Note 808 — Chapter XXVI · LA NOCHE TRISTE. June 30, 1520.

According to the version of the rabid Duran, based on native paintings and narratives, the bodies of the prisoners were found in the fort after its evacuation, that of Montezuma with five stabs in the breast. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 477-9. Acosta seems rather to favor the story, improbable as several of its points are. Hist. Ind., 524. To some extent it rests on the statement repeated by Ixtlilxochitl, which assumes that Cacama, who had made himself particularly obnoxious to the Spaniards, was killed with 47 stabs before the fort was evacuated. Hist. Chich., 301. A more severe account is found in a manuscript fragment in Ramirez’ collection, written by a Tezcucan, wherein it is related that a sword was thrust into the intestines, ‘por la parte baxa.’ The body was thereupon taken to the roof, as if to address the people. A stone struck the head, and now the Spaniards proclaimed that this had caused the death. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 362. This is substantially repeated in Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 457. A stronger testimony, however, comes from Sahagun, who states that Cortés recommended to his followers the murder of the prisoners in order to terrify the natives and to assume the mastery. ‘Y lo primero que hicieron, fue dàr Garrote à Motecuhçuma, y à Itzquauhtzin, Señor de Tlatelolco, y à otros.’ Version in Torquemada, i. 498, and in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. [ed. 1840], 113. The issue, modified by the censor, merely states that the bodies were found near a stone, Teoaioc, outside the fort. Id. [ed. 1829], 31. This account has received its chief support in the quasi admission of Torquemada; and when he, the otherwise zealous champion of the conquerors, takes such a view, others may be pardoned for accepting it. ‘Y que esto aia sido asi, puede ser posible, pues para tenerse por seguros, le avian prendido; y viendo agora, que no bastaba la prision, vsarian de este vltimo medio, para vèr si le aplacaban, y atemoriçaban estos Mexicanos.’ i. 498-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts the version, and adds that Montezuma was told of his fate and urged to accept baptism. ‘On répandit aussitôt la nouvelle de sa mort comme s’il eût expiré naturellement.’ Hence even the soldiers did not know of the murder. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 330-1. Bustamante, of course, adopts anything Sahagun may say against the Spaniards; and Carbajal takes Torquemada’s view, Hist. Mex., ii. 375, as does Beltrami, eager for any sensation. Mex., ii. 145. Vetancurt seeks to reconcile conflicting opinions by assuming that when Montezuma died Itzquauhtzin and several other prisoners were murdered and cast out together with the emperor’s body, in order to terrify the Mexicans and occupy their attention while the Spaniards hurried away. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 142. ‘Io non posso persuadermi,’ says Clavigero, ‘che gli Spagnuoli si risolvessero a toglier la vita ad un Re, a cui doveano tanti beni, e dalla cui morte non potevano aspettarsi, se non molti mali.’ Storia Mess., iii. 131. Solis cannot believe Cortés guilty of an act so bad and reckless. Hist. Mex., ii. 150-1. Prescott disposes of the charge as an ‘absurdity’ and a ‘monstrous imputation.’ Hist. Mex., ii. 321. It must be considered, however, that the Spaniards did seek to profit by the death; and scruples about ‘killing a dog of an Indian,’ as they had so lately termed him, could not have weighed with such men when their interests were concerned; how much less when their lives were at stake? The whole argument, then, may be said to depend on the question whether Montezuma was more valuable as captive or as corpse. If the people manifested little respect for the living ruler, the Spaniards could have had no reason to expect more for the dead. His death would only have loosened the bond which still restrained a vast number, whether of kindred or of mere subjects, and given the hostile leaders fresh motives and strength for their operations. Besides, Montezuma must have retained a great influence outside the city, which a fugitive army would have found of service. The recognition of this influence is shown by the efforts made to save the imperial children, as noticed even by the most rabid accusers of the Spaniards. It may be mentioned that no charge is brought forward in the residencias either against Cortés or Alvarado.