a brulé un grand nombre de villages, et maintenu en respect le pays à 15 lieues à la ronde.

La ville de Géronne, n’ayant pas été occupée, les insurgés de la Catalogne ont établis là leur Junte, d’où ils donnent le mouvement au reste de la province. 2000 insurgés assiégeaint le fort de Figuéras. On y avait heureusement laissé 300 Français: ils ont été obligés de tirer beaucoup de coups de canon et de bruler le village.

Le g^al de division Reille, avec deux bataillons Toscans; a marché sur Figuéras, l’a débloqué, le 6 du mois, et y a fait entrer une grande quantité de vivres, dont on manquait. Le 10, il réunissait sa division, qui arrivait de divers points de la France; il avait déjà 6000 hommes, et il doit avoir aujourd’hui 9000 h^es; il doit s’assurer de Roses et marcher sur Géronne, établir ses communications avec le général Duhesme et ensemble pacifier la Catalogne.

Les forces réunies des généraux Duhesme et Reille s’élevent donc à 22,000 h^es

Ainsi le corps des Pyrénées Occidentales est fort de 23,000

Celui d’Arragon, de 13,000

Celui de Catalogne, de 22,000

———

Total 68,000 h^es.

======

Nous venons de faire connaître la situation de l’armée dans les provinces de la Biscaye, de St. Ander, de la Castille, de la Navarre, de l’Arragon et de la Catalogne; c’est à dire, sur toute la frontière de France.

Voici actuellement la situation dans les autres points:

Les deux corps qui se sont rendus à Madrid sous les ordres du général Dupont et du m^al Moncey portaient, et portent encore; le premier, le nom de corps d’observation de la Gironde, commandé par le g^al Dupont; le second, le nom de corps d’observation des Côtés de l’Océan, commandé par le m^al Moncey.

Le corps d’observation de la Gironde est composé de trois divisions: deux sont en Andalousie avec le général Dupont; la 3^eme, celle du général Frere, doit être à present à San Clemente.

Le corps d’observation des Côtés de l’Océan est composé également de trois divisions. La première est avec le maréchal Moncey, sous Valence: les deux autres sont à Madrid, et disséminés en differentes colonnes, pour maintenir la communication avec le général Dupont. Les états de situation vous feront connaître la force de ces divisions: mais on peut en général les considérer les unes dans les autres comme fortes de 6000 hommes présens sous les armes.

Il y a à Madrid deux bataillons de la garde, formant 1000 hommes, et à-peu-près 900 hommes de cavalerie de la garde.

Ainsi il y a à Madrid, et du côté de Valence et de l’Andalousie, la valeur de 40,000 hommes d’infanterie, huit mille hommes de cavalerie et 80 pièces de canon attelées.

Le général Junot a en Portugal trois divisions, formant présens sous les armes, compris son artillerie, sa cavalerie, 23 mille hommes[29].

Telle est la situation de l’armée en Espagne et en Portugal.

1^ere Observation.—Les événemens qui se passent aujourd’hui et demain amélioreront beaucoup la situation de toutes les affaires, en jettant dans la Galice le général Cuesta, en lui ôtant ses communications avec l’Estramadure, Madrid et l’Andalousie, en assurant nôtre communication avec le Portugal, et en assurant la soumission des provinces de Salamanque, Zamora, Toro, &^a.

La manière dont ces événemens auront lieu décideront à entrer sur le champ en Galice, à soumettre les Asturies, ou à différer encore quelques jours.

2^e Observation.—La Navarre et la Biscaye se sont maintenues tranquilles.

En Arragon le plat pays a été soumis, les rebelles ont été battus plusieurs fois; avec deux seuls bataillons, 8 à 10 mille insurgés ont été détruits ou dispersés; le découragement est à dernier point parmi eux. Ils se sont défendus dans leurs maisons à Saragosse; on les a bombardé; on leur a fait beaucoup de mal; on achève aujourd’hui de bloquer la ville en jettant un pont sur l’Ebre. Une fois cette ville soumise, il n’y a pas de doute que tout l’Arragon ne devienne tranquille. Une partie des troupes sera cependant nécessaire pour maintenir la province; une petite partie pourra aider à la soumission de la Catalogne. La partie qui est nécessaire pour le bien du service du maréchal Bessières ira le rejoindre. Ainsi cet événement équivaudra à un secours considérable.

3^eme Observation.—La première opération du général Reille a débloqué Figuères: il soumet à présent tous les environs. Il ne tardera pas sans doute à s’emparer de Géronne et à établir sa communication par terre avec le général Duhesme. La reduction de Géronne éntamera probablement celle de Lerida; on pourra avoir alors une colonne de deux trois ou mille hommes, qu’on dirigera par Tortose sur Valence.

4^eme Observation.—On n’a point de nouvelles de l’expédition de Valence, et le maréchal Moncey a huit mille hommes. Avec ces forces il n’a rien à craindre. Il peut ne pas prendre la ville, qui est très grande, si les paysans s’y sont renfermés et ne craignent point de la ruiner: mais le m^al Moncey se maintiendra dans le plat pays, occupera les revoltés, qu’il empêchera de se porter ailleurs, et fera porter au pays tout le poids de la guerre.

5^e Observation.—On compte que le général Dupont a aujourd’hui près de 20,000 hommes. Si les opérations du maréchal Bessières réussissent bien, il n’y aura pas d’inconvénient à appuyer encore le général Dupont et à lui permettre de reprendre l’offensive. Ainsi les deux points importans, et où on fera une véritable guerre reglée, sont la Galice et l’Andalousie, parceque les troupes du camp de St. Roche, de Cadiz, des Algarves, sont près de 25 mille hommes, qu’elles ont pris parti pour la sedition de Seville en Andalousie, et que tout ce qui était à Porto a pris parti pour les rebelles de Galice.

Le point le plus important de tous est celui du m^al Bessières, comme on l’a déjà vu dans la note qu’on a envoyé. On doit tout faire pour que ce corps n’éprouve aucun mouvement rétrograde, aucun échec; celui du général Dupont vient après.

Les affaires de Saragosse sont au 3^e ordre; celles de Valence ne sont qu’en 4^me.

Voilà la véritable situation des affaires militaires du royaume.

Il parait convenable de former dans l’Arragon une division de 10 à 12 mille hommes que pourra commander le g^al Verdier. Il devra corréspondre directément avec l’état major du roi, avec le m^al Bessières (pour s’éntendre), avec le g^al Duhesme pour se concerter, et avec le général de la 11^e division militaire, qui se tiendra à Bayonne, afin de connaître toujours la situation de cette frontière. Son commandement doit embrasser la Navarre et tout l’Arragon.

Alors l’armée sera composée du corps des Pyrénées Occidentales, de la division de l’Arragon (il est inutile d’en faire un corps), du corps de la Catalogne composé de trois divisions, y compris celle du général Reille, et des six divisions que forment les corps d’observation de la Gironde et des Côtés de l’Océan.

Cela fera à-peu-près 12 divisions réunies et en outre un certain nombre de petites colonnes mobiles et de garnisons.

Dictated by the emperor Napoleon. Taken at Vittoria.

NOTE SUR LA POSITION ACTUELLE DE L’ARMÉE EN ESPAGNE.

Bayonne, le 21 Juillet, 1808.

1^ere Observation.—La bataille de Medina del Rio Secco a mis les affaires de l’armée dans la meilleure situation. Le maréchal Bessières ne donne plus aucune inquiétude, et toutes les sollicitudes doivent se tourner du côté du général Dupont.

2^de Observation.—Dans la position actuelle des affaires, l’armée Française occupe le centre; l’ennemi, un grand nombre de points de la circonférence.

3^me Observation.—Dans une guerre de cette nature, il faut du sang froid, de la patience, et du calcul; et il ne faut pas épuiser les troupes en fausses marches et contremarches; il ne faut pas croire, quand on a fait une fausse marche de trois à quatre jours, qu’on l’aie réparé par une contremarche: c’est ordinairement deux fautes au lieu d’une.

4^me Observation.—Toutes les opérations de l’armée ont réussies jusqu’à cette heure, autant qu’elles devaient réussir. Le général Dupont s’est maintenu au-delà des montagnes, et dans le bassin de l’Andalousie; trois fois il a défait les insurgés. Le maréchal Moncey a défait les insurgés à Valence; il n’a pas pu prendre la ville, ce qui est une chose qui n’est pas extraordinaire. Peut-être eût-on pu désirer qu’il eût pu se camper à une journée de la ville, comme a fait le général Dupont; mais, enfin, qu’il soit à une journée ou à cinq, comme à Saint Clément, la différence n’est pas très grande. En Arragon, on a battu sur tous les points, et dans toutes les circonstances, l’ennemi, et porté le découragement partout. Saragosse n’a pas été pris; il est aujourd’hui cerné; et une ville de 40 à 50 mille âmes, défendue par une mouvement populaire, ne se prend qu’avec du tems et de la patience. Les histoires des guerres sont pleins des catastrophes des plus considérables pour avoir brusqué et s’être enfourré dans les rues étroites des villes. L’exemple de Buenos Ayres, et des 12 milles Anglais d’élite qui y ont péri, en est une preuve.

5^me Observation.—Ainsi la position de l’armée est bonne, le maréchal Moncey étant à Saint Clément, ou environs, et les généraux Gobert et Vedel réunis au général Dupont en Andalousie; ce serait une faute, à moins d’incidents et d’un emploie immédiat, à donner à ces troupes dans un autre point, que de concentrer toutes les troupes trop près de Madrid. L’incertitude des événemens du maréchal Bessières, et les 25 chances qu’il avoit contre lui sur cent, pouvaient déterminer à faire arrêter la marche de toutes les troupes qui s’éloignaient de la capitale, afin que les colonnes pussent être rappellés à Madrid si le maréchal Bessières était battu, et pussent arriver dans cette ville avant l’ennemi; mais ce serait une faute si on eut fait retrograder ces colonnes, et si on eut agi comme si le maréchal Bessières avait été battu, lorsque quelques jours avant on agissait comme si l’armée de Galice n’existait pas. 500 chevaux et 1800 hommes d’infanterie dirigés sur Valladolid étaient tous ce qu’il fallait. Si cette colonne était partie trois jours plutôt, elle y serait arrivé le 15. Le maréchal Bessières a été vainqueur, et avait pour être vainqueur 75 chances contre 25; mais la fatigue qu’on a donné à l’armée, et les mouvemens rétrogrades qu’on a ordonné inutilement, puisque même le maréchal Bessières battu, on avait 8 à 10 jours pour réunir l’armée, ont fait un mal moral et physique. Il faut espérer que la nouvelle de la victoire arrivée à tems aura mis l’état major à même d’arrêter toute mouvement sur Madrid, et que chaque colonne se trouvera plus près du point où elle doit se trouver.

6^me Observation.—Dans la situation actuelle des affaires, le plus important de tous est le général Dupont. On doit lui envoyer le reste de la division Gobert, et employer d’autres troupes pour maintenir la communication; il faut tenir la tête de la division du maréchal Moncey, sur Saint Clement, et menacer toujours la province de Valence. Si le maréchal Bessières a battu sans effort, et avec peu de perte, l’armée de Galice, et a eu moins de huit milles hommes engagés, il n’y a pas de doute qu’avec 20 milles le général Dupont ne culbute tout ce qu’il a devant lui.

7^me Observation.—La brigade du général Rey rend à l’armée plus qu’elle n’a perdu par le détachement qui a été fait sur Valladolid. Toutes les probabilitées humaines sont que le maréchal Bessières n’a plus besoin d’aucun renfort, du moins pour être maître de toute la Castille et du royaume de Léon. Ce n’est que lorsqu’on aura reçu la nouvelle de ce qu’il aura fait à Bénévent et à Léon qu’on pourra décider s’il doit attaquer la Galice.

8^me Observation.—Le général Verdier, en Arragon, a cerné Saragosse: le 14^eme et le 44^eme de ligne partent demain pour s’y rendre. Les partis Français vont jusqu’à moitié chemin de Lerida, de Barbastro, et de Jaca. Dans dix jours toute l’artillerie sera arrivée. Cette belle et bonne brigade de troupes de ligne porte à près de quinze mille hommes l’armée du général Verdier. Il est probable que Saragosse tombera bientôt, et que les deux tiers de ces 15 milles hommes deviendrons disposibles.

9^eme Observation.—Ainsi le corps du maréchal Bessières a pris l’offensive, il est depuis sa victoire renforcé de la brigade Lefebre et de la brigade Gaulois; il est donc dans le cas de conserver l’offensive. Le corps du général Verdier en Arragon a battu partout les insurgés, a cerné la ville avec des forces beaucoup moindres; il vient d’être considérablement renforcé; ainsi il peut donner une nouvelle activité aux opérations du siège, et conserver son activité offensive sur les deux rives de l’Ebre. Le corps de Catalogne a joliment agi, ayant pour point d’appui Barcelonne, l’ajonction sera faite aujourd’hui ou demain devant Géronne, avec le gén^l Reille.

10^eme Observation.—Voilà pour les trois corps d’armée situés du côté de la France. La communication de Madrid avec la France est important sous tous les points de vue. Il faut donc que les colonnes qui viennent d’être organisées à Burgos et à Vittoria et qui seront journellement renforcées et augmentées, soient laissées dans ces stations.

Ci joint la note de la formation de ces colonnes. Elles sont presque toutes composées de 3^eme bataillons et de conscrits, mais avec de bons cadres; 15 à 20 jours de stations à Burgos et à Vittoria les mettront à-peu-près à l’école de bataillon. Ce serait une très grande faute que de rappeller trop tôt ces troupes pour en renforcer les cadres principaux; il faut attendre jusqu’à ce qu’on ait pu les remplacer à Vittoria et à Burgos par de nouvelles troupes.

11^eme Observation.—Il n’y a donc rien à craindre du côté du maréchal Bessières, ni dans le nord de la Castille, ni dans le royaume de Léon.

Il n’y a rien à craindre en Arragon; Saragosse tombera un jour plus tôt ou un jour plus tard.

Il n’y a rien à craindre en Catalogne.

Il n’y a rien à craindre pour les communications de Burgos à Bayonne, moyennant les deux colonnes organisées dans ces deux villes, et qui seront renforcées. S’il y avait des événemens en Biscaye, la force qui se réunit à Bayonne, formant une réserve, seroit suffisante pour mettre tout en ordre.

S’il arrive à Burgos quelque événement trop considérable pour que la colonne mobile qui est à Burgos puisse y mettre ordre, le maréchal Bessières ne sera pas assez loin pour ne pouvoir faire un détachement.

Le général Monthion a la surveillance de toutes les Biscayes. Le général Bonnet à Burgos est chargé de maintenir la communication de Vittoria avec le maréchal Bessières et avec Madrid. Il est nécessaire que ces deux généraux correspondent tous les jours entr’eux et avec le général Drouet, qui est laissé en réserve à Bayonne, de même que le gén^l Verdier de Saragosse et le gén^l Dagoult de Pampelune doivent correspondre tous les jours avec le général Drouet à Bayonne, et avec Madrid, par le canal de Bayonne et de Vittoria: jusqu’à ce que les communications directes soient rétablies, un courier partant de Madrid peut se rendre par Vittoria, Tolosa, Pampelune, devant Saragosse. Le seul point important donc aujourd’hui est le général Dupont. Si l’ennemi parvenait jamais à s’emparer des défiles de la Sierra Morena, il serait difficile de l’en chasser; il faut donc renforcer le gén^l Dupont, de manière qu’il ait 25 mille hommes, compris ce qu’il faudra pour gardes les passages des montagnes et une partie du chemin de La Manche. Il pourra disposer les troupes de manière que le jour où il voudra attaquer, la brigade de deux à trois mille hommes, destinée à garder les montagnes, arrive au camp du gén^l Dupont à marches forcées, et soit successivement remplacée par les colonnes qui seraient en arrière, de sorte que le gén^l Dupont ait pour le jour de la bataille plus de 23 mille hommes à mettre en ligne.

Une fois qu’on aura bien battu l’ennemi, une partie des troupes se dissipera, et selon que la victoire sera plus ou moins décidée, on pourra faire continuer le mouvement à d’autres troupes sur le général Dupont.

12^eme Observation.—Saragosse pris, on aura des troupes disposibles, soit pour renforcer l’armée de Catalogne, soit pour marcher sur Valence de concert avec le maréchal Moncey, soit pour renforcer le maréchal Bessières et marcher en Galice, si après la victoire qu’il a déjà remporté, et celle qu’il remportera à Léon, il ne croit pas assez fort pour s’y porter d’abord.

13^eme Observation.—Il serait important de choisir deux points intermédiaires entre Andujar et Madrid, pour pouvoir y laisser garnison permanente, un commandant, un dépôt de cartouches, munitions, canons, magazins de biscuit, des fours, du farine, et un hôpital, de sorte que 3 à 400 hommes défendent le magazin et l’hôpital contre toute une insurrection. Il est difficile de croire qu’il n’y ait point quelque château ou donjon, pouvant être retranché promptement et propre à cela. C’est par ce seul moyen qu’on peut raccourcir la ligne d’opération, et être sur d’avoir toutes les trois ou quatre grandes marches, une manutention et un point de repos.

14^eme Observation.—En résumé, le partage de l’armée parait devoir être celui-ci:

Corps de Catalogne, tel qu’il existe à-peu-près 20,000 h^es.

Corps d’Arragon, tel qu’il existe à-peu-près 15 mille hommes, jusqu’à ce que Saragosse soit pris 15,000

Corps du maréchal Bessières, ce qu’il a à-peu-près 17,000

Colonne de Burgos 2,000

Colonne de Vittoria 2,000

Garnison de St. Sebastian 1,500

Corps d’Aranda 1,000

———

Total du corps du mar^l Bessières. 24,000 h^es.

Après la prise de Saragosse, lorsque les affaires de Catalogne seront un peu appaisées, on pourra, selon les circonstances, ou renforcer le maréchal Bessières, ou renforcer le général Dupont, ou entreprendre l’opération de Valence.

Aujourd’hui, le seul point qui menace, où il faut promptement avoir un succès, c’est du côté du général Dupont, avec 25 mille hommes infanterie, cavalerie, et artillerie comprise: il a beaucoup plus qu’il ne faut pour avoir de grands résultats; à la rigueur, avec 21 mille hommes présent sur le champ de bataille, il peut hardiment prendre l’offensive, il ne sera pas battu, et il aura pour lui plus de 80 chances.

Dictated by Napoleon. Taken at Vittoria.

NOTE SUR LES AFFAIRES D’ESPAGNE.

St. Cloud, le 30 août, 1808.

1^ere Observation.—Dans la position de l’armée d’Espagne on a à craindre d’être attaqué sur le droite par l’armée de Galice, sur le centre par l’armée venant de Madrid, sur le gauche par l’armée venant de Saragosse et Valence. Ce serait une grande faute que de laisser l’armée de Saragosse et de Valence prendre position à Tudela.

Tudela doit être occupé, parceque c’est une position honorable, et Milagro une position obscure.

Tudela est sur les communications de Pampelune, a un beau pont en pierre, est l’aboutissant d’un canal sur Saragosse. C’est une position offensive sur Saragosse telle que l’ennemi ne peut pas la négliger; cette position seule couvre la Navarre. En gardant Tudela, on garde une grande quantité de bateaux, qui nous seront bientôt nécessaires pour le siège de Saragosse.

Si l’ennemi était maître de Tudela, toute la Navarre s’insurgerait, l’ennemi pourrait arriver à Estella, en négligeant la position de Milagro et en coupant la communication avec Pampelune.

D’Estella il serait sur Tolosa; il y serait sans donner le tems de faire les dispositions convenables; il n’est pas à craindre, au contraire, que l’ennemi fasse aucune opération sur Pampelune; tant que nous aurons Tudela, il serait lui-même coupé sur Saragosse.

Le général qui commande à Tudela peut couvrir les hauteurs de redoutes; si c’est une armée d’insurgés, s’en approcher et la battre, la tenir constamment sur le defensive par les reconnoissances et ses mouvemens sur Saragosse.

Et si, au lieu de cela, une partie de l’armée de ligne Espagnole marchait sur Tudela, le général Français repassera l’Ebre, s’il y est forcé, disputera le terrein sur Pampelune, et donnera le tems au général en chef de l’armée Française de prendre ses mésures. Ce corps d’observation remplira alors son but, et aucune opération prompte sur Tolosa ni Estella n’est à craindre.

Au lieu qu’en occupant la position de Milagro, l’ennemi sera à Estella, le même jour qu’on l’apprendra au quartier général. Si on occupe Tudela, il faut s’y aider de redoutes, et s’y établir, n’y conserver aucune espèce d’embarras, et les tenir tous dans Pampelune. Si l’ennemi l’occupe, il faut l’en chasser, et s’y établir; car dans l’ordre défensif, ce serait une grande faute, qui entrainerait de fâcheuses consequences.

2^e Observation.—La position de Burgos était également importante à tenir, comme ville de haute réputation, comme centre de communication et de rapports.

Delà des partis non seulement de cavalerie, mais encore de deux ou de trois mille hommes d’infanterie, et même quatre ou cinq mille hommes en échelons peuvent poster les premières patrouilles d’housards dans toutes les directions jusqu’à deux marches, et parfaitement informés de tout ce qui ce fait, en instruire le quartier général, de manière que si l’ennemi se présente en force sur Burgos, les différentes divisions puissent à temps s’y porter pour le soutenir et livrer la bataille, ou si cela n’est pas jugé convenable, éclairer les mouvemens de l’ennemi, lui laisser croire qu’on veut se porter sur Burgos, et pouvoir ensuite faire sa retraite pour se porter ailleurs.

Un corps de 12 à 15 mille hommes ne prend-il pas 20 positions dans la journée au seul commandement d’un adjudant major? et nos troupes seraient-elles devenues des levées en masse, qu’il faudroit placer 15 jours d’avance dans les positions où on voudroit qu’elles se battent?

Si cela eut été jugé ainsi, le corps du maréchal Bessières eut pris la position de Miranda ou de Briviesca; mais lorsque l’ennemi est encore à Madrid, lorsqu’on ignore où est l’armée de Galice, et qu’on a le soupçon que les rebelles pourront employer une partie de leurs efforts contre le Portugal, prendre, au lieu d’une position menaçante, offensive, honorable comme Burgos, une position honteuse, borgne comme Trevino, c’est dire à l’ennemi, “Vous n’avez rien à craindre; portez vous ailleurs; nous avons fait nos dispositions pour aller plus loin, ou bien nous avons choisi un champ de bataille pour nous battre; venez ici, vous ne craignez pas d’être inquiétés.” Mais que fera le général Français, si l’on marche demain sur Burgos? laissera-t-il prendre par 6,000 insurgés la citadelle de cette ville, ou si les Français ont laissés garnison dans le château (car on ignore la position et la situation de l’armée), comment une garnison de 4, 6, ou 800 hommes se retira-t-elle dans une si vaste plaine? Et des lors c’est comme s’il n’y avoit rien: l’ennemi maître de cette citadelle, on ne la reprendra plus.

Si, au contraire, on veut garder la citadelle, on veut donc livrer bataille à l’ennemi; car cette citadelle ne peut pas tenir plus de trois jours; et si on veut livrer bataille à l’ennemi, pourquoi le ma^l. Bessières abandonne-t-il le terrein où on veut livrer bataille?

Ces dispositions paraissent mal raisonneés, et quand l’ennemi marchera on fera essuyer à l’armée un affront qui demoralisera les troupes, n’y eut-il que des corps légers ou des insurgés qui marchassent.

En résumé, la position de Burgos devait être gardée; tous les jours à trois heures du matin on devait être sous les armes, et à une heure du matin il devait partir des reconnaissances dans toutes les directions. On devait ainsi recueillir des nouvelles à huit ou dix lieux à la ronde, pour qu’on peut prendre ensuite le parti que les circonstances indiqueraient.

C’est la première fois qu’il arrive à une armée de quitter toutes les positions offensives, pour se mettre dans de mauvaises positions défensives, d’avoir l’air de choisir des champs de bataille, lorsque l’éloignement de l’ennemi, les mille et une combinaisons différentes qui peuvent avoir lieu, ne laissent point la probabilité de prévoir si la bataille aura lieu à Tudela, entre Tudela et Pampelune, entre Soria et l’Ebre, ou entre Burgos et Miranda.

La position de Burgos, tenue en force et d’une manière offensive, menace Palencia, Valladolid, Aranda. Madrid même. Il faut avoir longtems fait la guerre pour la concevoir; il faut avoir entrepris un grand nombre d’opérations offensives pour savoir comme le moindre événement ou indice encourage ou décourage, décide une opération ou une autre.

En deux mots, si 15 mille insurgés entrent dans Burgos, se retranchent dans la ville, et occupent le château, il faut calculer une marche de plusieurs jours pour pouvoir s’y poster et reprendre la ville; ce qui ne sera pas sans quelque inconvenient; si pendant ce tems-là la véritable attaque est sur Logroño ou Pampelune, on aura fait des contremarches inutiles, qui auront fatigué l’armée; et enfin, si l’ennemi occupe Logroño, Tudela, et Burgos, l’armée Française serait dans une triste et mauvaise position.

Quand on tiens à Burgos de la cavalerie sans infanterie, n’est-ce pas dire à l’ennemi qu’on ne veut pas y tenir; n’est-ce pas l’engager à y venir? Burgos a une grande influence dans le monde par son nom, dans la Castille parceque c’en est la capitale, dans les opérations parcequ’elle donne une communication directe avec St. Ander. Il n’est pas permis à 300 lieues, et n’ayant pas même un état de situation de l’armée, de prescrire ce qu’on doit faire; mais on doit dire que si aucune force majeure ne l’empêche, il faut occuper Burgos et Tudela.

Le corps détaché de Tudela a son mouvement assuré sur Pampelune, a la rôle de garder la Navarre, a ses ennemis à tenir en échec, Saragosse et tous les insurgés. Il était plus que suffisant pour surveiller Tudela, l’Ebre, et Pampelune, pour dissiper les rassemblemens s’il n’y avait que des insurgés, contenir l’ennemi, donner des renseignemens, et retarder la marche sur Pampelune. Si au lieu des insurgés, c’est l’armée ennemie qui marche de ce côté, il suffit encore pour donner le tems à l’armée de Burgos, à celle de Miranda, de marcher réunie avec 36 mille hommes, soit pour prendre l’offensive, soit pour prendre en flanc l’ennemi qui marche sur Pampelune, soit pour se replier et rentrer dans la Navarre, si toute l’armée ennemie avait pris cette direction.

Si ces observations paraissent bonnes et qu’on les adopte, que l’ennemi n’ait encore montré aucun plan, il faut que le général qui commande le corps de Sarragosse fasse construire quelque redoutes autour de Tudela, pour favoriser ses champs de bataille, réunisse des vivres de tous les côtés, et soit là dans une position offensive sur Sarragosse en maintenant sa communication avec Logroño par sa droite, mais au moins par la rive gauche de l’Ebre. Il faut que le maréchal Bessières, avec tout son corps, renforcé de la cavalerie légère, soit campé dans le bois près Burgos, la citadelle bien occupée; que tous les hôpitaux, les dépôts, les embarras soient au delà de l’Ebre; qu’il soit là en position de manœuvrer, tous les jours, à trois heures du matin, sous les armes, jusqu’au retour de toutes les reconnaissances, et éclairant le pays dans la plus grande étendue; que le corps du ma^l Moncey soit à Miranda et à Briviesca, tous ses embarras et hôpitaux derrière Vittoria, toujours en bataille avant le jour, et envoyant des reconnaissances sur Soria et les autres directions de l’ennemi.

Il ne faut pas perdre de vue que les corps des maréchaux Bessières et Moncey, devant être réunis, il faut se lier le moins possible avec Logroño, et cependant considérer le corps du général Lefebre comme un corps détaché, qui a une ligne d’opération particulière sur Pampelune et un rôle séparé; vouloir conserver Tudela comme une partie contigue de la ligne, c’est se desseminer beaucoup. Enfin, faire la guerre, c’est à dire, avoir des nouvelles par les curés, les alcaldes, les chefs de couvent, les principaux proprietaires, les postes: on sera alors parfaitement informé.

Les reconnaissances qui tous les jours se dirigeront du côté de Soria, de Burgos, sur Palencia, et du côté d’Aranda, peuvent former tous les jours trois postes d’interception, trois rapports d’hommes arrêtés, qu’on traitera bien, et qu’on rélachera quand ils auront donné les renseignemens qu’on desire. On verra alors venir l’ennemi, on pourra réunir toutes ses forces, lui dérober des marches, et tomber sur ses flancs au moment ou il meditera un projet offensif.

3^me Observation.—L’armée Espagnole d’Andalousie étoit peu nombreuse. Toutes les Gazettes Anglaises, et les rapports de l’officier Anglais qui était au camp, nous le prouvent. L’inconcevable ineptie du général Dupont, sa profonde ignorance des calculs d’un général en chef, son tâtonnement, l’ont perdu. 18 mille hommes ont posé les armes, six mille seulement se sont battus, et encore ces 6000 hommes que le gen^l Dupont a fait battre à la pointe du jour, après les avoir fait marcher toute la nuit, étaient un contre trois. Malgré tout cela, l’ennemi c’est si mal battu, qu’il n’a pas fait un prisonnier, pris une pièce de canon, gagné un pouce de terrein, et l’armée de Dupont est restée intacte dans sa position; ce qui sans doute a été un malheur; car il eût mieux valu que cette division eût été mise en déroute, éparpillée, et détruite, puisque les divisions Vedel et Dufour, au lieu de se rendre par la capitulation, auraient fait leur retraite. Comment ces deux divisions ont-elles été comprises dans la capitulation? c’est par la lâcheté insultante et l’imbécilité des hommes qui ont négocié, et qui porteront sur l’échaffaud la peine de ce grand crime national.

Ce que l’ont vient de dire prouve que les Espagnols ne sont pas à craindre; toutes les forces Espagnols ne sont pas capables de culbuter 25 mille Français, dans une position raisonnable.

Depuis le 12 jusqu’au 19, le général Dupont n’a fait que des bêtises, et malgré tout cela, s’il n’avait pas fait la faute de se séparer de Vedel, et qu’il eût marché avec lui, les Espagnols auraient été battus et culbutés. A la guerre les hommes ne sont rien, c’est un homme qui est tout. Jusqu’à cette heure nous n’avons trouvé ces exemples que dans l’histoire de nos ennemis: aujourd’hui, il est fâcheux que nous puissions les trouver dans la nôtre.

Une rivière, fût-elle aussi large que la Vistule, aussi rapide que le Danube à son emboucheur, n’est rien si on n’a des débouchés sur l’autre rive, et une tête prompte à reprendre l’offensive. Quand à l’Ebre, c’est moins que rien; on ne la regarde que comme une trace.

Dans toutes ces observations, on a parlé dans la position où se trouvait l’armée du 20 au 26, lorsqu’elle n’avait nulle part nouvelle de l’ennemi.

Si on continue à ne prendre aucune mésure pour avoir des nouvelles, on n’apprendra que l’armée de ligne Espagnol est arrivée sur Tudela et Pampelune, qu’elle est sur les communications, sur Tolosa, que lorsqu’elle y sera déjà rendue. On a fait connaître dans la note précédente comment on faisait à la guerre pour avoir des nouvelles. Si la position de Tudela est occupée par l’ennemi, on ne voit pas que l’Ebre soit tenable. Comment a-t-on évacué Tudela, lorsqu’on avait mandé dans des notes précédentes qu’il fallait garder ce point, et que l’opinion même des généraux qui venaient de Sarragosse étaient d’occuper cette importante position.

Dictated by Napoleon. Taken at Vittoria.

NOTE SUR LES AFFAIRES D’ESPAGNE.

St. Cloud, Août, 1808.

1^ere Observation.—Tudela est importante sous plusieurs points de vue: il a un pont sur l’Ebre, et protège parfaitement la Navarre: c’est le point d’intersection du canal qui va à Sarragosse.

Les convois d’artillerie et de vivres mettent pour se rendre de Pampelune à Tudela trois jours, de Tudela à Sarragosse trois jours. Mais en se servant du canal, on va de Tudela à Sarragosse en 14 heures. Lorsque donc les vivres, les hôpitaux, sont à Tudela, c’est comme s’ils étaient à Sarragosse.

La première opération qui doit faire l’armée lorsqu’elle reprendra son système d’offensive, et qu’elle sera forte de tous ses moyens, ce doit être d’invester et de prendre Sarragosse; et si cette ville résiste comme elle l’a fait la première fois, en donner un exemple qui retentisse dans toute l’Espagne.

Une vingtaine de pièces de 12 de campagne, une vingtaine d’obsusiers de six pièces de campagne, une douzaine de mortières, et une douzaine de pièces de 16 et de 24, parfaitement approvisionée, seront nécessaires, ainsi que des mineurs pour remplir ce but.

Il n’est aucun de ces bouches de feu qui doive consommer son approvisionement de campagne.

Un approvisionement extraordinaire de 80 mille coups de canon, bombes ou obus, parait nécessaire pour prendre cette ville.

II faudrait donc, pour ne pas retarder la marche de la grande armée, 15 jours avant qu’elle ne puisse arriver, commencer le transport de Pampeluna à Tudela, et que dans les 48 heures après l’investissement de Sarragosse, l’artillerie y arrivât sur des bâteux, de manière que quatre jours après on put commencer trois attaques à la fois, et avoir cette ville en peu de jours, ce qui serait une partie des succès, en y employant 25 à 30 mille hommes, ou plus s’il était nécessaire.

On suppose que, si l’ennemi a pris position entre Madrid et Burgos, il aura été battu.

Il faut donc occuper Tudela. Ce point est tellement important qu’il serait à desirer qu’on put employer un mois à le fortifier et à s’y retrancher de manière qu’un millier d’hommes avec 8 à 10 pièces de canon s’y trouvassent en sûreté et à l’abri de toutes les insurrections possibles. Il ne faut pas surtout souffrir que les revoltés s’y retranchât; ce serait deux sièges au lieu d’une; et il serait impossible de prendre Sarragosse avant d’avoir Tudela, à cause du canal.

On trouvera ci-joint des observations du colonel Lacoste sur Tudela; puisque les localités empêchent de penser à le fortifier, il eût été utile de l’occuper au lieu de Milagro, qui n’aboutit à rien.

2^de. Soria n’est je crois qu’à deux petits marches des positions actuelles de l’armée. Cette ville s’est constamment mal comportée. Une expedition qui se porterait sur Soria, la désarmerait, en prendrait une trentaine d’hommes des plus considerables, qu’on enverrait en France pour ôtages, et qui enfin lui ferait fournir des vivres pour l’armée, serait d’un bon effet.

3^me. Une troisième opération qui serait utile serait l’occupation de St. Ander. Il serait bien avantageux qu’elle put ce faire par la route directe de Bilbao à St. Ander.

4^me. Il faut s’occuper de désarmer la Biscaye et la Navarre; c’est un point important; tout Espagnol pris les armes à la main doit être fusillé.

Il faut veiller sur la fabrique d’armes de Palencia, ne point laisser travailler les ouvriers pour les rebelles.

Le fort de Pancorvo doit être armé et fortifie avec la plus grande activité. Il doit y avoir dans ce fort des fours, des magazins de bouches et de guerre. Situé presqu’à mi-chemin de Bayonne à Madrid, c’est une poste intermédiare pour l’armée, et un point d’appui pour les opérations de la Galicie.

Il y a dans l’armée plus de généraux qu’il n’en faut; deux seraient nécessaires au corps qui était sous Sarragosse. Les généraux de division La Grange, Belliard, et Grandjean sont sans emploi, et tous trois bons généraux.

Il faut renvoyer, le plus promptement possible, le regiment et le général Portugais pour joindre leurs corps à Grenobles, où il doit se former.

5^me. On ne discutera pas ici si la ligne de l’Ebre est bonne, si elle a la configuration requise pour être défendu avec avantage.

On discutera encore moins si on eût pu ne pas evacuer Madrid, conserver la ligne du Duero, ou prendre une position qui eût couvert le siège de Sarragosse et eût permis d’attendre que cette ville fut prise; toutes ces questions sont oiseuses.

Nous nous contenterons de dire, puisqu’on a pris la ligne de l’Ebre, que les troupes s’y desout et s’y reposent, qu’elle a au moins l’avantage que le pays est plus sain, étant plus élevé, et qu’on peut y attendre que les chaleurs soient passées.

Il faut surtout ne point quitter cette ligne sans avoir un projet déterminé, qui ne laisse aucune incertitude dans les opérations à suivre. Ce serait un grand malheur de quitter cette ligne pour être ensuite obligé de la reprendre.

A la guerre les trois quarts sont des affaires morales; la balance des forces réelles n’est que pour un autre quart.

6^me. En gardant la ligne de l’Ebre il faut que le général ait bien prévu tout ce que l’ennemi peut faire dans tous les hypothèses.

L’ennemi peut se présenter devant Burgos, partir de Soria, et marcher sur Logroño, ou, en partant de Sarragosse, se porter sur Estella, et menacer ainsi Tolosa. Il faut, dans tous ces hypothèses, qu’il n’y ait point un longtems perdu en déliberations, qu’on puisse se ployer de sa droite à sa gauche, et de sa gauche à sa droite, sans faire aucun sacrifice. Car dans des manœuvres combinées, les tâtonnements, l’irrésolution qui naissent des nouvelles contradictoires qui se succedent rapidement, conduisent à des malheurs.

Cette diversion de Sarragosse sur Tolosa est une des raisons qui a longtems fait penser que la position de Tudela devait être gardée, soit sur la rive droite, soit avec la faculté de repasser sur la rive gauche. Elle est offensive sur Sarragosse, elle previent à tem de tous les mouvemens qui pourraient se faire de ce côté.

7^me. Une observation qu’il n’est pas hors de propos de faire ici c’est, que l’ennemi, qui a intérêt de masquer ses forces, en cachant le véritable point de son attaque, opère de manière que le coup qu’il veut porter n’est jamais indiqué d’une manière positive, et le général ne peut deviner que par la connaissance bien approfondie de sa position, et la manière dont il fait entrer son système offensive, pour proteger et garantir son système défensive.

8^me. On n’a point de renseignements sur ce que fait l’ennemi. On dit toujours qu’on ne peut pas avoir des nouvelles, comme si cette position était extraordinaire dans une armée, comme si on trouvait ordinairement des éspions. Il faut en Espagne, comme partout ailleurs, envoyer des parties qui enlevent tantôt le curé ou l’alcalde, tantôt un chef de couvent ou le maître de poste, et surtout toutes les lettres, quelquefois le maître de la poste, aux douanes, ou celui qui en fait les fonctions, ou les met aux arrêts jusqu’à ce qu’ils parlent, en les faisant interroger deux fois par jour; on les garde en ôtage, et on les charge d’envoyer des piétons, et de donner des nouvelles.

Quand on saura prendre des mésures de force et de vigueur, on aura des nouvelles; il faut intercepter toutes les postes, toutes les lettres.

Le seul motif d’avoir des nouvelles peut determiner à faire un gros détachement de quatre à cinq milles hommes, qui se portent dans une grande ville, prennent les lettres à la poste, se saississent des citoyens les plus aisés de leurs lettres, papiers, gazettes, etc.

Il est hors de doute que même dans la ligne des Français les habitants sont tous informés de ce qui se passe: à plus forte raison hors de la ligne. Qui empêche donc, qu’on prenne les hommes marquants, et qu’on les renvoyé ensuite sans les maltraiter?

Il est donc de fait, lorsqu’on n’est point dans un désert, et qu’on est dans un pays peuple, que si le general n’est pas instruit, c’est qu’il n’a pas su prendre les mésures convenables pour l’être.

Les services que les habitants rendent à un général ennemi, ils ne le font jamais par affection, ni même pour avoir de l’argent; les plus réels qu’on obtient c’est pour avoir de sauve-gardes, et de protections; c’est pour conserver ses biens, ses jours, sa ville, son monastère.

The original of the following memoir is a rough draft, written by king Joseph. It has many erasures and interlineations, and was evidently composed to excuse his retreat from Madrid. The number of the French troops was undoubtedly greater than is here set down, unless the infantry alone be meant.

Lorsqu’on a quitté Madrid a la nouvelle de la defection d’un corps de vingt-deux mille hommes, il y avoit dans Madrid dix-sept mille hommes, au corps du maréchal Bessières quinze mille cinq cent, au corps de Sarragosse onze mille sept cent: l’armée se composait done de quarante-cinq mille hommes; mais ces trois corps étaient distans entre eux de près de cent lieus. La première idée fut de réunir le corps de Madrid à celui de Léon, à Burgos, et par suite d’entrer en communication avec celui de Sarragosse, avec lequel l’état major de Madrid n’avoit jamais eu aucune relation directe, et dont il ignorait absolument la situation et la composition.

Vingt jours après sa sortie de Madrid le roi s’est trouvé à la tête d’une armée de cinquante mille hommes. Le feu de la sedition n’a pas pu se communiquer sur les points parcourus par les trois corps d’armée alors réunis; les communications avec la France out été gardées; l’insurrection de Bilbao a été eteinte dans le sang de 1200 insurgés. Peu de jours après, 20,000 d’entre eux réunis a 60 lieus delà, à Tudela, à l’autre extrémité de la ligne, out été dispersés et poursuivis rigoureusement. Les provinces de la Biscaye, de Burgos, et le royaume de Navarre ont été contenus. Une organization intérieure a prepare les moyens de nourrir l’armée, d’approvisionner les places de Pampelune, St. Sebastien, les forts de Pancorvo et de Burgos, en rendant le moins insupportable possible à ces provinces cette charge évidemment disproportionnée à leurs moyens.

Le matériel de l’artillerie a été réparé et mis en état d’agir, l’armée réorganisée, les hommes et les chevaux sont aujourd’hui en bon état.

C’est ainsi que s’est passé le mois d’Août et partie de Septembre. Les renforts arrivés de France ont à peine indemnisé l’armée des pertes qu’elle a éprouvés par les maladies et le siège de Sarragosse.

Voici sa force, et son organisation actuelle:

Le corps de droite, commandé par m^r le mar^al Bessières, est forte de 18,000 hommes.

Celui de gauche, commandé par m^r le mar^al Moncey, est de 18,000 hommes.

Celui du centre, aux ordres de m^r le mar^al Ney, est de onze mille hommes.

La reserve du roi est de quatre mille hommes[30].

Le corps de droite occupe le pays depuis Burgos jusqu’à Pancorvo, et Ponte de Lara.

Le corps de gauche depuis Tudela jusqu’à Logroño.

Le corps du centre depuis Logroño jusqu’à Haro.

La reserve Miranda.

La nouvelle position prise par l’armée depuis que les événemens de l’Andalousie avaient fait présager une guerre réelle en Espagne, était évidemment commandée par les simples notions de la saine raison, qui ne pouvait permettre sa séparation à plus de dix jours de marche, de trois corps d’armée, dont le plus fort n’arrivait pas à 18,000 hommes, au milieu d’une nation de onze millions d’habitans, qui se déclarait ennemi, et se mettait universellement en état de guerre.

Cinquante mille Français ont pu se tenir avec succès sur une ligne de plus de 60 lieus, gardant les deux grandes communications de Burgos et de Tudela contre des ennemis qui n’ont pu jusqu’ici porter sur l’un ou l’autre de ces points plus de 25,000 hommes; puisque 15,000 Français pouvaient être réunis sur l’une ou l’autre de ces deux communications principales en 24 heures.

Si les corps d’armée dirigés sur l’Espagne devaient arriver dans le mois de Septembre, ce système défensif et offensif à la fois se continuerait avec avantage, puisqu’il tend à refaire l’armée, à attendre celle qui doit arriver, et continue à menacer l’ennemi; mais il ne saurait se prolonger jusqu’au mois de Novembre. L’ennemi n’a pu rester trois mois sans faire de grands progrès; bientôt il sera en état de prendre l’offensif avec de grands corps organisés, obéissans à une administration centrale, qui aura eu le tems de se former à Madrid. Tout nous annonce que le mois d’Octobre est une de ces époques décisives qui donne à celui qui sait s’en emparer la priorité des mouvemens et des succès dont la progression est incalculable.

Quel est le parti à prendre dans la position où se trouve l’armée, et avec l’assurance qu’elle a? de voir entrer en Espagne dans le mois de Novembre deux cent mille Français.

Six manières de voir se présentent à l’esprit.

1^ere. D’essayer de rester encore dans l’état où l’on est.

Ce système est évidemment insoutenable. De Tudela à Burgos et à Bilbao il y a plus de 60 lieus. L’ennemi pourra attaquer la gauche de cette ligne avec quarante mille hommes, la droite avec quarante mille hommes, le centre avec des forces égales. Tudela et la Navarre jusqu’à Logroño demandent 25,000 hommes pour être défendues. Burgos ne peut être défendue que par une armée en état de résister aux forces réunis de MM. Blake, Cuesta, qui peuvent présenter 80,000 hommes. Il est douteux que les 20,000 bayonettes qu’il serait possible de leur presente puissent les battre complètement. Si le succès est douteux, ces 20,000 hommes seront harcelés par les insurgés, qui pourront alors soulever les trois provinces, les séparer totalement d’avec le corps de gauche et de la France.

2^de. Porter le corps du centre et la reserve par Tudela au devant de l’ennemi sur la route de Sarragosse, ou sur celle d’Albazan; on réunirait ainsi 30,000 hommes, on chercherait l’ennemi, et nul doute on le battrait si on le rencontrait de ce côté.

Le maréchal Bessières serait chargé d’observer la grande communication de Burgos à Miranda, laisserait garnison dans le château de Burgos, dans le fort de Pancorvo, occuperait l’ennemi, surveillerait les mouvemens des montagnes de Reynosa, les débarquemens possibles de Santander. Sa tâche serait difficile si l’on considère que le défilé de Pancorvo n’est pas le seul accessible à l’artillerie, qu’à trois lieus delà on arrive sur Miranda par une route practicable à l’artillerie, que quelques lieus plus loin l’Ebre offre un troisième passage sur le point de la chaîne qu’il traverse entre Haro et Miranda.

3^eme. Laisser le maréchal Moncey à la défence de la Navarre, et se porter avec le corps du centre et la reserve sur Burgos. Réuni au maréchal Bessières on pourroit chercher l’ennemi, et attaquer avec avantage, on marcherait à lui avec trente mille hommes, et on n’attendrait pas qu’il fut réuni avec toutes ses forces. Il serait peut-être possible de donner pour instruction au maréchal Moncey, dans le cas ou il serait débordé sur sa gauche, et qu’il ne verrait pas probabilité de battre l’ennemi, de faire un mouvement par sa droite, et se porter par Logroño sur Briviesca, où il se réunirait au reste de l’armée. Dans ce cas, la Navarre s’insurgerait, les communications avec la France seraient coupées, mais l’armée réunie dans la plaine serait assez forte pour attendre les corps qui arrivent de France, et qui seront assez forts pour pénétrer partout. Il serait aussi possible que, dans tous les cas, le maréchal Moncey se maintienne dans le camp retranché de Pampelune; manœuvrant autour de cette place, il y attendrait le résultat des opérations des deux corps d’armée qui auraient été au devant de l’ennemi dans la plaine de Burgos, et l’arrivée des corps de la grande armée.

4^eme. Passer l’Ebre, et chercher à amener l’ennemi à une bataille dans la plaine que est entre Vittoria et l’Ebre.

5^eme. Se retirer appuyant sa gauche sur Pampelune, et sa droite dans les montagnes de Mondragone.

6^eme. Laisser une garnison en état de se défendre pendant six semaines à Pampelune, St. Sebastien, Pancorvo, et Burgos, réunir le reste de l’armée, marcher à la rencontre de l’ennemi sur l’une ou l’autre des grandes communications, le battre partout où on le trouverait, attendre, ou près de Madrid, ou dans le pays où les mouvemens de l’ennemi et la possibilité de vivre aurait porté l’armée, les troupes de France; on abandonnerait ses derrières, ses communications; mais la grande armée serait assez forte pour en ouvrir pour elle-même. Et quant à l’armée qui est en Espagne, réunie ainsi elle serait en état de braver tous les efforts, de déconcerter tous les projets de l’ennemi, et d’attendre dans une noble attitude le mouvement général qui sera imprimé par vôtre majesté lors de l’arrivée de toutes les troupes dans ce pays.

De tous les projets le dernier parait preférable; il est plus noble et aussi sur que le 5^eme.

Ces deux projets sont seuls entiers absolument offensif ou absolument défensif. On peut les regarder, l’un et l’autre, comme propres à assurer la conservation de l’armée jusqu’à l’arrivée des renforts. Le dernier a sur l’autre l’avantage d’arrêter le progrès de l’ordre nouveau qui s’établit en Espagne; il est plus digne des troupes Françaises, et du frère de vôtre majesté. Il est aussi sur que celui de la sévère et honteuse défensive proposée par l’article cinq. Je l’ai communiqué au mar^al Jourdan et au mar^al Ney, qui l’un et l’autre sont de cet avis. Je ne doute point que les autres maréchaux ne partagent leur opinion.

Au premier Octobre je puis avoir la réponse de V. M., et même avant, puisque je lui ai manifesté cette opinion par ma lettre du 14 Septembre.

Si V. M. approuve ce plan, il sera possible qu’elle n’ait pas de mes nouvelles jusqu’à l’arrivée des troupes; mais je suis convaincu qu’elle trouvera les affaires dans une bien meilleure situation qu’en suivant aucun des autres cinq projets.

Miranda, le 16 Sept. 1808.

S.

EXTRAIT DE LA LETTER DU MAJOR GÉNÉRAL AU GÉNÉRAL SAVARY, À MADRID.

Bayonne, 12^e Juillet, 1808.

Section 1.—J’ai rendu compte à l’empereur, général, de vôtre lettre du 8^me. S. M. trouve que vous vous étes dégarni de trop de monde à Madrid, que vous avez fait marcher trop de troupes au secours du g^al Dupont, qu’on ne doit pas agir offensivement jusqu’à ce que les affaires de la Galice soient éclairées. De tous les points de l’armée, général, le plus important est la Galice, parceque c’est la seule province qui ait réellement conclu un traité avec l’Angleterre. La division de ligne des troupes Espagnoles qui était à Oporto s’est joint à celle qui était en Galice, et enfin par la position de cette province extrêmement près de l’Angleterre. Indépendamment de ces considérations, la position la rend encore plus interessante; car les communications de l’armée se trouveraient compromises si le maréchal Bessières n’avait pas un entier succès, et il faudrait bien alors reployer toutes vos troupes, et marcher isolément au secours du maréchal Bessières. Encore une fois, général, vous vous étes trop dégarni de Madrid, et si un bon régiment de cuirassiers, quelque pièces d’artillerie, et 1000 à 1200 hommes d’infanterie avaient pu arriver à l’appui du maréchal Bessières, le 14, cela lui aurait été d’un éminent secours. Q’importe que Valence soit soumis? Q’importe que Sarragosse soit soumis? Mais, général, le moindre succès de l’ennemi du côté de la Galice aurait des inconvéniens immenses. Instruit comme vous l’étiez des forces du général Cuesta, de la désertion de troupes d’Oporto, &^a.... S. M. trouve que pour bién manœuvrer il aurait fallu vous arranger de manière à avoir du 12^e au 15^e 8000 hommes pour renforcer le maréchal Bessières. Une fois nos derrières debarassées, et cette armée de Galice détruite, tout le reste tombe et se soumit de soi-même, &c. &c.

S.

EXTRAIT DE LA LETTRE, &c.

Bayonne, 13 Juillet, 1808.

Section 2.—Nous recevons vos lettres du 9^e et du 10^e, général. L’empereur me charge de vous faire connaître que si le général Gobert était à Valladolid, le général Frère à San Clemente ayant une colonne dans la Manche, si 300 à 400 convalescens, un bon commandant, 4 pièces de canon, un escouade d’artillerie, et vingt mille rations de biscuit étaient dans le château de Ségovie, la position de l’armée serait superbe et à l’abri de toute sollicitude. La conduite du général Frère ne parait pas claire. Let nouvelles qu’il a eues de maréchal Moncey paraissent apocryphes. Il est possible que ses 8000 hommes et son artillerie n’aient pas été suffisans pour enlever la ville de Valence. Cela étant, le maréchal Moncey ne l’enleverait pas d’avantage avec 20,000 hommes, parcequ’alors c’est une affaire de canons et de mortiers, &^a. &^a.... Valence est comme la Catalogne et l’Arragon; ces trois points sont secondaires. Les deux vrais points importans sont le général Dupont et particulièrement le maréchal Bessières, parceque le premier a devant lui le corps du camp de St. Roch et le corps de Cadiz, et le maréchal Bessières parcequ’il a devant lui les troupes de la Galice et celles qui etaient à Oporto. Le général Dupont a près de 20,000 hommes; il ne peut pas avoir contre lui un pareil nombre de troupes; il a déjà obtenu des succès très marquans, et au pis aller il ne peut être contraint qu’à repasser les montagnes, ce qui n’est qu’un événement de guerre. Le maréchal Bessières est beaucoup moins fort que le général Dupont, et les troupes Espagnoles d’Oporto et de la Galice sont plus nombreuses que celles de l’Andalousie, et les troupes de la Galice n’ont pas encore été entamées. Enfin le moindre insuccés du maréchal Bessières intercepte tous les communications de l’armée et compromettrait même sa sûreté. Le général Dupont se bat pour Andujar, et le maréchal Bessières se bat pour les communications de l’armée et pour les opérations les plus importans aux affaires d’Espagne, &c. &c.

S.

EXTRAIT DE LA LETTRE, &c. &c.

Bayonne, 18 Juillet, 1808, à dix heures du soir.

Section 3.—Je reçois, général, vos lettres du 14. L’aide-de-camp du maréchal Moncey a donné à sa majesté tous les détails sur ce qui s’est passé. La conduite du maréchal a été belle. Il a bien battu les rebelles en campagne. Il est tout simple qu’il n’ait pu entrer à Valence; c’étoit une affaire de mortiers et de pièces de siège. Sa position à San Clement est bonne, de là il est à même de remarcher sur Valence. De reste, général, l’affaire de Valence est une affaire du second ordre, même celle de Sarragosse, qui cependant est plus importante. L’affaire du maréchal Bessières était d’un intérêt majeur pour les affaires d’Espagne, et la première après cette affaire c’est celle du général Dupont, et c’est le moment de laisser le général Gobert suivre la route. Le maréchal Moncey se repose; le général Reille marche sur Gironne: ainsi trois colonnes pourront marcher ensemble sur Valence; le corps du général Reille, celui de Sarragosse, et celui du maréchal Moncey, ce qui formera les 20,000 hommes que ce maréchal croit nécessaire. Mais l’empereur, général, trouve que vous avez tort de dire qu’il n’y a rien été fait depuis six semaines. On a battu les rassemblemens de la Galice, de St. Ander, ceux d’Arragon et de Catalogne, qui dans leur aveuglement croyaient qu’ils n’avaient qu’à marcher pour détruire les Français: le maréchal Moncey, les généraux Duhesme, Dupont, Verdier, ont fait de bonne besogne, et tous les hommes sensés en Espagne ont changé dans le fonds de leur opinion, et voient avec la plus grande peine l’insurrection. Au reste, général, les affaires d’Espagne sont dans la situation la plus prospère depuis la bataille de Medina del Rio Seco, &c. &c. Le 14^e et le 44^e arrivent demain; après demain ils partent pour le camp de Sarragosse; non pas que ces troupes puissent avancer la reddition, qui est une affaire de canon, mais elles serviraient contre les insurgés de Valence, s’ils voulaient renforcer ceux de Sarragosse. Enfin, si le général Gobert et les détachemens qui sont à moitié chemin pour rejoindre le général Dupont font juger à ce général qu’il a des forces suffisantes pour battre le général Castaños, il faut qu’elles continuent leur direction, et qu’il attaque l’ennemi, s’il croit devoir le faire, &^a. &^a.

(Cette lettre a été ecrite le jour de la bataille de Baylen.)

EXTRAIT DE LA LETTRE, &^a.

Bourdeaux, 3 Août, 1818.

Section 4.—Les événemens du général Dupont sont une chose sans exemple, et la rédaction de sa capitulation est de niveau avec la conduite tenue jusqu’à cette catastrophe. L’empereur pense qu’on n’a pas tenue compte du vague de la rédaction de l’acte, en permettant que les corps en échellons sur la communication entre vous et le général Dupont aient marché pour se rendre aux Anglais: car on ne doit pas presumer qu’ils aient la loyauté de laisser passer les troupes qui s’embarquent. Comme vous ne parlez pas de cela, on pense que vous avez retiré ces échellons sur Madrid. Après avoir lu attentivement la rélation du général Dupont, on voit qu’il n’a capitulé que le lendemain de la bataille, et que les corps des généraux Vedel et Dufour, qui se trouvent compris pour quelque chose dans la capitulation (on ne sait pourquoi), ne se sont pas battus. Par la relation même du général Dupont, tout laisse penser que l’armée du général Castaños n’était pas à beaucoup près aussi forte qu’on le dit, et qu’il avait réuni à Baylen tout ce qu’il avait de forces. S. M. ne lui calcule pas plus de 25,000 hommes de troupes de ligne et plus de 15,000 paysans. Par la lettre du général Belliard il parait que l’ordre est donné de lever le siège de Sarragosse, ce qui serait prématuré; car vous comprendrez qu’il n’est pas possible qu’on ne laisse un corps d’armée, qui couvre Pampelune, et contienne la Navarre, sans quoi l’ennemi peut cerner Pampelune, insurger la Navarre, et alors la communication de France par Tolosa serait coupée, et l’ennemi sur les derrières de l’armée. Supposant l’ennemi réuni à Pampelune, la ville bloquée, il peut se trouver en cinq à six marches sur les derrières de Burgos. L’armée qui assiège Sarragosse est donc à-peu-près nécessaire pour contenir la Navarre, les insurgés de l’Arragon et de Valence, et pour empêcher de percer sur nôtre flanc gauche; car si, comme le dit le général Belliard, le général Verdier se porte avec ses troupes à Logroño, en jetant 2000 hommes dans Pampelune, la communication de Bayonne, qu’eut sur le champ être interceptée le général Verdier, serait mieux à Tudela qu’à Logroño. Si le général Castaños s’avance, et que vous puissiez lui livrer la bataille, on ne peut en prévoir que les plus heureux résultats: mais de la manière dont il a marché vis-à-vis du général Dupont, tout donne à croire qu’il mettra la plus grande circonspection dans ses mouvemens. Si par le canal des parlementaires l’on peut établir une suspension d’armes sans que le roi y soit pour rien en apparence, cette espèce d’armistice pourrait se rompre en se prévenant de part et d’autre huit jours d’avance, donnant aux Français la ligne du Duero passant par Almazan pour joindre l’Ebre. Cette suspension d’armes, que les insurgés pourraient regarder comme avantageuse, afin de s’organiser à Madrid ne nous serait pas défavorable, parcequ’on verrait pendant ce temps l’organisation que prendraient les parties insurgés de l’Espagne, et ce que veut la nation, &c. &c.

LE MAJOR GÉNÉRAL AU ROI D’ESPAGNE.

Nantes, 11 Août, 1808.

Section 5.—Sire, le général Savary ni vos ministres Azanza et Urquijo ne sont arrivés: il parait qu’il y a des rassemblemens à Bilbao d’après les nouvelles que nous recevons. S. M. pense qu’il est important d’y faire marcher le plutôt possible une colonne pour y rétablir l’ordre. V. M. sait que la moitié de Sarragosse était en nôtre pouvoir, et que sous peu on esperait avoir le reste de la ville. Lorsque le général Belliard a donné l’ordre de lever le siège, il eût été à désirer que cet ordre fut conditionnel, comme cela paraissait être l’intention de V. M., ainsi qu’on le voit dans sa correspondance; c’est à dire, que le siège ne fut levé que dans le cas où l’on n’aurait pas cru être maître de la ville avant cinq ou six jours. Cela aurait présenté des circonstances meilleurs; car si le général Verdier évacu en entier la Navarre et l’Arragon, il est à craindre que la Navarre ne s’insurge, et Pampelune ne tarderait pas à être cernée. J’ai mandé à V. M. que déjà des corps entiers de la grande armée sont en mouvement pour se rendre en poste en Espagne. Les dispositions les plus vigoureuses sont prises de tous côtés, et dans six semaines ou deux mois l’Espagne sera soumise. L’empereur, qui continue à jouir d’une bonne santé, quoiqu’il soit très occupé, part dans une heure pour continuer sa route sur Angers, Tours, et Paris. V. M. doit être persuadée que toutes nos pensées sont sur elle et sur l’armée qu’elle commande.

LETTER FROM MR. DRUMMOND TO SIR ALEXANDER BALL.

Palermo, July 4th, 1808.

MY DEAR SIR,

His highness the duke of Orleans has applied to me to write to you on a subject about which he appears to be extremely interested. I take it for granted that you are acquainted with all the events which have lately happened in Spain. The duke thinks that the appearance of a member of the house of Bourbon in that country might be acceptable to the Spaniards, and of great service to the common cause. In this I perfectly concur with his highness, and if you be of the same opinion you will probably have no objection to send a ship here to carry his highness to Gibraltar. He himself is exceedingly sanguine. We have letters from London down to the 5th of June. Portugal has followed the example of Spain, and Lisbon is probably now in other hands: an invitation has been sent to sir Charles Cotton.

(Signed) William Drummond.

P.S. “* * *”

MR. DRUMMOND TO SIR HEW DALRYMPLE.

Palermo, July 24th, 1808.

DEAR SIR,

This letter will be delivered to you by his royal highness prince Leopold, second son of the king of the Two Sicilies. This prince goes immediately to Gibraltar to communicate immediately with the loyal Spaniards, and to notify to them that his father will accept the regency, if they desire it, until his nephew Ferdinand the Seventh be delivered from captivity. Don Leopold and his cousin the duke of Orleans will offer themselves as soldiers to the Spaniards, and will accept such situations as may be given to them suitable to their illustrious rank. If their visit should not be acceptable to the Spaniards, don Leopold will return to Sicily, and his serene highness the duke of Orleans will proceed to England. Being of opinion that the appearance of an infant of Spain may be of the greatest utility at the present crisis, and in all events can hardly be productive of harm, I have urged his Sicilian majesty to determine upon this measure, which I conceive to be required at his hands, in consequence of the manifesto of Palafox, which you have probably seen. At the distance of 1000 miles, however, we cannot be supposed to be accurately informed here of many circumstances with which you probably may be intimately acquainted; prince Leopold therefore will be directed to consult with you, and to follow your advice, which I have no doubt you will readily and cheerfully give him. I take the liberty at the same time of recommending him to your care and protection.

(Signed) Wm. Drummond.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM SIR HEW DALRYMPLE TO LORD CASTLEREAGH.

Gibraltar, August 10th, 1808.

MY LORD,

Last night the Thunderer arrived here, having on board the duke of Orleans, the second prince of the Two Sicilies, and a considerable number of noblemen and others, the suite of the latter. As the ship came to anchor at a late hour, I had not the honour of seeing the duke of Orleans until near ten at night, when he came accompanied by captain Talbot. The duke first put into my hands a letter from Mr. Drummond, as captain Talbot did a despatch from sir Alexander Ball, copies of which I have the honour to enclose. As the latter seemed bulky, I did not immediately open it, and therefore did not immediately remark that sir Alexander Ball did not seem aware that the prince of the Two Sicilies was coming down, much less that he meditated establishing his residence at Gibraltar for the avowed purpose of negotiating for the regency of Spain. Of this object the duke of Orleans made no mystery, and proceeded to arrange the time and manner of the prince’s reception in the morning, and the accommodation that should be prepared for him, suited to his rank, and capable of containing his attendants. I took early occasion first to remark the ill effect this measure might produce in Spain at the moment when the establishment of a central government had become obviously necessary, and would naturally lead to much intrigue and disunion, until the sentiments of the people and the armies (which would naturally assemble for the purpose of expelling the enemy from their territory) should be pronounced....

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LORD CASTLEREAGH TO SIR HEW DALRYMPLE.

Downing Street, Nov. 4th, 1808.

“I have great pleasure, however, in assuring you that the measures pursued by you on that delicate and important subject” (the unexpected arrival of prince Leopold and the duke of Orleans at Gibraltar) “received his majesty’s entire approbation.”

* * *

(Signed) Castlereagh.

SIR A. WELLESLEY TO SIR HARRY BURRARD.

Head-quarters, at Lavos, August 8th, 1808.

SIR,

Having received instructions from the secretary of state that you were likely to arrive on the coast of Portugal with a corps of 10,000 men, lately employed in the north of Europe under the orders of sir John Moore, I now submit to you such information as I have received regarding the general state of the war in Portugal and Spain, and the plan of operations which I am about to carry into execution.

The enemy’s force at present in Portugal consists, as far as I am able to form an opinion, of from 16,000 to 18,000 men, of which number there are about 500 in the fort of Almeida, about the same number in Elvas, about 6 or 800 in Peniché, and 16 or 1800 in the province of Alemtejo, at Setuval, &c.; and the remainder are disposable for the defence of Lisbon, and are in the forts of St. Julian and Cascaes, in the batteries along the coast as far as the Rock of Lisbon, and the old citadel of Lisbon, to which the enemy have lately added some works.

Of the force disposable for the defence of Lisbon, the enemy have lately detached a corps of about 2000, under general Thomieres, principally I believe to watch my movements, which corps is now at Alcobaça; and another corps of 4000 men, under gen^l. Loison, was sent across the Tagus into Alemtejo on the 26th of last month, the object of which detachment was to disperse the Portuguese insurgents in that quarter, to force the Spanish corps, consisting of about 2000 men, which had advanced into Portugal as far as Evora from Estremadura, to retire, and then to be enabled to add to the force destined for the defence of Lisbon the corps of French troops which had been stationed at Setuval and in the province of Alemtejo; at all events Loison’s corps will return to Lisbon, and the French corps disposable for the defence of that place will probably be about 14,000 men, of which at least 3000 must be left in the garrisons and forts on the coast and in the river.

The French army under Dupont, in Andalusia, surrendered on the 20th of last month to the Spanish army under Castaños; so that there are now no French troops in the south of Spain. The Spanish army of Gallicia and Castille, to the northward, received a check at Rio Seco, in the province of Valladolid, on the 14th of July, from a French corps supposed to be under the command of general Bessieres, which had advanced from Burgos.

The Spanish troops retired on the 15th to Benevente, and I understand there has since been an affair between the advanced posts in that neighbourhood, but I am not certain of it; nor am I acquainted with the position of the Spanish army, or of that of the French, since the 14th July. When you will have been a short time in this country, and will have observed the degree to which the deficiency of real information is supplied by the circulation of unfounded reports, you will not be surprised at my want of accurate knowledge on these subjects.

It is however certain that nothing of importance has occurred in that quarter since the 14th July; and from this circumstance I conclude that the corps called Bessieres attacked the Spanish army at Rio Seco solely with a view to cover the march of king Joseph Buonaparte to Madrid, where he arrived on the 21st July. Besides their defeat in Andalusia, the enemy, as you may probably have heard, have been beat off in an attack upon Sarragossa, in Arragon, in another upon the city of Valencia (in both of which it is said that they have lost many men); and it is reported that in Catalonia two of their detachments have been cut off, and that they have lost the fort of Figueras in the Pyrenees, and that Barcelona is blockaded. Of these last-mentioned actions and operations I have seen no official accounts, but the report of them is generally circulated and believed; and at all events, whether these reports are founded or otherwise, it is obvious that the insurrection against the French is general throughout Spain; that large bodies of Spaniards are in arms; amongst others, in particular, an army of 20,000 men, including 4000 cavalry, at Almaraz on the Tagus in Estremadura, and that the French cannot carry on their operations by means of small corps. I should imagine from their inactivity, and from the misfortunes they have suffered, that they have not the means of collecting a force sufficiently large to oppose the progress of the insurrection and the efforts of the insurgents, and to afford supplies to their different detached corps, or that they find that they cannot carry on their operations with armies so numerous as they must find it necessary to employ without magazines.

In respect to Portugal, the whole kingdom, with the exception of the neighbourhood of Lisbon, is in a state of insurrection against the French; their means of resistance are, however, less powerful than those of the Spaniards, their troops had been completely dispersed, their officers had gone off to the Brazils, and their arsenals pillaged, or in the power of the enemy, and their revolt under the circumstances in which it has taken place is still more extraordinary than that of the Spanish nation.

The Portuguese may have in the northern part of the kingdom about 10,000 men in arms, of which number 5000 are to march with me towards Lisbon. The remainder, with a Spanish detachment of about 1500 men which came from Gallicia, are employed in a distant blockade of Almeida, and in the protection of Oporto, which is now the seat of government.

The insurrection is general throughout Alemtejo and Algarve to the southward, and Entre Minho et Douero and Trasasmontes and Beira to the northward; but for want of arms the people can do nothing against the enemy.

Having consulted sir C. Cotton, it appeared to him and to me that the attack proposed upon Cascaes bay was impracticable, because the bay is well defended by the fort of Cascaes and the other works constructed for its defence, and the ships of war could not approach sufficiently near to silence them. The landing in the Passa d’Arcos in the Tagus could not be effected without silencing fort St. Julian, which appeared to be impracticable to those who were to carry that operation into execution.

There are small bays within which might admit of landing troops, and others to the northward of the rock of Lisbon, but they are all defended by works which must have been silenced; they are of small extent, and but few men could have landed at the same time. There is always a surf on them which affects the facility of landing at different times so materially, as to render it very doubtful whether the troops first landed could be supported in sufficient time by others, and whether the horses for the artillery and cavalry, and the necessary stores and provisions could be landed at all. These inconveniences attending a landing in any of the bays near the rock of Lisbon would have been aggravated by the neighbourhood of the enemy to the landing-place, and by the exhausted state of the country in which the troops would have been landed. It was obviously the best plan, therefore, to land in the northern parts of Portugal, and I fixed upon Mondego bay as the nearest place which afforded any facility for landing, excepting Peniché, the landing-place of which peninsula is defended by a fort occupied by the enemy, which it would be necessary to attack regularly in order to place the ships in safety.

A landing to the northward was farther recommended, as it would ensure the co-operation of the Portuguese troops in the expedition to Lisbon. The whole of the corps placed under my command, including those under the command of general Spencer, having landed, I propose to march on Wednesday, and I shall take the road by Alcobaça and Obidos, with a view to keep up my communication by the sea-coast, and to examine the situation of Peniché, and I shall proceed towards Lisbon by the route of Mafra, and by the hills to the northward of that city.

As I understand from the secretary of state that a body of troops under the command of brigadier-general Ackland may be expected on the coast of Portugal before you arrive, I have written to desire he will proceed from hence along the coast of Portugal to the southward; and I propose to communicate with him by the means of captain Bligh of the Alfred, who will attend the movements of the army with a few transports, having on board provisions and military stores. I intend to order brigadier-general Ackland to attack Peniché, if I should find it necessary to obtain possession of that place, and if not, I propose to order him to join the fleet stationed off the Tagus, with a view to disembark in one of the bays near the rock of Lisbon as soon as I shall approach sufficiently near to enable him to perform that operation. If I imagined that general Ackland’s corps was equipped in such a manner as to be enabled to move from the coast, I should have directed him to land at Mondego, and to march upon Santarem, from which station he would have been at hand either to assist my operations, or to cut off the retreat of the enemy, if he should endeavour to make it either by the north of the Tagus and Almeida, or by the south of the Tagus and Elvas; but as I am convinced that general Ackland’s corps is intended to form a part of some other corps which is provided with a commissariat, that he will have none with him, and consequently that his corps must depend upon the country; and as no reliance can be placed upon the resources of this country, I have considered it best to direct the general’s attention to the sea-coast; if, however, the command of the army remained in my hands, I should certainly land the corps which has lately been under the command of sir John Moore at Mondego, and should move it upon Santarem. I have the honour to enclose a return of the troops, &c. &c.

(Signed) Arthur Wellesley.

SIR ARTHUR WELLESLEY TO SIR HARRY BURRARD.

Camp at Lugar, 8 miles north of Lerya, August 10, 1808.

SIR,

Since I wrote to you on the 8th inst. I have received letters from Mr. Stuart and colonel Doyle at Corunna, of which I enclose copies. From them you will learn the state of the war in that part of Spain, and you will observe that Mr. Stuart and colonel Doyle are of opinion that marshal Bessieres will take advantage of the inefficiency of the Gallician army under general Blake to detach a corps to Portugal to the assistance of general Junot; we have not heard yet of that detachment, and I am convinced it will not be made till king Joseph Buonaparte will either be reinforced to such a degree as to be in safety in Madrid, or till he shall have effected his retreat into France, with which view it is reported that he left Madrid on the 29th of last month.

I conceive, therefore, that I have time for the operations which I propose to carry on before a reinforcement can arrive from Leon, even supposing that no obstacles would be opposed to its march in Spain or Portugal; but it is not probable that it can arrive before the different reinforcements will arrive from England; and as marshal Bessieres had not more than 20,000 men in the action at Rio Seco on the 14th July, I conceive that the British troops, which will be in Portugal, will be equal to contend with any part of that corps which he may detach.

The possibility that, in the present state of affairs, the French corps at present in Portugal may be reinforced, affords an additional reason for taking the position of Santarem, which I apprised you in my letter of the 8th I should occupy, if the command of the army remained in my hands after the reinforcements should arrive. If you should occupy it, you will not only be in the best situation to support my operations, and to cut off the retreat of the enemy, but if any reinforcements of French troops should enter Portugal, you will be in the best situation to collect your whole force to oppose him, &c. &c.

(Signed) Arthur Wellesley.

ARTICLES OF THE DEFINITIVE CONVENTION FOR THE EVACUATION OF PORTUGAL BY THE FRENCH ARMY.

The generals commanding in chief, &c. &c. being determined to negotiate, &c. &c.

Article 1. All the places and forts in the kingdom of Portugal occupied by the French troops shall be given up to the British army in the state in which they are at the period of the signature of the present convention.

Art. 2. The French troops shall evacuate Portugal with their arms and baggage, they shall not be considered as prisoners of war, and on their arrival in France they shall be at liberty to serve.

Art. 3. The English government shall furnish the means of conveyance for the French army, which shall be disembarked in any of the ports of France between Rochefort and L’Orient inclusively.

Art. 4. The French army shall carry with it all its artillery of French calibre, with the horses belonging thereunto, and the tumbrils supplied with 60 rounds per gun: all other artillery, arms, and ammunition, as also the military and naval arsenals, shall be given up to the British army and navy, in the state in which they may be at the period of the ratification of the convention.

Art. 5. The French army shall carry with it all its equipments, and all that is comprehended under the name of property of the army; that is to say, its military chest, and carriages attached to the field commissariat and field hospital; or shall be allowed to dispose of such part of the same on its account, as the commander-in-chief may judge it unnecessary to embark. In like manner, all individuals of the army shall be at liberty to dispose of their private property of every description, with full security hereafter for the purchasers.

Art. 6. The cavalry are to embark their horses, as also the generals and other officers of all ranks. It is however fully understood that the means of conveyance for horses, at the disposal of the British commanders, are very limited; some additional conveyance may be procured in the port of Lisbon. The number of horses to be embarked by the troops shall not exceed 600, and the number embarked by the staff shall not exceed 200. At all events every facility will be given to the French army to dispose of the horses belonging to it which cannot be embarked.

Art. 7. In order to facilitate the embarkation, it shall take place in three divisions, the last of which will be principally composed of the garrisons of the places, of the cavalry, the artillery, the sick, and the equipment of the army. The first division shall embark within seven days of the date of the ratification, or sooner if possible.

Art. 8. The garrison of Elvas and its forts, and of Peniché and Palmela, will be embarked at Lisbon. That of Almeida at Oporto, or the nearest harbour. They will be accompanied on their march by British commissaries, charged with providing for their subsistence and accommodation.

Art. 9. All the sick and wounded who cannot be embarked with the troops are intrusted to the British army. They are to be taken care of whilst they remain in this country at the expense of the British government, under the condition of the same being reimbursed by France when the final evacuation is effected. The English government will provide for their return to France, which will take place by detachments of about one hundred and fifty or two hundred men at a time. A sufficient number of French medical officers shall be left behind to attend them.

Art. 10. As soon as the vessels employed to carry the army to France shall have disembarked in the harbours specified, or in any other of the ports of France to which stress of weather may force them, every facility shall be given them to return to England without delay, and security against capture until their arrival in a friendly port.

Art. 11. The French army shall be concentrated in Lisbon, and within a distance of about two leagues from it. The English army will approach within three leagues of the capital, and will be so placed as to leave about one league between the two armies.

Art. 12. The forts of St. Julien, the Bugio, and Cascaes, shall be occupied by the British troops on the ratification of the convention. Lisbon and its citadel, together with the forts and batteries as far as the lazaretto or Trafaria on one side, and fort St. Joseph on the other, inclusively, shall be given up on the embarkation of the 2d division; as shall also the harbour and all armed vessels in it of every description, with their rigging, sails, stores, and ammunition. The fortresses of Elvas, Almeida, Peniché, and Palmela, shall be given up as soon as the British troops can arrive to occupy them. In the meantime the general-in-chief of the British army will give notice of the present convention to the garrisons of those places, as also to the troops before them, in order to put a stop to all further hostilities.

Art. 13. Commissioners shall be named on both sides to regulate and accelerate the execution of the arrangements agreed upon.

Art. 14. Should there arise doubts as to the meaning of any article, it will be explained favourably to the French army.

Art. 15. From the date of the ratification of the present convention, all arrears of contributions, requisitions, or claims whatever, of the French government against subjects of Portugal, or any other individuals residing in this country, founded on the occupation of Portugal by the French troops, in the month of December, 1807, which may not have been paid up, are cancelled; and all sequestration laid upon their property, moveable or immoveable, are removed, and the free disposal of the same is restored to the proper owners.

Art. 16. All subjects of France, or of powers in friendship or alliance, domiciliated in Portugal, or accidentally in this country, shall be protected; their property of every kind, moveable and immoveable, shall be respected; and they shall be at liberty either to accompany the French army or to remain in Portugal. In either case their property is guaranteed to them, with the liberty of retaining or of disposing of it, and passing the produce of the sale thereof into France, or any other country where they may fix their residence; the space of one year being allowed them for that purpose. It is fully understood that shipping is excepted from this arrangement, only however in as far as regards leaving the port, and that none of the stipulations above mentioned can be made the pretext of any commercial speculations.

Art. 17. No native of Portugal shall be rendered accountable for his political conduct during the period of the occupation of this country by the French army; and all those who have continued in the exercise of their employments, or who have accepted situations under the French government, are placed under the protection of the British commanders; they shall sustain no injury in their persons or property; it not having been at their option to be obedient or not to the French government, they are also at liberty to avail themselves of the stipulations of the 16th article.

Art. 18. The Spanish troops detained on board ship, in the port of Lisbon, shall be given up to the commander-in-chief of the British army, who engages to obtain of the Spaniards to restore such French subjects, either military or civil, as may have been detained in Spain without having been taken in battle, or in consequence of military operations, but on occasion of the occurrences of the 29th of last May, and the days immediately following.

Art. 19. There shall be an immediate exchange established for all ranks of prisoners made in Portugal since the commencement of the present hostilities.

Art. 20. Hostages of the rank of field officers shall be mutually furnished, on the part of the British army and navy, and on that of the French army, for the reciprocal guarantee of the present convention. The officer of the British army shall be restored on the completion of the articles which concern the army; and the officer of the navy on the disembarkation of the French troops in their own country. The like is to take place on the part of the French army.

Art. 21. It shall be allowed to the general-in-chief of the French army to send an officer to France with intelligence of the present convention. A vessel will be furnished by the British admiral to convey him to Bourdeaux or Rochefort.

Art. 22. The British admiral will be invited to accommodate his excellency the commander-in-chief and the other principal officers of the French army on board ships of war.

Done and concluded at Lisbon this 30th day of August, 1808.

(Signed) George Murray, quarter-master-general. Kellerman, le général de division.

ADDITIONAL ARTICLES.

Art. 1. The individuals in the civil employment of the army, made prisoners either by the British troops or by the Portuguese, in any part of Portugal, will be restored, as is customary, without exchange.

Art. 2. The French army shall be subsisted from its own magazines up to the day of embarkation. The garrisons up to the day of the evacuation of the fortresses. The remainder of the magazines shall be delivered over in the usual forms to the British government, which charges itself with the subsistence of the men and horses of the army from the above mentioned periods till their arrival in France, under the condition of being reimbursed by the French government for the excess of the expense beyond the estimation to be made by both parties, of the value of the magazines delivered up to the British army. The provisions on board the ships of war in the possession of the French army will be taken on account by the British government, in like manner with the magazines of the fortresses.

Art. 3. The general commanding the British troops will take the necessary measures for re-establishing the free circulation of the means of subsistence between the country and the capital.

Done and concluded at Lisbon this 30th day of August, 1808.

(Signed) George Murray, quarter-master-general. Kellerman, le général de division.

Ratified, &c. &c.

1st. LETTER FROM BARON VON DECKEN TO THE GENERAL COMMANDING THE ARMY IN PORTUGAL.

Oporto, August 18th, 1808.

SIR,

The bishop of Oporto having expressed to me his wish to see me in private, in order to make me an important communication, which he desired to be kept secret, I went to his palace last night at a late hour. The bishop told me that he had taken the government of Portugal in his hands to satisfy the wish of the people, but with the intention to re-establish the government of his lawful sovereign; and he hoped that his majesty the king of Great Britain had no other point in view in sending troops to this country. After having given him all possible assurance on that head, the bishop continued, that as the prince regent, in leaving Portugal, had established a regency for the government of this country during his absence, he considered it his duty to resign the government into the hands of that regency as soon as possible. My answer was, that I had no instruction from my government on that head, but that I begged him to consider whether the cause of his sovereign would not be hurt in resigning the government into the hands of a regency which, from its having acted under the influence of the French, had lost the confidence of the nation, and whether it would not be more advisable for him to keep the government until the pleasure of the prince regent was known. The bishop allowed that the regency appointed by the prince regent did not possess the confidence of the people, that several members of it had acted in such a manner as to show themselves as friends and partisans of the French, and that, at all events, all the members of the late regency could not be re-established in their former power; but he was afraid that the provinces of Estramadura, Alemtejo, and Algarvé, would not acknowledge his authority if the British government did not interfere. After a very long conversation, it was agreed that I should inform our ministers with what the bishop had communicated to me, and in order to lose no time in waiting for an answer, the bishop desired me to communicate the same to you, expressing a wish that you would be pleased to write to him an official letter, in order to express your desire that he might continue the government until the pleasure of his sovereign was known, for the sake of the operations of the British and Portuguese troops under your command.

The secretary of the bishop, who acted as interpreter, told me afterwards in private, that the utmost confusion would arise from the bishop resigning the government at this moment, or associating with people who were neither liked nor esteemed by the nation.

I beg leave to add, that although the bishop expressed the contrary, yet it appeared to me that he was not averse to his keeping the government in his hands, if it could be done by the interference of our government. I have the honour to be, &c. &c.

(Signed) Frederick Von Decken, brig. gen.

2d. DITTO TO DITTO.

Oporto, August 22, 1808.

SIR,

Your excellency will have received the secret letter which I had the honour to send you by brigadier-general Stuart, on the 18th, respecting the communication of his excellency the bishop of Oporto relative to his resignation of the government into the hands of the regency established by the prince regent.—In addition to what I have had the honour to state upon that subject, I beg leave to add, that his excellency the bishop has this day desired me to make your excellency aware, in case it might be wished that he should keep the government in his hands until the pleasure of the prince regent may be known, that he could not leave Oporto; and the seat of government must in that case necessarily remain in this town. His excellency the bishop thinks it his duty to inform you of this circumstance as soon as possible, as he foresees that the city of Lisbon will be preferred for the seat of government, as soon as the British army have got possession of it. If the seat of the temporary government should remain at Oporto, the best method to adopt with respect to the other provinces of Portugal appears to be, to cause them to send deputies to that place for the purpose of transacting business relative to their own provinces; in the same manner as the provinces of Entre Douro y Minho and Tras los Montes now send their representatives. One of the principal reasons why his excellency the bishop can only accede to continue at the head of the government under the condition of remaining at Oporto is, because he is persuaded that the inhabitants of this town will not permit him to leave it, unless by order of the prince regent. It might also be advisable to keep the seat of government at Oporto, as it may be supposed that Lisbon will be in a state of great confusion for the first two months after the French have left it. I have the honour to be, sir, &c. &c.

(Signed) Frederick Von Decken, brig. gen.

3d.

Oporto, August 28.

SIR,

Your excellency will have received my secret letters of the 18th and 22d instant relative to the temporary government of this kingdom. His excellency the bishop of Oporto has received lately deputies from the province of Alemtejo and the kingdom of Algarve. Part of Estremadura, viz. the town of Leria has also submitted to his authority, and it may be therefore said that the whole kingdom of Portugal has acknowledged the authority of the temporary government, of which the bishop of Oporto is at the head, with the exception of Lisbon and the town of Setubal (St. Ubes). Although the reasons why these towns have not yet acknowledged the authority of the temporary government may be explained by their being in possession of the French, yet the bishop is convinced that the inhabitants of Lisbon will refuse to submit to the temporary government of Oporto, in which they will be strongly supported by the members of the former regency established by the prince regent, who of course will be very anxious to resume their former power. The bishop in assuming the temporary government complied only with the wishes of the people: he was sure that it was the only means of saving the country; but having had no interest of his own in view, he is willing to resign the authority which he has accepted with reluctance, as soon as he is convinced that it can be done without hurting the cause of his sovereign, and throwing the country into confusion. There is every reason to apprehend that the inhabitants of the three northern provinces of Portugal will never permit the bishop to resign the government, and submit to the former regency. They feel extremely proud of having first taken to arms, and consider themselves as the deliverers and saviours of their country; and as the inhabitants of Lisbon will be as much disinclined to submit to the temporary government of Oporto; a division of the provinces, which will excite internal commotion, will naturally follow, if not supported by your excellency. It has appeared to me that the best way to reconcile these opposite parties would be in endeavouring to unite the present government at Oporto with such of the members of the former regency who have not forfeited by their conduct the confidence of the people; and having opened my idea to the bishop, his answer was, that he would not object to it if proposed by you. I therefore take the liberty of suggesting, that the difficulty above mentioned would be in a great measure removed if your excellency would be pleased to make it known after Lisbon has surrendered, that until the pleasure of the prince regent was known, you would consider the temporary government established at Oporto as the lawful government, with the addition of the four members of the late regency, who have been pointed out to me by the bishop as such who have behaved faithfully to their sovereign and country; viz. don Francisco Noronha, Francisco da Cunha, the Monteiro Mor, and the principal Castro. These members to be placed at the head of the different departments, and to consider the bishop as the president, whose directions they are to follow, a plan which will meet with the less difficulty, as the president of the former regency, named by the prince regent, has quitted Portugal, and is now in France. The circumstance that Lisbon is now in a state of the greatest confusion will furnish a fair pretext for fixing the seat of the temporary government in the first instance at Oporto, to which place the gentlemen above named would be ordered to repair without loss of time, and to report themselves to the bishop. Independent of the reasons which I had the honour of stating to your excellency in my letter of the 22d instant, why it is impossible for the bishop to leave Oporto, I must beg leave to add, that, from what I understand, the greater part of the inhabitants of Lisbon are in the French interest, and that it will require a garrison of British troops to keep that city in order. The bishop of Oporto, although convinced of the necessity of considering Lisbon at present as a military station, and of placing a British commandant and a British garrison there, yet from a desire that the feelings of the inhabitants might be wounded as little as possible, wishes that you would be pleased to put also some Portuguese troops in garrison at Lisbon, together with a Portuguese commandant, who, though entirely under the orders of the British governor, might direct the police in that town, or at least be charged with putting into execution such orders as he may receive from the British governor under that head. If your excellency should be pleased to approve of this proposal, the bishop thinks brigadier Antonio Pinto Bacelar to be the properest officer of those who are now with the Portuguese army to be stationed at Lisbon, and who might also be directed to organise the military force of the province of Estremadura. The bishop is fully convinced that the temporary government of the country cannot exist without the support of British troops: he hopes that our government will leave a corps of 6000 men in Portugal after the French have been subdued, until the Portuguese troops may be sufficiently organised and disciplined to be able to protect their own government. I have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient and humble servant,

Frederick Von Decken, brig. gen.

(Translation.)

LETTER FROM GENERAL LEITE TO SIR HEW DALRYMPLE.

MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST EXCELLENT SIR,

Strength is the result of union, and those who have reason to be grateful should be most urgent in their endeavours to promote it. I therefore feel it to be my duty to have recourse to your excellency to know how I should act without disturbing the union so advantageous to my country. The supreme junta of the Portuguese government established at Oporto, which I have hitherto obeyed as the representatives of my sovereign, have sent me orders by an officer, dated the 1st instant, to take possession of the fortress of Elvas as soon as it shall be evacuated. After having seen those same Spaniards who got possession of our strong places as friends, take so much upon themselves as even to prevent the march of the garrison which I had ordered to replace the losses sustained in the battle of Evora, which deprived me of the little obedience that was shown by the city of Beja, always favoured by the Spanish authorities; after having seen the Portuguese artillery which was saved after the said battle taken possession of by those same Spaniards, who had lost their own, without being willing even to lend me two three-pounders to enable me to join his excellency the Monteiro Mor; after having the arms which were saved from the destructive grasp of the common enemy made use of by those same Spaniards, who promised much and did nothing; after having seen a Spanish brigadier dispute my authority at Campo Mayor, where I was president of the junta, and from whence his predecessor had taken away 60,000 crowns without rendering any account; in a word, after having seen the march of these Spaniards marked by the devastation of our fields, and the country deserted to avoid the plunder of their light troops, I cannot for a moment mistake the cause of the orders given by the supreme junta of Oporto. A corps of English troops having yesterday passed Estremos, on their road to Elvas, knowing that in a combined army no officer should undertake any operation which may be intended for others, thereby counteracting each other, I consulted lieutenant-general Herre (Hope), who has referred me to your excellency, to whom in consequence I send lieut.-colonel the marquis of Terney, my quarter-master-general, that he may deliver you this letter, and explain verbally every thing you may wish to know which relates to my sovereign and the good of my country, already so much indebted to the English nation.

God preserve your excellency many years.

(Signed) Francisco de Paulo Leite, lieut.-general.

(Dated) Estremos, 16th September, 1808.

To the most illustrious and most excellent sir Hew Dalrymple.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM SIR HEW DALRYMPLE TO LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR JOHN HOPE.

Head-quarters, Benefico, 25th Sept. 1808.

SIR,

Impediments having arisen to the fulfilment of that article of the convention which relates to the cession of Elvas by the French to the British army, in consequence of the unexpected and unaccountable conduct of the commander in chief of the army of Estremadura, in bombarding that place, and endeavouring to impose upon the French garrison terms of capitulation different from those which were agreed upon by the British and French generals in chief; and as the British corps sent to take possession of the above fortress, and to hold it in the name of the prince regent until reinforced by a body of Portuguese troops, is not of sufficient strength to preclude the possibility of insult, should the general above mentioned persevere in the contemptuous and hostile disposition he has hitherto shown; I have therefore thought it advisable to order the remainder of your division, and general Paget’s advanced guard, to cross the Tagus, and to occupy cantonments as near as possible to the place above mentioned. In the mean time colonel Graham is gone to Badajos to expostulate with general Galluzzo on the singular and very inexplicable line of conduct he has seen cause to adopt....

JUSTIFICATORY EXTRACTS FROM SIR JOHN MOORE’S AND OTHER CORRESPONDENCE.

SECTION I.—RELATING TO WANT OF MONEY.

Sir John Moore to lord William Bentinck, October 22, 1808.

“Sir David Baird has unfortunately been sent out without money. He has applied to me, and I have none to give him.” ... “I undertake my march in the hope that some will arrive; if it does not, it will add to the number of a great many distresses.”

Sir John Moore to general Hope, October 22, 1808.

“Baird has sent his aide-de-camp Gordon to me: he is without money, and his troops only paid to September. He can get none at Coruña.”

Sir John Moore to sir David Baird, October 22, 1808.

“We are in such want of money at this place that it is with difficulty I have been able to spare 8000l., which went to you in the Champion this day.”

Sir John Moore to lord Castlereagh, October 27.

“It is upon the general assurance of the Spanish government that I am leading the army into Spain without any established magazines. In this situation nothing is more essentially requisite than money, and unfortunately we have been able to procure very little here.”

Sir John Moore to Mr. Frere, November 10, 1808.

“I understand from sir David Baird that you were kind enough to lend him 40,000l. from the money you brought with you from England. We are in the greatest distress for money. I doubt if there is wherewithal after the 24th of this month to pay the troops their subsistence.”

Sir John Moore to lord Castlereagh, Nov. 24, 1808.

“I am without a shilling of money to pay, and I am in daily apprehension that from the want of it our supplies will be stopped. It is impossible to describe the embarrassments we are thrown into from the want of that essential article.”

SECTION II.—RELATING TO ROADS.

Sir John Moore to general Anstruther, at Almeida, dated Lisbon, October 12, 1808.

“A division under Beresford is marching upon Coimbra, and a part of it will proceed on to Oporto or not, as information is received from you, that the road from thence to Almeida is or is not practicable. Some officers of the Spanish engineers, employed in the quarter-master-general’s department, with commissaries, are sent from Madrid to obtain information on the subjects you will want with respect to roads, subsistence, &c. &c. from Almeida to Burgos.”

Sir John Moore to lord William Bentinck, October 22, 1808.

“Colonel Lopez has no personal knowledge of this part of Spain; but what he has told me accords with other information I had before received, that the great Madrid road was the only one by which artillery could travel; the French brought theirs from Ciudad Rodrigo to Alcantara, but by this it was destroyed.” ... “The difficulty of obtaining correct information of roads, and the difficulties attending the subsistence of troops through Portugal, are greater than you can believe.”

Sir John Hope to sir John Moore, Madrid, Nov. 20.

“I sent Wills of the engineers by Placentia to Salamanca, and before this time I suppose he may have made his report to you of the roads from the Tagus at Almaraz and Puente de Cardinal to Salamanca.” ... “Delancy is upon this road, and I have directed him to communicate with you at Salamanca, as soon as possible.”

Sir John Moore to lord Castlereagh, Oct. 27, 1808.

“I am under the necessity of sending lieutenant-general Hope, with the artillery, &c. by the great road leading from Badajos to Madrid, as every information agreed that no other was fit for the artillery.”

Substance of a report from captain Carmichael Smyth of the engineers, 26th December, 1808.

“The country round about Astorga is perfectly open, and affords no advantage whatsoever to a small corps to enable it to oppose a large force with any prospect of success. In retreating, however, towards Villa Franca, at the distance of about two leagues from Astorga, the hills approaching each other form some strong ground; and the high ground in particular in the rear of the village of Rodrigatos appears at first sight to offer a most advantageous position. One very serious objection presents itself nevertheless to our making a stand near Rodrigatos, or indeed at any position before we come to the village of Las Torres (about one league from Bembibre), as the talus, or slope of the ground, from Manzanal (close to Rodrigatos) until Las Torres, would be in favour of an enemy should we be forced at Rodrigatos, and we should be consequently obliged to retreat down hill for nearly two leagues, the enemy having every advantage that such a circumstance would naturally give them.

“From Las Torres to Bembibre the ground becomes more open, but with the disadvantage, however, of the slope being still against us. From Bembibre to Villa Franca there is great variety of ground, but no position that cannot easily be turned, excepting the ground in the rear of Calcavellos, and about one league in front of Villafranca. This is by far the strongest position between Astorga and Villafranca. It is also necessary to add, that the position at Rodrigatos can easily be turned by the Foncevadon road (which, before the establishment of the Camina real, was the high road towards Coruña). This is not the case with the position in front of Villafranca, as the Foncevadon road joins the Camina real at Calcavallos in front of the proposed position.”

SECTION III.—RELATING TO EQUIPMENT AND SUPPLIES.

Sir John Moore to lord Castlereagh, October 9, 1808.

“At this instant the army is without equipment of any kind, either for the carriage of the light baggage of regiments, artillery stores, commissariat stores, or other appendages of an army, and not a magazine is formed on any of the routes by which we are to march.”

Sir John Moore to lord Castlereagh, Oct. 18, 1808.

“In none of the departments is there any want of zeal, but in some of the important ones there is much want of experience.” ... “I have no hope of getting forward at present with more than the light baggage of the troops, the ammunition immediately necessary for the service of the artillery, and a very scanty supply of medicines.”

Sir John Moore’s Journal.

“My anxiety is to get out of the rugged roads of Portugal before the rains.”

Sir John Moore to lord William Bentinck, Oct. 22, 1808.

“The season of the year admitting of no delay, there was a necessity for beginning the march, and trusting for information and supplies as we get on unfortunately our commissariat is inexperienced, and a **** of a contractor, Mr. Sattaro, has deceived us.”

Sir David Baird to sir John Moore, October 29, 1808.

“The want of provisions for the men and forage for the horses has been one of the most serious obstacles we have had to contend with. Nor do I at present feel at all easy upon that subject.”—“The horses are suffering very severely, both for want of proper accommodations and food.” ... “From lord Castlereagh’s letter, I was led to expect that every preparation for our equipment had been made previous to our leaving England; I need hardly say how different the case was, and how much I have been disappointed.”

Mr. Stuart to sir John Moore, November 17, 1808.

“The continued slowness of the junta is the only explanation I can offer for the want of proper arrangements on the routes for the reception of the English troops.”

SECTION IV.—RELATING TO THE WANT OF INFORMATION.

Sir John Moore’s Journal, November 28, 1808.

“I am not in communication with any of the (Spanish) generals, and neither know their plans nor those of the government. No channel of information has been opened to me, and I have no knowledge of the force or situation of the enemy, but what, as a stranger, I pick up.”

Ditto, Salamanca.

“It is singular that the French have penetrated so far (Valladolid), and yet no sensation has been made upon the people. They seem to remain quiet, and the information was not known through any other channel but that of a letter from the captain-general of the province to me.”

Sir David Baird to sir John Moore, Astorga, Nov. 19, 1808.

“The local authorities have not only failed in affording us the least benefit in that respect (supplies), but have neglected to give us any kind of information as to the proceedings of the armies or the motions of the enemy.”

Ditto, Astorga, 23d November.

“It is clearly apparent how very much exaggerated the accounts generally circulated of the strength of the Spanish armies have been.” ... “It is very remarkable that I have not procured the least intelligence, or received any sort of communication from any of the official authorities at Madrid, or either of the Spanish generals.”

Sir David Baird to sir John Moore, Villafranca, Dec. 12, 1808.

“I also enclose a letter from the marquis of Romana; you will be fully able to appreciate the degree of reliance that may be placed on the verbal communication made to him by the extraordinary courier from Madrid. It was from the same kind of authority that he desired the information he conveyed to me of a supposed brilliant affair at Somosierra, which turned out to be an inconsiderable skirmish altogether undeserving of notice.”

Colonel Graham to sir John Moore, Madrid, Oct. 4, 1808.

“The deputies sent over knew nothing but just concerning their own provinces and pour se faire valoir, they exaggerated every thing; for example, those of the Asturias talked louder than any body, and Asturias as yet has never produced a man to the army; thus government, with all their wish to get information (which cannot be doubted), failed in the proper means.”

Lord Wm. Bentinck to sir John Moore, Madrid, Nov. 20, 1808.

“I must at the same time take the liberty of stating my belief, that reliance cannot be placed upon the correctness of information, even if such information should not be kept back, which does not come through the channel of a British officer. It is the choice of officers, rather than the system, that seems to have failed.”

Mr. Stuart to sir John Moore, Madrid, Nov. 19, 1808.

“In your direct communications with Spanish generals, you must, however, be contented with their version of the state of affairs, which I do not think can always be relied on, because they only put matters in the view in which they wish you to see them.”

Ditto, Nov. 29.

“The calculation of force which the junta hope may be united in the army under your command will be as follows, if no impediment prevents the different corps reaching the points selected for their junction.”

Remarks by the author.

British 35,000 They were only 23,500.

La Romana 20,000 ... only 5000 armed.

San Juan 15,000 Totally dispersed.

Levies from the south, say 10,000 None ever arrived.

———

80,000 Real total, 28,500.

———

Lieut. Boothby, royal engineers, to sir John Moore, La Puebla, Jan. 1, 1809.

“I shall consider of any means that may more completely ensure the earliest information of the enemy’s movements towards this quarter; but the Spaniards are the most difficult people in the world to employ in this way, they are so slow, so talkative, and so credulous.”

SECTION V.—RELATING TO THE CONDUCT OF THE LOCAL JUNTAS.

Sir David Baird to sir John Moore, Coruña, Oct. 24, 1808.

“The answer of the supreme government to our application as read by Mr. Frere last night in the presence of the junta of this province, is certainly very different from what I expected. Instead of expressing an anxiety to promote our views and dissatisfaction at the impediments thrown in the way of our measures by the Gallician government, it merely permits us to land here in the event of its being found impracticable to send us by sea to St. Andero, and directs that if our disembarkation takes place, it should be made in detachments of 2000 or 3000 men each! to be successively pushed on into Castille, without waiting for the necessary equipment of mules and horses.”

Sir David Baird to sir John Moore, Coruña, Nov. 7.

“We have received no sort of assistance from the government.”

Ditto, Astorga, Nov. 19.

“Had the Spanish government afforded us any active assistance, the state of our equipments would have been much more advanced.”

Colonel Graham to sir John Moore, Madrid, Oct. 4, 1808.

“All this instead of at once appointing the fittest men in the country to be ministers, looks much like private interest and patronage being the objects more than the public good.”

Colonel Graham to sir John Moore, Tudela, Nov. 9, 1808.

“It is hoped that the Arragonese army will come over to fill it” (the line) “up, but being an independent command, no order has yet been sent. An express went after Palafox, who will return here this morning, and then, it is hoped, that he will send an order to general O’Neil at Sanguessa to march instantly; and further, it is hoped, that general O’Neil will obey this order without waiting for one from his immediate chief, Palafox, the captain-general of Arragon, who is at Zaragoza; at all events, there is a loss of above 24 hours by the happy system of independent commands, which may make the difference of our having 18,000 men more or less in the battle that may be fought whenever the French are ready.” ... “Making me compliments of there being no secrets with their allies, they” (the members of the council of war) “obliged me to sit down, which I did for a quarter of an hour, enough to be quite satisfied of the miserable system established by this junta” ... “In short, I pitied poor Castaños and poor Spain, and came away disgusted to the greatest degree.”

Col. Graham to Lord W. Bentinck, Centruenigo, Nov. 13, 1808.

“If any thing can make the junta sensible of the absurdity of their conduct this will. It would indeed have been more felt if a great part of the division had been lost, as might well have happened. But the difficulty of passing so many men with artillery, and in small boats, and the time that would have been required so great, that I can hardly persuade myself these people can be so foolish as ever seriously to have entertained the idea. But with whatever intentions, whether merely as a pretence for assuming the command for the purpose of irritating Castaños; whether from the silly vanity of exercising power, and doing something which, if by great good luck it had succeeded, might have proved what might be done with a more active commander; or whether from a real conviction of the excellence of the scheme, it must be equally evident to every military man, indeed to every man of common sense, that it is impossible things can succeed in this way; and then the junta itself interferes, and to worse purpose.”

Castaños’s Vindication.

“The nation is deceived in a thousand ways; as an example, it believed that our armies were greatly superior to those of the enemy, reckoning 80,000 men that of the centre, when your excellencies” (the junta) “knew that it only amounted to 26,000 men.” ... “Madrid possessed money and riches; the nobles and loyal inhabitants of that capital wished to give both the one and the other; but whilst the armies were suffering the horrors of famine, naked, and miserable, the possessions and jewels of the good Spaniards remained quiet in Madrid, that they might be soon seized by the tyrant, as they were in the end.”

Stuart’s Despatch, August 7, 1808.

“No province shares the succours granted by Great Britain, although they may not be actually useful to themselves. No gun-boats have been sent from Ferrol to protect St. Ander or the coast of Biscay; and the Asturians have in vain asked for artillery from the dépôts of Gallicia. The stores landed at Gihon, and not used by the Asturians, have remained in that port and in Oviedo, although they would have afforded a seasonable relief to the army of general Blake. The money brought by the Pluto for Leon, which has not raised a man, remains in the port where it was landed.”

Major Cox to sir Hew Dalrymple, Seville, August 3, 1808.

“I freely confess that I cannot help feeling some degree of apprehension that this great and glorious cause may be ruined by the baneful effects of jealousy and division.”

Major Cox to sir Hew Dalrymple, Seville, August 27.

“The fact is, their” (the junta of Seville) “attention has been for some time past so much occupied by vain and frivolous disputes, and by views of private interest and advantage, that they seem to have neglected entirely every concern of real importance, and almost to have lost sight of the general interests of the country.” ... “A million of dollars have, I understand, been sent out.” ... “It certainly would not be prudent to intrust so large a sum to the management of the temporary government of a particular province, without having a sufficient security for its proper application. My own opinion is, that the less money which is given to them the better, until the general government is formed. This junta have shown too evident signs of a wish to aggrandize themselves, and a disinclination to afford those aids to other provinces, which they had it in their power to grant, not to afford just grounds of suspicion, that their boasted loyalty and patriotism have at times been mixed with unworthy considerations of self-interest and personal advantage.”

Ditto, Sept. 5.

“By Mr. Duff’s present instructions, he would have had no option” (distributing the money), “even though the iniquitous project of partition, which your excellency knows was once contemplated, were still in existence.”

Ditto, Sept. 7.

“A dispute between the two juntas” (Seville and Grenada), “which had nearly been productive of the most serious consequences, and would probably have ended in open hostility, had it not been prevented by the moderate, but decided conduct, of general Castaños.”

Ditto, Sept. 10.

“The supreme junta of Seville have latterly manifested very different views, and, I am sorry to say, they seem almost to have lost sight of the common cause, and to be wholly addicted to their particular interests: instead of directing their efforts to the restoration of their legitimate sovereign and the established form of national government, they are seeking the means of fixing the permanency of their own, and endeavouring to separate its interests from those of the other parts of Spain. To what other purpose can be attributed the order given to general Castaños, not to march on any account beyond Madrid? To what the instructions given to their deputy, don Andrea Miñiano, to uphold the authority, and preserve the integrity of the junta of Seville; to distinguish the army to which he is attached by the name of the army of Andalusia; to preserve constantly the appellation, and not to receive any orders but what came directly from this government? And above all, what other motive could induce the strong and decided measure of enforcing obedience to those orders, by withholding from general Castaños the means of maintaining his troops, in case of his refusing to comply with them?”—“What has been the late occupation of the junta of Seville? Setting aside the plans which were formed for augmenting the Spanish army in these provinces, and neglecting the consideration of those which have been proposed in their stead, their attention has been taken up in the appointment of secretaries to the different departments, in disposing of places of emolument, in making promotions in the army, appointing canons in the church, and instituting orders of knighthood. Such steps as these make their designs too evident.”

Captain Carrol to sir David Baird, Llanes, Dec. 17, 1808.

“This province” (Asturias), “the first to declare war with France, has, during seven months, taken no steps that I can discover to make arrangements against the event of the enemy’s entering the province.” ... “What has been done with the vast sums of money that came from England, you will naturally ask? Plundered and misapplied: every person who had or has any thing to do with money concerns endeavouring to keep in hand all he can, and be ready, let affairs turn out as they may, to help himself.”

Lord William Bentinck to sir Hew Dalrymple, Seville, Sept. 19, 1808.

“Notwithstanding the professions of the Junta, their conduct has evidently fallen short of them, and I think it would be very desirable that more money should not fall into their hands.”

Major Cox to sir H. Dalrymple, Seville, 10 July and 27th do.

“The proclamation of Florida Blanca was received here some time ago, but was carefully suppressed by the government.”

Other publications containing maxims similar to those inculcated by the proclamation of Florida Blanca have appeared, but are suppressed here with equal care.

SECTION VI.—CENTRAL JUNTA.

Lord Wm. Bentinck to sir John Moore, Madrid, Oct. 4, 1808.

“I am sorry to say that the new government do not seem to proceed with the despatch and energy which the critical situation of the country demands.”

Ditto to sir H. Burrard, Madrid, Oct. 8.

“In my last letter I adverted to the inactivity and apparent supineness which prevailed in the central council in regard to the military, as well as to the other business of the government.”

Ditto to sir John Moore, Nov. 8.

“But it is upon the spot where the exact state of the armies, and the extraordinary inefficiency of the government, whose past conduct promises so little for the future, are known, that the danger must be the more justly appreciated.” ... “The most simple order, however urgent the case, cannot be obtained from the government without a difficulty, solicitation, and delay, that is quite incredible.”

Sir John Hope to sir John Moore, Madrid, Nov. 20, 1808.

“It is perfectly evident that they” (the junta) “are altogether without a plan as to their future military operations, either in the case of success or misfortune. Every branch is affected by the disjointed and inefficient construction of their government.”

Mr. Stuart to sir John Moore, Madrid, Oct. 18, 1808.

“Lord William Bentinck, as well as myself, have made repeated representations, and I have given in paper after paper to obtain something like promptitude and vigour; but though loaded with fair promises in the commencement, we scarcely quit the members of the junta before their attention is absorbed in petty pursuits and the wrangling which impedes even the simplest arrangements necessary for the interior government of a country.” ... “In short, we are doing what we can, not what we wish; and I assure you we have infamous tools to work with.”

Mr. Stuart to sir John Moore, Seville, Jan. 2, 1809.

“Morla’s treason is abused, but passed over; and the arrival of money from Mexico, which is really the arrival of spoil for the French, seems to have extinguished every sentiment the bad views and the desperate state of things ought to have created.”

Mr. Stuart to sir John Moore, Jan. 10, 1809.

“Castaños, Heredia, Castelar, and Galluzzo, are all here. These unfortunate officers are either prisoners or culprits, waiting the decision of government on their conduct in the late transactions. If the state of affairs should allow the government to continue in existence they will probably wait many months, for no determination is to be expected from people who have in no one instance punished guilt or rewarded merit since they ruled the country. The junta indeed, to say the truth, is at present absolutely null, and although they represent the sovereign authority I have never witnessed the exercise of their power for the public good.”

Mr. Frere to sir John Moore. Las Santos, Dec. 16, 1808.

“The subject of the ships in Cadiz had not escaped me, but I thought it so very dangerous to suggest to the junta any idea except that of living and dying on Spanish ground, that I avoided the mention of any subject that could seem to imply that I entertain any other prospects.”

SECTION VII.—RELATING TO THE PASSIVE STATE OF THE PEOPLE.

Sir John Moore’s Journal, Dec. 9, 1808.

“In this part the people are passive. We find the greatest difficulty to get people to bring in information.”

Sir John Moore to Mr. Frere. Sahagun, Dec. 23, 1808.

“If the Spaniards are enthusiastic or much interested in this cause, their conduct is the most extraordinary that was ever exhibited.”

Sir John Moore to lord Castlereagh, Dec. 31, 1808, Astorga.

“I arrived here yesterday, where, contrary to his promise, and to my expectation, I found the marquis la Romana, with a great part of his troops. Nobody can describe his troops to be worse than he does, and he complains as much as we do of the indifference of the inhabitants, his disappointment at their want of enthusiasm; and said to me in direct terms, that had he known how things were, he neither would have accepted the command nor have returned to Spain. With all this, however, he talks of attacks and movements which are quite absurd, and then returns to the helpless state of his army and of the country.”

Mr. Stuart to sir John Moore, Nov. 17, 1808.

“The tranquillity of Madrid is truly wonderful.”

Sir David Baird to sir John Moore, Dec. 6.

“Destitute as we are of magazines, and without receiving even a show of assistance either from the government or inhabitants of the country, who, on the contrary, in many instances, even thwarted our plans and measures; we could not have advanced without exposing ourselves to almost certain destruction.”

Sir David Baird to lord Castlereagh, Nov. 22, 1808, Astorga.

“Major Stuart of the 95th regiment, who was despatched in front of this place to obtain information, reports that the inhabitants appear perfectly depressed by their losses, and seem to abandon all hope of making a successful resistance.”

Captain Carrol to sir John Moore, Dec. 17, 1808.

“On my arrival at Oviedo all was confusion and dismay; the confidence between the people, the army, and the junta destroyed.” ... “Is it to be expected that the peasantry can be as hearty in the cause of patriotism as if they were treated with justice.”

Lieut. Boothby to sir J. Moore. La Puebla, Jan. 1. 1809.

“The Spanish soldiers now here (about 700) are merely on their way to the marquis de la Romana; and as to any neighbouring passes, there are no people whom I can call upon to occupy them, or should expect to defend them, however naturally strong they may be, for I see no people who are thinking of the enemy’s advance with any sentiments beyond passive dislike, and hopes of protection from God and the English army.”

The prince of Neufchatel to the duke of Dalmatia, Dec. 10, 1808.

“The city of Madrid is quite tranquil, the shops are all open, the public amusements are resumed.”

General Thouvenot to the prince of Neufchatel. St. Sebastian, 29th Nov. 1808.

“The successes obtained by the armies of the emperor, and those which are also foreseen, begin to make a sensible impression upon the authorities of the country, who become from day to day more affable towards the French, and more disposed to consider the king as their legitimate sovereign.”

The commandant Meslin to the prince of Neufchatel. Vittoria, 29th Nov. 1808.

“The public feeling is still bad, still incredulous of our successes.” ... “As to the tranquillity of the country, it appears certain.”

Mr. Frere to sir John Moore. Merida, Dec. 14, 1808.

“A thousand barriers would be interposed against that deluge of panic which sometimes overwhelms a whole nation, and of which at one time I was afraid I saw the beginning in this country.” ... “The extinction of the popular enthusiasm in this country, and the means which exist for reviving it, would lead to a very long discussion.”

SECTION VIII.—MISCELLANEOUS.

Lord Collingwood to sir H. Dalrymple. Ocean, Cadiz, June 23, 1808.

“At Minorca and Majorca they describe themselves to be strong, and having nothing to apprehend. However, they made the proposal for entering into a convention with us for their defence, and in the course of it demanded money, arms, and the protection of the fleet. When, in return for them, it was required that their fleet should be given up to us, to be held for their king Ferdinand, or that a part of them should join our squadron against the enemy, they rejected all those proposals: so that whatever we did for them was to be solely for the honour of having their friendship.”

Captain Whittingham to sir Hew Dalrymple, June 12, 1808.

“12th June. I returned to Xerez at three o’clock, A.M. The general sent for me and requested I would go without delay to Gibraltar, and inform lieut.-general sir Hew Dalrymple that he at present occupied Carmona with 3000 men (regulars), having his head-quarters at Utrera, where his regular force would amount to 12,000 men; that it was not his intention to attempt to defend Seville; that the heavy train of artillery, consisting of 80 pieces, was already embarked for Cadiz, under the pretext that they were wanting for the defence of its works; and that every thing was prepared for burning the harness, timbers, &c. &c. of the field pieces; that he intended to fall gradually back upon Cadiz, if forced to retreat; and that he did not at present desire that any English troops should be landed till their numbers should amount to 8 or 10,000 men, lest the ardour of the people should oblige him to commence an offensive system of warfare before the concentration of a considerable Spanish and English force should afford reasonable hopes of success.”

Capt. Whittingham to sir H. Dalrymple. Utrera, June 29, 1808.

“The president approved of the idea, condemned the policy which had led Spain to attempt to establish manufactories by force, and showed clearly that the result had been the loss of a considerable branch of the revenue, the increase of smuggling, and consequently an enormous expense, in the payment of nearly one hundred thousand custom or rather excise officers, distributed about the country, and the ruin of numberless families seduced by the prospect of immediate profit to engage in illicit traffic.”

Lord William Bentinck to sir H. Dalrymple. Madrid, Oct. 2, 1808.

“A passage of lord Castlereagh’s letter, of which I received from you a copy, instructed you, if possible, to ascertain the intentions of the Spanish government after the expulsion of the French. Though not positively directed by you to ask this information, yet the occasion appeared to make the question so natural, and seemingly of course, and even necessary, that I availed myself of it, and gave to general Castaños, to be laid before count Florida Blanca, a memorandum, of which I enclose a copy, marked A.”

Extract from the copy marked A.

“It seems probable in such case that no diversion could be more effectual or more formidable to Buonaparte than the march of a large combined British and Spanish army over the Pyrenees, into that part of France where there are no fortified places to resist their passage into the very heart of the country, and into that part where great disaffection is still believed to exist.”

Major Fletcher, royal engineers, to sir John Moore. Betanzos, Jan. 5, 1809.

“I have the honour to report to your excellency that, in obedience to your orders, I have examined the neck of land between the harbour of Ferrol and the bridge of Puente de Humo. This ground does not appear to possess any position that has not several defects.” ... “I did not find any ground so decidedly advantageous, and containing a small space, as to render it tenable for the vanguard of an army to cover the embarkation of the main body.” ... “I should have sent this report much sooner, but found it impossible to procure post horses until my arrival at Lugo, and since that time I have had very bad ones.”

Ditto to Ditto. Coruña, Jan. 6, 1809.

“I am therefore led to suggest, that as Coruña is fortified, reveted, and tolerably flanked (though the ground about it is certainly not favourable), as it could not be carried by a coup-demain if properly defended, as it contains a great quantity of cover for men; and as, even against artillery, it might make resistance for some days, it may be worth consideration whether, under present circumstances, it may not be desirable to occupy it in preference to the peninsula of Betanzos, should the army not turn off for Vigo.”

JUSTIFICATORY EXTRACTS FROM SIR JOHN MOORE’S CORRESPONDENCE.

Sir J. Moore to Mr. Frere. Salamanca, Nov. 27, 1808.

“The movements of the French give us little time for discussion. As soon as the British army has formed a junction I must, upon the supposition that Castaños is either beaten or retreated, march upon Madrid, and throw myself into the heart of Spain, and thus run all risks and share the fortunes of the Spanish nation, or I must fall back upon Portugal.” ... “The movement into Spain is one of greater hazard, as my retreat to Cadiz or Gibraltar must be very uncertain. I shall be entirely in the power of the Spaniards, but perhaps this is worthy of risk, if the government and people of Spain are thought to have still sufficient energy, and the means to recover from their defeats; and by collecting in the south be able, with the aid of the British army, to resist, and finally repel, the formidable attack which is prepared against them.”

Sir John Moore’s Journal. Salamanca, Nov. 30, 1808.

“In the night of the 28th I received an express from Mr. Stuart, at Madrid, containing a letter from lieut.-colonel Doyle, announcing the defeat of Castaños’s army near Tudela. They seem to have made but little resistance, and are, like Blake’s, flying; this renders my junction with Baird so hazardous that I dare not attempt it; but even were it made, what chance has this army, now that all those of Spain are beaten, to stand against the force which must be brought against it. The French have 80,000 in Spain, and 30,000 were to arrive in 20 days from the 15th of this month. As long as Castaños’s army remained there was a hope, but I now see none. I am therefore determined to withdraw the army.”

Ditto, Dec. 9.

“After Castaños’s defeat, the French marched for Madrid, the inhabitants flew to arms, barricaded their streets, and swore to die rather than submit. This has arrested the progress of the French, and Madrid still holds out; this is the first instance of enthusiasm shown; there is a chance that the example may be followed, and the people be roused; in which case there is still a chance that this country may be saved. Upon this chance I have stopt Baird’s retreat, and am taking measures to form our junction whilst the French are wholly occupied with Madrid. We are bound not to abandon the cause as long as there is hope; but the courage of the populace of Madrid may fail, or at any rate they may not be able to resist; in short, in a moment things may be as bad as ever, unless the whole country is animated and flock to the aid of the capital, and in this part the people are passive.”

Sir John Moore to lord Castlereagh. Salamanca, Dec. 10, 1808.

“I certainly think the cause desperate, because I see no determined spirit any where, unless it be at Zaragoza. There is however a chance, and whilst there is that I think myself bound to run all risks to support it I am now differently situated from what I was when Castaños was defeated: I have been joined by general Hope, the artillery, and all the cavalry (lord Paget, with three regiments, is at Toro); and my junction with sir David Baird is secure, though I have not heard from him since I ordered him to return to Astorga.”

Ditto to Ditto, Dec. 12.

“I shall threaten the French communications and create a diversion, if the Spaniards can avail themselves of it; but the French have in the north of Spain from 80 to 90,000 men, and more are expected. Your lordship may therefore judge what will be our situation if the Spaniards do not display a determination very different from any they have shown hitherto.”

Sir John Moore’s journal. Sahagan, Dec. 24, 1808.

“I gave up the march on Carrion, which had never been undertaken but with the view of attracting the enemy’s attention from the armies assembling in the south, and in the hope of being able to strike a blow at a weak corps, whilst it was still thought the British army was retreating into Portugal; for this I was aware I risked infinitely too much, but something I thought was to be risked for the honour of the service, and to make it apparent that we stuck to the Spaniards long after they themselves had given up their cause as lost.”

Sir J. Moore to lord Castlereagh. Coruña, Jan. 13, 1808.

“Your lordship knows that had I followed my own opinion, as a military man, I should have retired with the army from Salamanca. The Spanish armies were then beaten; there was no Spanish force to which we could unite; and from the character of the government, and the disposition of the inhabitants, I was satisfied that no efforts would be made to aid us, or favour the cause in which they were engaged. I was sensible, however, that the apathy and indifference of the Spaniards would never have been believed; that had the British been withdrawn, the loss of the cause would have been imputed to their retreat; and it was necessary to risk this army to convince the people of England, as well as the rest of Europe, that the Spaniards had neither the power nor the inclination to make any efforts for themselves. It was for this reason that I marched to Sahagun. As a diversion it has succeeded. I brought the whole disposable force of the French against this army, and it has been allowed to follow it, without a single movement being made by any of what the Spaniards call armies to favour its retreat.”

This despatch from the count of Belvedere to the count of Florida Blanca, relative to the battle of Gamonal, is an example of the habitual exaggerations of the Spanish generals.

(Translation.)

Since my arrival at Burgos I have been attacked by the enemy: in two affairs I repulsed him; but to-day, after having sustained his fire for thirteen hours, he charged me with double my force, besides cavalry, as I believe he had three thousand of the latter, and six thousand infantry at least, and I have suffered so much that I have retired on Lerma, and mean to assemble my army at Aranda de Douero. I have sustained a great loss in men, equipage, and artillery; some guns have been saved, but very few. Don Juan Henestrosa, who commanded in the action, distinguished himself, and made a most glorious retreat; but as soon as the cavalry attacked, all was confusion and disorder. I shall send your excellency the particulars by an officer when they can be procured. The volunteers of Zafra, of Sezena, of Valentia, and the first battalion of infantry of Truxillo, and the provincials of Badajoz, had not arrived at Burgos, and consequently I shall be able to sustain myself at Aranda, but they are without cartridges and ammunition. I lament that the ammunition in Burgos could not be brought off. The enemy followed me in small numbers: I am now retiring (10 P.M.), fearing they may follow me in the morning. I yesterday heard from general Blake, that he feared the enemy would attack him to-day, but his dispositions frustrated the enemy’s designs, beginning the action at eleven at night.

(Signed) Conde de Belvedere.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF DALMATIA TO THE AUTHOR.

“Dans la même lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’écrire vous me priez aussi, monsieur, de vous donner quelques lumières sur la poursuite de Mr. le général sir John Moore, quand il fit sa retraite sur la Corogne en 1809. Je ne pense pas que vous désiriez des détails sur cette operation, car ils doivent vous être parfaitement connus, mais je saisirai avec empressement l’occasion que vous me procurez pour rendre à la mémoire de sir John Moore le témoignage que ses dispositions furent toujours les plus convenables aux circonstances, et qu’en profittant habillement des avantages que les localités pouvaient lui offrir pour seconder sa valeur, il m’opposa partout la resistance la plus énergique et la mieux calculée; c’est ainsi qu’il trouva une mort glorieuse devant la Corogne, au milieu d’un combat qui doit honorer son souvenir.”

“Paris, ce 15 Novembre, 1824.”

LETTER FROM MR. CANNING TO MR. FRERE.

London, Dec. 10, 1808.

“SIR,

“The messenger, Mills, arrived here yesterday with your despatches, No. 19 to No. 26 inclusive; and at the same time advices were received from lieutenant-general sir David Baird, dated on the 29th ultimo at Astorga, which state that general to have received intelligence from sir John Moore of the complete defeat of general Castaños’s army, and of the determination taken by sir John Moore, in consequence, to fall back upon Portugal, while sir David Baird is directed by sir John Moore to re-embark his troops, and to proceed to the Tagus. Thus at the same moment at which I receive from you the caution entertained in your No. 20, that a retreat into Portugal would be considered by the central junta as indicating an intention to abandon the cause of Spain, his majesty’s government receive the information that this measure has actually been adopted, but under circumstances, which, it is to be supposed, could not have been in the contemplation of the central junta. To obviate, however, the possibility of such an impression, as you apprehend, being produced upon the Spanish government by the retreat of the British armies, I lose no time in conveying to you his majesty’s commands, that you should forthwith give the most positive assurance, that the object of this retreat is no other than that of effecting in Portugal the junction which the events of the war have unfortunately rendered impracticable in Spain, with the purpose of preparing the whole army to move forward again into Spain whenever, and in whatever direction their services may be best employed in support of the common cause. In proof of this intention, you will inform the Spanish government, that an additional reinforcement of cavalry is at this moment sailing for Lisbon, and that the British army in Portugal will be still further augmented, if necessary, so as to make up a substantive and effective force adequate to any operation, for which an opportunity may be offered in the centre or south of Spain, according to the course which the war may take. But while you make this communication to the Spanish government, it is extremely necessary that you should accompany it with a distinct and pressing demand for the communication to you and to the British general of whatever be the plan of operations of the Spanish armies. Sir John Moore complains that he had not received the slightest intimation of any such plan at the date of his last despatch of the 20th ultimo; and I am afraid the appointment which you mention in your No. 20 of general Morla to discuss with the British commanders the mode of co-operation between the British and Spanish armies will not have taken place till after the defeat of the Spanish armies will have entirely disposed of that question for the present. The language of sir David Baird, with respect to defect of information, is precisely the same as that of sir John Moore. Sir D. Baird has indeed had the advantage of some intercourse with the marquis de la Romana; but the marquis de la Romana himself does not appear to have been in possession of any part of the views of his government, nor to have received any distinct account of the numbers, state, or destination even, of either of the armies which he was himself appointed to command. The British government has most cautiously and scrupulously abstained from interfering in any of the counsels of the junta, or presuming to suggest to them, by what plan they should defend their country. But when the question is as to the co-operation of a British force, they have a right, and it is their duty to require, that some plan should have been formed, and being formed, should be communicated to the British commander, in order that he may judge of, and (if he shall approve), may be prepared to execute the share intended to be assigned to him. You will recollect, that the army which has been appropriated by his majesty to the defence of Spain and Portugal is not merely a considerable part of the disposeable force of this country: it is, in fact, the British army. The country has no other force disposeable. It may by a great effort reinforce the army for an adequate purpose; but another army it has not to send. The proposals, therefore, which are made somewhat too lightly for appending parts of this force, sometimes to one of the Spanish armies, sometimes to another, and the facility with which its services are called for, wherever the exigency of the moment happens to press, are by no means suited to the nature of the force itself, or consonant to the views, with which his majesty has consented to employ it in Spain. You are already apprised by my former despatch (enclosing a copy of general Moore’s instructions), that the British army must be kept together under its own commander, must act as one body for some distinct object, and on some settled plan.

“It will decline no difficulty, it will shrink from no danger, when, through that difficulty and danger, the commander is enabled to see his way to some definite purpose. But, in order to this, it will be necessary that such purpose should have been previously arranged, and that the British army should not again be left as that of sir John Moore and sir David Baird have recently been, in the heart of Spain, without one word of information, except such as they could pick up from common rumour, of the events passing around them. Previously, therefore, to general sir John Moore’s again entering Spain, it will be expected that some clear exposition should be made to him of the system upon which the Spaniards intend to conduct the war; the points which they mean to contest with the advancing enemy, and those which, if pressed by a series of reverse, they ultimately propose to defend.

“The part assigned to the British army in the combined operation must be settled with sir John Moore, and he will be found not unambitious of that in which he may be opposed most directly to the enemy. The courage and constancy displayed by the junta, under the first reverses, are in the highest degree worthy of admiration.[31] And if they shall persevere in the same spirit, and can rouse the country to adequate exertions, there is no reason to despair of the ultimate safety of Spain. But it is most earnestly to be hoped, that the same confidence which they appear to have placed in the ability of their armies, under Blake and Castaños, to resist the attacks of the enemy, will not be again adopted as their guide, again to deceive them in the ulterior operations of the war. It is to be hoped that they will weigh well their really existing means of defence against the means of attack on the part of the enemy, and that if they find them unequal to maintain a line of defence as extended, as they have hitherto attempted to maintain, they will at once fall back to that point, wherever it may be, at which they can be sure that their stand will be permanent, and their resistance effectual. It is obvious, that unless they can resist effectually in the passes of the Guadarama, or in the Sierra Morena, the ultimate point of retreat, after a series of defeats more or less numerous and exhausting, according as they shall the sooner or the later make up their minds to retreat, is Cadiz. Supported by Cadiz on one side, and by the fortress of Gibraltar on the other, the remaining armies of Spain might unquestionably make such a stand, as no force which France could bring against them could overpower; and the assistance of the British army would be in this situation incalculably augmented by the communication with Gibraltar and the sea. I am aware of the jealousy with which the mention of a British force of any sort coupled with the name of Cadiz will be received. But the time seems to be arrived at which we must communicate with each other (the Spanish government and England) without jealousy or reserve. His majesty has abjured, in the face of the world, any motive of interested policy,—you are authorised to repeat in the most solemn manner, if necessary, that abjuration. But if in the midst of such sacrifices and such exertions as Great Britain is making for Spain; if after having foregone all objects of partial benefit, many of which the state of Spain (if we had been so ungenerous as to take that advantage of it) would have brought within our reach, the fair opinion of the British government cannot be received without suspicion; there is little hope of real cordiality continuing to subsist under reverses and misfortunes, such as Spain must but too surely expect, and such as are at all times the tests of sincerity and confidence. It is the opinion of the British government that the last stand (if all else fails) must be made at Cadiz. It is the opinion of the British government, that this stand will be made in vain only if the necessity of resorting to it is too late acknowledged, and the means of making it effectually not providently prepared. It is the opinion of the British government, that on no account should the naval means of Spain be suffered to fall into the hands of France, or those of France to be recovered by her. It is their opinion that this may be prevented, but to prevent it, the object must be fairly looked at beforehand; and it is hoped that a spirit of distrust unworthy both of those who entertain it, and of those with respect to whom it is entertained, will not be suffered to interfere between an object of so great importance and the means of ensuring its accomplishment. It is absolutely necessary to lose no time in bringing this subject fairly before the Spanish government, and if in doing so, you should see either in M. Cevallos or in count Florida Blanca marks of that distrust and suspicion which must fatally affect any measure of co-operation between the British and Spanish forces, it will be right that you should at once anticipate the subject, and you are at liberty to communicate this despatch in extenso, as the surest mode of proving the openness with which the British government is desirous of acting, and the disdain which it would feel of any imputation upon its disinterestedness and sincerity. But while this object is thus to be stated to the central government, it is not to this object alone that the services of the British army are to be appropriated. The commander-in-chief will have both the authority and the inclination to listen to any proposal for any other practicable undertaking. And it is only in the event of no such object or undertaking being presented to him in Spain, that he is directed to confine himself to the defence of Portugal. I am, &c. &c. &c.

(Signed) “George Canning.”

EXTRACTS FROM A LETTER FROM MR. CANNING TO MR. FRERE, OF THE SAME DATE AS THE ABOVE.

December 10, 1808.

“The timely preparation of the fleets of France and Spain, now in the harbour of Cadiz, is also a point to be pressed by you with earnestness, but at the same time with all the delicacy which belongs to it. In the event of an emigration to America it is obvious that this preparation should be made beforehand. And in the case of this project not being adopted, and of a resolution being taken to defend Cadiz to the utmost, it would still be desirable that the fleets should be prepared for removal to Minorca, in order to be out of the reach of any use which the disaffected in Cadiz (of whom general Morla is represented to have expressed considerable apprehensions), might be disposed to make of them for compromise with the enemy.”

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM MR. CANNING TO MR. FRERE.

December 11, 1808.

“SIR,

“Complaints have been justly made of the manner in which the British troops, particularly those under sir David Baird, have been received in Spain.

“The long detention of sir David Baird’s corps on board the transports at Coruña may but too probably have contributed to render the difficulties of a junction between the two parts of the British army insurmountable, by giving the enemy time to advance between them. In addition to this it is stated, that there was a total want of preparation for supply of any sort, and the unwillingness with which those supplies appear to have been administered, have undoubtedly occasioned as much disappointment as inconvenience to the British commanders. Unless some change is effected in these particulars when the army again moves into Spain, the advance of the British troops through that country will be attended with more difficulty than a march through a hostile country.”

RETURN OF BRITISH TROOPS EMBARKED FOR PORTUGAL AND SPAIN, IN 1808.

Extracted from the adjutant-general’s returns.

Artil. Caval. Infantry. Total.

357 349 8688 9394 Commanded by sir A. Wellesley; embarked at Cork the 15th, 16th, and 17th June, 1808; sailed 12th July; landed at Mondego, August 1st.

379 ... 4323 4702 Commanded by generals Ackland and Anstruther; embarked at Harwich, July 18th and 19th; landed at Maceira, August 20th, 1808.

66 ... 4647 4713 Commanded by general Spencer; embarked at Cadiz; landed at Mondego, August 3d

712 563 10,049 11,324 Commanded first by sir John Moore, secondly by sir Harry Burrard; embarked at Portsmouth, April, 1808; sailed to the Baltic; returned and sailed to Portugal, July 31st; landed at Maceira, August 29th.

... 672 ..... 672 Landed at Lisbon, Dec. 31st, 1808.

186 ... 943 1129 Embarked at Gibraltar; sailed Aug. 14th; landed at the Tagus in September.

94 ... 929 1023 Commanded by gen. Beresford; embarked at Madeira; sailed Aug. 17th; landed at the Tagus in September.

... 672 ..... 672 Commanded by general C. Stewart; embarked at Gravesend; landed at Lisbon, September 1st.

798 ... 10,271 11,069 Commanded by sir D. Baird; embarked at Falmouth; sailed Oct. 9th; arrived at Coruña, 13th Oct.; landed 29th ditto.

... ... 1622 ..... Two regiments sent round to Lisbon from sir D. Baird’s force.

... 2021 ..... 2021 Commanded by lord Paget; embarked at Portsmouth; landed at Coruña, October 30th.

2592 4277 41,472 46,719

1622 Add two regiments sent to Lisbon from Coruña.

48,341 Grand total, of which 800 were artificers, waggon train, and commissariat.

RETURNS OF KILLED, WOUNDED, AND MISSING, OF THE ARMY UNDER THE COMMAND OF SIR A. WELLESLEY.

1808. Officers. Men.

August. Killed. Wound^d. Missing. Killed. Wound^d. Missing. Total.

15th. Brillos 1 1 0 1 5 21 29

17th. Roriça 4 19 4 66 316 70 479

21st. Vimiero 4 35 2 131 499 49 720

Grand total for the campaign. 9 55 6 198 820 140 1228

BRITISH ORDER OF BATTLE. RORIÇA, 17th AUG. 1808.

Extracted from the adjutant-general’s states.

Regiments.

┌ ┌ 5th ┐ ┐

│ 1st brigade, maj.-gen. Hill, ┤ 9th ├ 2780 │

│ └ 38th ┘ │

Right ┤ 3d ditto, maj.-gen. Nightingale, ┌ 29th ┐ 1722 ├ 7246

wing. │ └ 82d ┘ │

│ ┌ 45th ┐ │

│ 5th ditto, C. Crawfurd, ┤ 50th ├ 2744 │

└ └ 91st ┘ ┘

┌ 4th brigade, brig.-gen. Bowes, ┌ 6th ┐ 1829 ┐

│ └ 32d ┘ │

│ ┌ 36th ┐ │

Left ┤ 2d ditto, maj.-gen. Ferguson, ┤ 40th ├ 2681 ├ 5846

wing. │ └ 71st ┘ │

│ 6th ditto (light), ┌ 95th, 2d bn. ┐ 1336 │

└ brig.-gen. Fane, └ 60th, 5th, bn. ┘ ┘

Artillery, 18 guns, 6 and 9 lbs. 660 660

Cavalry 240 240

———

Total British 13,992

┌ Infantry of the line, 1000 ┐

Portuguese, col. Trant, ┤ Light Troops, 400 ├ 1,650

└ Cavalry, 250 ┘

———

Grand total, British and Portuguese, including sick men, &c. &c. 15,642

BRITISH ORDER OF BATTLE. VIMIERO, 21st AUG. 1808.

Extracted from the adjutant-general’s states.

Regiments.

Right ┌ ┌ 5th ┐ ┐

wing. ┤ 1st brigade, gen. Hill, ┤ 9th ├ 2780 ├ 2780

└ └ 38th ┘ ┘

┌ ┌ 50th ┐ ┐

│ 6th ditto, brig.-gen. Fane, ┤ 60th ├ 2293 │

│ └ 95th, 2d bn ┘ │

Centre. ┤ ┌ 9th ┐ ├ 4953

│ 7th ditto, brig.-gen. Anstruther, ┤ 43d, 2d bn ├ 2660 │

│ │ 52d, 2d bn │ │

└ └ 97th ┘ ┘

┌ ┌ 36th ┐ ┐

│ 2d brigade, maj.-gen. Ferguson, ┤ 40th ├ 2681 │

│ └ 71st ┘ │

Left │ 3d ditto, maj.-gen. Nightingale, ┌ 29th ┐ 1722 │

wing. ┤ └ 82d ┘ ├ 7612

│ 4th ditto, brig.-gen Bowes, ┌ 6th ┐ 1829 │

│ └ 32d ┘ │

│ 8th ditto, maj.-gen. Ackland, ┌ 2d ┐ 1380 │

└ └ 20th ┘ ┘

┌ ┌ 45th ┐ ┐

Reserve. ┤ 5th brigade, brig.-gen. C. Crawfurd, ┤ 50th ├ 2744 ├ 2744

└ └ 91st ┘ ┘

Artillery, 18 guns, 6 and 9lbs. 660 660

Cavalry, 20th light dragoons, 240 240

———

Total British 18,989

Portuguese, col. Trant, ┌ Infantry, 1400 1,650

└ Cavalry, 250

———

Grand total, including sick, wounded, and missing, 20,639

RETURN OF SIR HEW DALRYMPLE’S ARMY, OCT. 1, 1808.

Head-quarters, Bemfica.

Fit for duty. Hospital. Detached. Total.

Cavalry 1402 128 28 1558

Artillery 2091 146 6 2243

Infantry 25,678 3196 454 29,328

Total 29,171 3470 488

Grand total, including artificers, waggon train, &c. &c. 33,129

EMBARKATION RETURN OF THE FRENCH ARMY UNDER GENERAL JUNOT.

Present under arms. Detached. Absent without pay. Total. Cr.

Hosp. Pris.

Of Men Hor Of Men Hor Of Men Of Men Of Men Hor Men

Infantry 273 15,860 .... 52 2078 0 46 3281 17 895 .. 22,635 .. 13

Cavalry 48 1722 1176 .. 1 1 .. 195 1 ... .. 1974 .. ..

Artillery 21 1015 472 .. 6 .. .. .... .. ... .. 1121 .. ..

Engineers 14 .... .... .. .... .. .. .... 3 ... .. 17 .. ..

Guns 10 8 lbs. ┐

16 4 lbs. ├ 35

Howitzers 4 6 inch. ┘

Grand total 25,747 men, 1655 horses, and 35 pieces of artillery.

Note.—On the staff of each division there are

1 General of division. 1 Inspector of reviews.

2 Generals of brigade. 1 Commissary of engineers.

7 Aides-de-camp. 2 Officers of engineers.

┌ 1 General.

Artillery ┤ 4 Colonels.

└ 2 Chefs de bataillon.

Engineers ┌ 1 Colonel. ┐ The remainder in the divisions.

└ 2 Captains. ┘

THE FOLLOWING EXTRACT FROM A MINUTE MADE BY HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF YORK IN 1808

Proves that sixty thousand men could have been provided for the campaign of 1808-9 in Spain, without detriment to other services.

“There are present in Portugal,

Cavalry 1640 ┐ 31,446

Infantry 34 battalions 29,806 ┘

“Under orders to embark, ┌ Cavalry 3410 ┐ 14,829

└ Infantry 11,419 ┘

———

Total. 46,275

———

“Of this force the 20th dragoons and 8 battalions should remain in Portugal. The disposeable force would then be

Cavalry. Infantry.

From Portugal 1313 23,575

Under orders 3200 11,419

Force to be drawn from Sicily 8000

——————————

Total 4513 42,994

“To this may be added four regs of cav^ry

And the two brigades of guards 2560 2434

——————————

Grand total 7073 45,428

——————————

“When to this you add 4 battalions of infantry, which may be spared, and the artillery, it will form a corps of above sixty thousand rank and file.”

Note.—The detail of names and strength of the regiments are omitted to save space.

ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE ARMY UNDER THE COMMAND OF SIR JOHN MOORE.

2d Division. 3d Division. 1st Division.

Lt.-gen. Hope. Lt.-gen. Fraser. Lt.-gen. Baird.

| | |

Brigades. Brigades. Brigades.

1st. 2d. 3d. 1st. 2d. 1st. 2d. 3d.

| | | | | | | |

4 batts. 3 batts. 3 batts. 4 batts. 3 batts. 2 batts. 3 batts. 3 batts.

2d Flank Brigade. Reserve. 1st Flank Brigade.

German.

Br.-gen. Alten. M.-gen. Paget. Col. B. Crawford.

| | |

2 Battalions. Brigades. 3 Battalions.

1st. 2d.

| |

3 batts. 2 batts.

Cavalry. Artillery.

Lord Paget. Col. Harding.

Brigades. 11 Brigades.

1st. 2d. |

| | 66 Pieces.

3 reg^s. 2 reg^s.

Return of sir John Moore’s army, Dec. 19, 1808, extracted from the adjutant-general’s morning state of that day.

Fit for duty. Hospital. Detached. Total.

Cavalry 2278 182 794 3254

Artillery 1358 97 ... 1455

Infantry 22,222 3756 893 26,871

25,858 4035 1687 31,580

Deduct 2275 Men composing four ┌ 3d reg. left in Portugal.

battalions, viz. ┤ 76th ┐ Between Villa

23,583 Total number under arms. │ 51st ├ Franca and

└ 59th ┘ Lugo.

Note.—Of 66 guns 42 were attached to the divisions, the remainder in reserve, with the exception of one brigade of 3 lbs.

The following General Return, extracted from especial regimental reports, contains the whole number of non-commissioned officers and men, cavalry and infantry, lost during sir John Moore’s campaign:

Total.

Lost at or previous to the arrival of the army at the position of Lugo, ┌ Cavalry, 95 ┐ 1397

└ Infantry, 1302 ┘

Of this number 200 were left in the wine-vaults of Bembibre, and nearly 500 were stragglers from the troops that marched to Vigo.

Lost between the departure of the army from Lugo and the embarkation at Coruña, ┐ Cavalry, 9 ┐ 2636

┘ Infantry, 2627 ┘

——

Grand total 4033

Of the whole number above 800 contrived to escape to Portugal, and being united with the sick left by the regiments in that country, they formed a corps of 1876 men, which being re-embodied under the name of the battalions of detachments, did good service at Oporto and Talavera.

The pieces of artillery abandoned during the retreat were six 3-pounders.

These guns were landed at Coruña without the general’s knowledge; they never went beyond Villa Franca, and, not being horsed, were thrown down the rocks when the troops quitted that town.

The guns used in the battle of Coruña were spiked and buried in the sand, but the French discovered them.

N.B.—Some errors may have crept into the regimental states, in consequence of the difficulty of ascertaining exactly where each man was lost, but the inaccuracies could not affect the total amount above fifty men more or less.

The following states of the Spanish armies are not strictly accurate, because the original reports from whence they have been drawn were generally very loose, and often inconsistent and contradictory. Nevertheless, it is believed that the approximation is sufficiently close for any useful purpose.

STATE I.

Army of Andalusia.

1808. Armed peasantry. Regulars.

19th July, Baylen Unknown 29,000

┌ Madrid, ┐

1st Sept. ┤ La Mancha, ├ — 30,000

└ Sierra Morena, ┘

STATE II.

Numbers of the Spanish armies in October, 1808, according to the reports transmitted to sir John Moore by the military agents.

Regulars. Armed peasantry, incorporated with the regular troops.

Troops upon the Ebro, and in Biscay, 75,000 70,000 145,000

In Catalonia, 20,000 -- 20,000

In march from Aragon to Catalonia, 10,000 -- 10,000

Ditto new levies from Grenada, -- 10,000 10,000

In the Asturias, 18,000 -- 18,000

———— ———

Total 123,000 80,000 ———

Grand total 203,000

STATE III.

Real numbers of the Spanish armies in line of battle, in the months of October, November, and December, 1808.

1st Line.

Cavalry. Infantry. Guns.

Army of Palafox, 550 17,500 20 ┐ Defeated and dispersed

Army of Castaños, 2,200 24,500 48 ┘ at Tudela.

Army of Blake, 100 30,000 26 ┐ Ditto at the battles

Army of Romana, 1,404 8,000 25 ├ of Zornoza and

Asturians, — 8,000 — ┘ Espinosa.

Army of count Belvedere, 1,150 11,150 30 Ditto at Gamonal.

—— ——— —–

Total 5,404 99,150 149

Deduct Romana’s cavalry and guns, which never came into the line of battle 1,404 — 25

—— ——— —–

Total, brought into 1st line of battle 4,000 99,150 124 103,150

2d Line.

Infantry. Cavalry.

┌ Were beaten at the

General St Juan’s 12,000 — │ Somosierra 30th Nov.;

division, ┤ murdered their general

│ at Talavera, Dec. 7th,

└ and dispersed.

Fugitives from Gamonal, ┐ ┌ Fled from Segovia and

commanded by general ├ 4,000 — ┤ Sepulveda, Dec. 2d, and

Heredia, ┘ │ dispersed at Talavera,

└ 7th.

Fugitives from Blake’s ┐ ┌ Beaten at Mancilla, 29th

army, re-organised ├ 6,000 1,400 ┤ Dec.; retired into

by Romana, ┘ │ Gallicia. Infantry

└ dispersed there.

Asturian levies under ┐ 5,000 — Were not engaged.

Ballesteros, ┘

Fugitives assembled ┐ ┌ Defeated and dispersed,

by Galluzzo behind ├ 6,000 — ┤ 24th Dec., by the 4th

the Tagus, ┘ └ corps, at Almaraz.

——— ———

Total, brought into 2d line, 33,000 1,400

To cover Moore’s advance there were on the Ebro, in Biscay, and in the Asturias, according to the Spanish and the military agents reports 173,000

The real number brought into the field was 103,150

———

Exaggeration 69,850

Note.—The real amount includes the sick in the field hospitals.

SECTION I.—STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY CALLED THE FIRST PART OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN, DATED OCT. 1, 1808.

Head-quarters, Vittoria. King Joseph, commander-in-chief. General Jourdan, major-general. General Belliard, chief of the staff. Recapitulation, extracted from the imperial states, signed by the prince of Neufchatel.

Officers included, present under arms.

Men. Horses.

Division imperial guard, commanded by gen. Dorsenne 2423 786

Do. reserve cavalry, imperial ┐ Gen. Saligny 5417 944

gendarmes, and other troops ┘

Corps of marshal Bessieres 15,595 2923

Do. marshal Ney 13,756 2417

Do. marshal Moncey 16,636 ┐ 22,640 3132

Garrison of Pampeluna 6004 ┘

Garrisons of Vittoria, Bilbao, St. ┐

Sebastian, Tolosa, Montdragon, ├ Gen. Lagrange 8479 1458

Salinas, Bergara, Villa Real, Yrun, │

and other places of less note ┘

┌ Gen. Drouet ┐

Troops disposeable at Bayonne │ commanding │

and the vicinity, or in march ┤ 11th military ├ 20,005 5196

upon that place └ division. ┘

Do. employed as moveable columns ┐

in the defence of the frontier from ├ 6042 261

Bayonne to Belgarde ┘

In Catalonia, gen. Duhesme 10,142 1638

Fort of Fernando Figueras, gen. Reille 4027 557

Division of gen. Chabot 1434 —

——— ——–

Total 110,660 19,312

——— ——–

Note.—At this period the Spaniards and the military agents always asserted that the French had only from 35 to 45,000 men of all weapons.

STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY, CALLED “THE SECOND PART OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN,” OCTOBER 1, 1808.

This army, composed of the troops coming from the grand army and from Italy, was by an imperial decree, dated 7th September, divided into six corps and a reserve.

Present under arms.

Men. Horses.

1st corps, marshal Victor, duke of Belluno 29,547 5552

5th Do. Mortier, duke of Treviso 24,405 3495

6th Do. destined for Ney, duke of Elchingen 22,694 3945

Infantry of the viceroy of Spain’s guards 1213 ...

Cavalry ditto 456 551

1st division of dragoons 3695 3994

2d ditto 2940 3069

3d ditto 2020 2238

4th ditto 3101 3316

5th ditto 2903 3068

Division of general Sebastiani 5808 185

5th regiment of dragoons 556 531

German division 6067 381

Polish ditto 6818 ...

Dutch brigade 2280 751

Westphalian light horse 522 559

General Souham’s division 7259 ...

Ditto Pino’s ditto 6803 ...

24th regiment of dragoons 664 731

Regiment of royal Italian chasseurs 560 512

Regiment of Napoleon’s dragoons 500 474

Artillery and engineers in march for Perpignan 1706 1430

——— ——–

Total of 2d part 132,530 34,786

Total of 1st part 110,660 19,312

——— ——–

243,190 54,098

——— ——–

Grand total 243,190 men and 54,098 horses.

SECTION II.—GENERAL STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY IN SPAIN, OCTOBER 10th, 1808.

Present under arms. Detached. Hosp. Pr. Effective.

Men. Hor. Men. Hor. Men. Men. Men. CH AH

1st corps, duke of Belluno, 28,797 5615 2201 219 2939 .. 33,937 3329 2501

2d do. — Istria, 20,093 3219 7394 1199 5536 30 33,054 3616 802

3d do. — Cornegliano, 18,867 3186 11,082 2472 7522 219 37,690 4537 821

4th do. — Dantzic, 22,859 2410 955 40 2170 .. 25,984 1791 659

5th do. — Treviso, 24,552 3833 188 6 1971 2 26,713 1805 2034

6th do. — Elchingen, 29,568 4304 3381 257 5051 33 38,033 2465 2096

7th do. general St. Cyr, 35,657 5254 1302 198 4948 200 42,107 4045 1404

8th do. duke of Abrantes, 19,059 2247 2137 1 3528 1006 25,730 1776 472

Reserve, 34,924 23,604 3533 733 3553 392 42,382 21,225 3112

1st hussars and 27th chasseurs, 1,424 1463 256 208 74 .. 1,754 1675 ..

Artillery and engineers in march, coming from Germany, 3,446 958 107 .. .. .. 3,446 .. 958

Moveable columns for the defence of the frontiers of France, 8,588 477 107 .. 146 19 8,860 268 209

Total 247,834 56,567 32,536 5329 37,419 1901 319,690 46,828 15,068

Under arms. Detached. Hosp.

Artillery. Cavalry. Inf.

Of this number Men. Hor. Men. Hor. Men. Men. Hor. Men.

{French, 17,868 15,107 34,172 35,761 152,770 29,647 5052 31,401

{Auxiliaries 1,503 968 4,782 4,831 36,739 2,889 277 6,018

Total 19,371 16,075 38,954 40,592 189,509 32,536 5329 37,419

Pr. Effective.

Of this number Men. Men. CH AH

{French, 1771 267,629 41,565 14,253

{Auxiliaries 130 52,061 5,261 819

Total 1901 319,690 46,828 15,068

Grand total 319,690 men and 61,896 horses.

SECTION III.—STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY OF SPAIN, THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON COMMANDING IN PERSON, 25th OCTOBER, 1808.

1148 Officers of the staff. 298 Battalions. 184 Squadrons.

Grand total.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospl. Prisons.

Total, Cavalry Artil.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Men. horses. horses.

249,046 55,759 33,438 4943 34,558 1892 318,934 45,242 15,498

Grand total 318,934 men and 60,740 horses.

STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY IN SPAIN, THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON COMMANDING, 15th NOVEMBER, 1808.

Officers of the staff, 1064. Battalions, 290. Squadrons, 181.

Grand total.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospl. Prisons.

Total, Cavalry Artil.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Men. horses. horses.

255,876 52,430 32,245 8295 4517 1995 335,223 43,920 16,808

Grand total 335,223 men, and 60,728 horses.

SECTION IV.—THE STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY IN PORTUGAL, JANUARY 1st, 1808.

Extracted from the imperial returns.

General Junot, commander-in-chief.

General Thiebault, chief of the staff.

1st division, general De Laborde, ┐ 26 battalions, 7 squadrons.

2d ditto, general Loison, ├

3d ditto, general Travot, │

Cavalry, general Kellerman, ┘

10 guns of 8 lbs. ┐ 36 pieces.

22 ditto 4 lbs. ├

4 6 inch howitzers. ┘

Present under arms. Effective.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses.

16,190 1,114 24,735 1,377

At Salamanca, or in march to ┐ 4,795 1,296 4,795 1,296

join the army in Portugal. ┘

——– —— ——– ——

Total 20,985 2,310 29,530 2,673

STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY IN PORTUGAL, 23d MAY, 1808.

Under arms. Detached. Hosp. Effective.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Horses. Art.

French, 24,446 2789 — — 2449 29,684 3586 629

Spanish division of gen. Quesnel, 9281 101 1087 — 651 11,019 — —

Do. gen. Caraffa, 6309 844 174 13 141 6,624 13 —

Portuguese troops, 4621 483 570 234 116 5,307 234 —

——– —— —— —– —— ——— —— —–

Total 38,657 4217 1831 247 3357 52,634 3835 629

Grand total 52,634 men, 4454 horses, and 36 guns.

SECTION V.—STATE OF THE “2d ARMY OF OBSERVATION OF THE GIRONDE,” 1st FEB. 1808, SPAIN.

General Dupont, commanding.

20 battalions, and 1 division of cavalry.

Head-quarters Valladolid.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospital. Effective.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Horses.

20,729 2884 1303 334 2277 24,309 3218

Total 24,309 men, and 3218 horses.

SECTION VI.—STATE OF THE “ARMY OF OBSERVATION DE COTÉ D’OCEAN,” 1st FEB. 1808, SPAIN.

Marshal Moncey, commanding.

Head-quarters, Vittoria.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospital. Effective.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Horses.

21,878 2547 2144 — 4464 28,486 2547

Train of the guard 225 509

Grand total 28,711 men, and 3301 horses.

The following letters from lord Collingwood did not come into my possession before the present volume was in the press. It will be seen that they corroborate many of the opinions and some of the facts that I have stated, and they will doubtless be read with the attention due to the observations of such an honourable and able man.

TO SIR HEW DALRYMPLE.

Ocean, Gibraltar, 30th August, 1808.

MY DEAR SIR,

I have been in great expectation of hearing of your progress with the army, and hope the first account will be of your success whenever you move. I have heard nothing lately of Junot at Cadiz; but there have been accounts not very well authenticated, that Joseph Buonaparte, in his retiring to France, was stopped by the mass rising in Biscay, to the amount of 14,000 well-armed men, which obliged him to return to Burgos, where the body of the French army was stationed.

At Saragossa the French, in making their fourteenth attack upon the town, were defeated, repulsed with great loss, and had retired from it. There is a deputy here from that city with a commission from the marquis de Palafox to request supplies. The first aid upon their list is for 10 or 15,000 troops. The deputy states they have few regulars in the province, and the war has hitherto been carried on by all being armed. In this gentleman’s conversation I observe, what I had before remarked in others, that he had no view of Spain beyond the kingdom of Aragon; and in reply to the observations I made on the necessity of a central government, he had little to say, as if that had not yet been a subject of much consideration. I have great hope that general Castaños, Cuesta, and those captains-general who will now meet at Madrid will do something effectual in simplifying the government. In a conversation I had with Morla on the necessity of this, he seemed to think the juntas would make many difficulties, and retain their present power as long as they could.

I hope, my dear sir, you will give some directions about this puzzling island (Perexil), which it appears to me will not be of any future use; but the people who are on it will suffer much in the winter, without habitations, except tents; I conceive the purpose for which it was occupied is past, and will probably never return; whenever they quit it, they should bring the stores away as quietly as possible; for if I am not mistaken, the emperor has an intention to keep them, and will remonstrate against them going. I hope you have received good accounts from lady Dalrymple, &c.

I am to sail to-day for Toulon, where every thing indicates an intention in the French to sail. Mr. Duff brought a million of dollars to Seville, and has instructions to communicate with the junta; but he appears to me to be too old to do it as major Cox has done: he is still there, and I conclude will wait for your instructions. Mr. Markland would accept with great thankfulness the proposal you made to him to go to Valencia.

I beg my kind regards, &c. Collingwood.

P. S. Prince Leopold is still here, and I understand intends to stay until he hears from England. I have given passports for Dupont and a number of French officers to go to France on parole, ninety-three in number. General Morla was impatient to get them out of the country. The Spaniards were much irritated against them; they were not safe from their revenge, except in St. Sebastian’s castle.

TO SIR HEW DALRYMPLE.

Ocean, off Toulon, October 18, 1808.

MY DEAR SIR,

I have received the favour of your letters of the 27th August and 5th September, and beg to offer you my sincere congratulations on the success of the British army in Portugal, which I hope will have satisfied the French that they are not those invincible creatures which Buonaparte had endeavoured to persuade them they were.

It is a happy event to have rescued Portugal from the government of France, and their carrying off a little plunder is a matter of very secondary consideration; perhaps it may have the good effect of keeping up the animosity of the Portuguese who suffer, and incite them to more resistance in future.

The great business now is to endeavour to establish that sort of government, and organise that sort of military force, which may give security to the country; and the great difficulty in Portugal will be to find men who are of ability to place at the head of the several departments, who have patriotism to devote themselves to its service, and vigour to maintain its independence. In a country exhausted like Portugal, it will require much ingenious expedient to supply the want of wealth and of every thing military. If it is not found in the breasts of those to whom the people look up, Portugal will remain in a hapless and uncertain state still.

I have not heard from sir Charles Cotton how he settled his terms with the Russian admiral; but as he has got possession of the ships to be sent to England, they cannot but be good: the hoisting the English flag on the fort which surrendered to our troops, I conclude, would be explained to the Portuguese as not to be understood as taking possession by England for other purpose than to be restored to its prince, as was done at Madeira; but in this instance it ought to have been thought necessary to deprive Siniavin of the argument he would have used of the neutrality of the Portuguese flag, with whom his nation was not at war.

I left Cadiz the moment every thing in that quarter was pacific; and Mr. Duff arrived there with a million of dollars for their use: this money was sent to the junta of Seville, where I am afraid there are many members unworthy of the trust.

I have only heard once from Cox since I left that quarter. After getting the money, father Gil seemed to have dropt his communications with major C., and their discussions were not of a nature to excite much public interest; they consisted more in private bickerings than of grave consult for the public weal. Tilly seems to have been entirely disappointed in his project, both in respect to the annexation of southern Portugal to Andalusia and the pension of 12,000 dollars for his service in the supreme council: of those you will be informed by major Cox. I am afraid I related the proceedings to his majesty’s ministers of events which were passing almost under my eye, and gave my opinion on them with too great freedom; I mean with a freedom that is not usual; but they were facts of which, without being possessed, his majesty’s ministers could not have a knowledge of the real state of affairs in Spain; and the sentiments those facts inspired were necessary to explain my motives and the rule of conduct which I pursued. And still I consider the great and only danger to which Spain is now exposed is the supposition that the whole nation is possessed of the same patriotism which, in Andalusia, Aragon, and Valencia, led to such glorious results. It is far otherwise: there are not many Castaños, nor Cuestas, nor Palafox’s; and take from Spain the influence of the clergy, and its best source of power would be lost: wherever this influence is least, the war is languid.

I wrote to you some time since to represent the state of Catalonia. Nothing can be more indifferent to the cause than they appear to be; yet the common peasantry have not less spirit nor less desire to repel their enemy. They have no leaders. Palacio, the captain-general, stays at Villa Franca, west of Barcelona, talking of what he intends to do; and the people speak of him as either wanting zeal in their cause or ability to direct them; while the French from Barcelona and Figueras do just what they please. When the French attacked Gerona he did nothing to succour it. The greatest discomfiture they suffered was from lord Cochrane, who, while they were employed at the siege, blew up the road, making deep trenches in a part where the fire of his ships could be brought upon; and when they came there he drove them from their guns, killed many, and took some cannon.

The French fleet is here quite ready for sea, and I am doing all that is in my power to meet them when they do come out. It is an arduous service: the last ten days we have had gales of wind incessantly: the difficulty of keeping a sufficient squadron is very great. I think the storms from those Alpine mountains are harder than in England, and of more duration.

I beg my best regards to captain Dalrymple, and my sincerest wishes for every success to attend you.

I am, my dear sir Hew,

Your obedient and most humble servant, Collingwood.

P. S. In the letter which I wrote to you on the state of Catalonia I represented the necessity of sending a body of British troops to Catalonia. There is no other prospect of the French being kept in any bounds. The avenues to France are as open now as at any time they have been. I have kept a ship always at Rosas Bay; her marines have garrisoned the castle, and her company assisted in repairing the works. The French appear to have designs on that place. The presence of the English alone prevents them. If 18,000 men were here of our army I think they would make Mr. Palacio come forward and put the whole country into activity, which till then I don’t think they ever will be.

Collingwood.

They want an English resident at Gerona, that they may have somebody to apply to for succour....

[The rest torn off in the original.]

TO SIR HEW DALRYMPLE.

Ocean, off Minorca, April 8, 1809.

MY DEAR SIR,

I received the favour of your letter a few days ago, which gave me great pleasure, after all the trouble and vexations you have had, to hear you were all well.

I was exceedingly sorry when I saw the angry mood in which the convention in Portugal was taken up, even before the circumstances which led to it were at all known. Before our army landed in Portugal the French force was reported to be very small. I remember its being said that a body of 5000 troops were all that was necessary to dispossess Junot. I conclude the same sort of report went to England; and this, with the victory that was obtained, led people to expect the extermination of the few French which were supposed to be there; and when once the idea is entertained people shut their eyes to difficulties.

I remember what you told me, the last time I saw you off Cadiz, of the communications which might be made to you by an officer who possessed the entire confidence of ministers. I thought then, that whatever ministers had to communicate to a commander-in-chief, could not be done better than by themselves; for intermediate communications are always in danger of being misunderstood, and never fail to cause doubts and disturb the judgment. I hope now it is all over, and your uneasiness on that subject at an end.

My labours I think will never cease. I am worn down by fatigue of my mind; with anxiety and sorrow; my health is very much impaired; and while our affairs require an increased energy, I find myself less able to conduct them, from natural causes. I give all my thoughts and time, but have interruptions, from my weak state of body, which the service will scarcely admit of. I never felt the severity of winter more than this last. They were not gales of wind, but hurricanes; and the consequence is, that the fleet has suffered very much, and many of the ships very infirm. I would not have kept the sea so long, because I know the system of blockading must be ruinous to our fleet at last; and in no instance that I can recollect has prevented the enemy from sailing. In the spring we are found all rags, while they, nursed through the tempest, are all trim. I would not have done it; but what would have become of me if, in my preserving the ships, the French had sailed and effected any thing in any quarter? The clamour would have been loud, and they would have sought only for the cause in my treachery or folly, for none can understand that there is any bad weather in the Mediterranean. The system of blockade is ruinous; but it has continued so long, and so much to the advantage of the mercantile part of the nation, that I fear no minister will be found bold enough to discontinue it. We undertake nothing against the enemy, but seem to think it enough to prevent him taking our brigs: his fleet is growing to a monstrous force, while ours every day gives more proof of its increasing decrepitude.

Of the Spaniards I would not say much; I was never sanguine in the prospect of success, and have no reason to change my opinion: the lower class of people, those who are under the influence of priests, would do any thing were they under proper direction; but directors are difficult to be found. There is a canker in the state: none of the superior orders are serious in their resistance to the French, and have only taken a part against them thus far from the apprehension of the resentment of the people. I believe the junta is not free from the taint of the infection, or would they have continued Vives Don Miguel in high and important command after such evident proofs as he gave of want of loyalty? I do not know what is thought of Infantado in England; but in my mind, the man, the duke (for his rank has a great deal to do with it), who would seat himself in Buonaparte’s council at Bayonne, sign his decrees, which were distributed in Spain, and then say he was forced to do it, is not the man who will do much in maintaining the glory or the independence of any country, no such man should be trusted now. The French troops are mostly withdrawn from Spain, except such as are necessary to hold certain strong posts, and enable them to return without impediment. Figueras, Barcelona, and Rosas, are held here in Catalonia, and of course the country quite open to them. Will the Spaniards dispossess them? The junta does not seem to know any thing of the provinces at a distance from them. At Tarragona the troops are ill clothed, and without pay; on one occasion they could not march against the enemy, having no shoes; and yet at Cadiz they have 51 millions of dollars. Cadiz seems to be a general depôt of every thing they can get from England. If they are not active the next two months Spain is lost.

I hope lady Dalrymple, &c. &c.

I ever am, my dear sir,

Your very faithful and obedient servant, Collingwood.