Note 127 — Chapter II

Footnote 127:

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We must give special attention here to the variability and elasticity of the concept θεος, and indeed among the cultured as well as the uncultured (Orig. prolegg. in Psalm, in Pitra, Anal. T. II. p. 437, according to a Stoic source; κατ' αλλον δε τροπον λεγεσθαι θεον ζωιον αθανατον λογικον οπουδαιον, 'ωστε πασαν αστειαν ψυχην θεον 'υπαρχειν, καν περιεχηται, αλλως δε λεγεσθαι θεον το καθ' αυτο ον ζωιον αθανατον 'ως τα εν ανθρωποις περιεχομενας ψυχας μη 'υπαρχειν θεους). They still regarded the Gods as passionless, blessed men living for ever. The idea therefore of a θεοποιησις, and on the other hand, the idea of the appearance of the Gods in human form presented no difficulty (see Acts XIV. 11; XXVIII. 6). But philosophic speculation—the Platonic, as well as in yet greater measure the Stoic, and in the greatest measure of all the Cynic—had led to the recognition of something divine in man's spirit (πνευμα, νους). Marcus Aurelius in his Meditations frequently speaks of the God who dwells in us. Clement of Alexandria (Strom. VI. 14. 113) says: 'ουτως δυναμιν λαβουσα κυριακην 'η ψυχη μελεται ειναι θεος, κακον μεν ουδεν αλλο πλην αγνοιας ειναι νομιζουσα. In Bernays' Heraclitian Epistles, pp. 37 f. 135 f., will be found a valuable exposition of the Stoic (Heraclitian) thesis and its history, that men are Gods. See Norden, Beiträge zur Gesch. d. griech. Philos. Jahrb. f. klass Philol. XIX. Suppl. Bd. p. 373 ff., about the Cynic Philosopher who, contemplating the life and activity of man (κατασκοπος), becomes its επισκοπος, and further κυριος, αγγελος θεου, θεος εν ανθρωποις. The passages which he adduces are of importance for the history of dogma in a twofold respect. (1) They present remarkable parallels to Christology (one even finds the designations, κυριος, αγγελος, κατασκοπος, επισκοπος, θεος associated with the philosophers as with Christ, e.g., in Justin; nay, the Cynics and Neoplatonics speak of επισκοποι δαιμονες); cf. also the remarkable narrative in Laertius VI. 102, concerning the Cynic Menedemus; 'ουτος, καθα φησιν 'Ιπποβοτος, εις τοσος τον τερατειας ηλασεν, 'ωστε Ερινυος αναλαβον σχημα περιειει, λεγων επισκοπος αφιχθαι εξ 'Αιδου των 'αμαρτομενον, 'οπως παλιν κατιων ταστα απαγγελλοι τοις εκει, δαιμοσιν. (2) They also explain how the ecclesiastical επισκοποι came to be so highly prized, inasmuch as these also were from a very early period regarded as mediators between God and man, and considered as εν ανθρωποις θεοι. There were not a few who in the first and second centuries, appeared with the claim to be regarded as a God or an organ inspired and chosen by God (Simon Magus [cf. the manner of his treatment in Hippol. Philos. VI. 8: see also Clem. Hom. II. 27], Apollonius of Tyana (?), see further Tacitus Hist. II. 51: "Mariccus.... iamque adsertor Galliarum et deus, nomen id sibi indiderat"; here belongs also the gradually developing worship of the Emperor: "dominus ac deus noster." cf. Augustus, Inscription of the year 25; 24 B.C. in Egypt [where the Ptolemies were for long described as Gods] 'Υπερ Καισαρος Αυτοκραττορος θεου (Zeitschrift fur Aegypt. Sprache. XXXI Bd. p. 3). Domitian: θεος Αδριανος, Kaibel Inscr. Gr. 829. 1053. θεος Σεουηρος Ευσεβης. 1061—the Antinouscult with its prophets. See also Josephus on Herod Agrippa. Antiq. XIX 8. 2. (Euseb. H. E. II. 10). The flatterers said to him, θεον προσαγορευοντες; ει και μεχρι νυν 'ως ανθρωπον εφοβηθημεν, αλλα τουντευθεν κρειττονα σε θνητης της φυσεως 'ομολογουμεν. Herod himself, § 7, says to his friends in his sickness: 'ο θεος 'υμιν εγω ηδη καταστρεφειν επιταττομαι τον βιον ... 'ο κληθεις αθανατος 'υφ' 'ημων ηδη θανειν απαγομαι). On the other hand, we must mention the worship of the founder in some philosophic schools, especially among the Epicureans Epictetus says (Moral. 15), Diogenes and Heraclitus and those like them are justly called Gods. Very instructive in this connection are the reproaches of the heathen against the Christians, and of Christian partisans against one another with regard to the almost divine veneration of their teachers. Lucian (Peregr. II) reproaches the Christians in Syria for having regarded Peregrinus as a God and a new Socrates. The heathen in Smyrna, after the burning of Polycarp, feared that the Christians would begin to pay him divine honours (Euseb. H. E. IV. 15 41). Cæcilius in Minucius Felix speaks of divine honours being paid by Christians to priests (Octav. IX. 10). The Antimontanist (Euseb. H. E. V. 18. 6) asserts that the Montanists worship their prophet and Alexander the Confessor as divine. The opponents of the Roman Adoptians (Euseb. H. E. V. 28) reproach them with praying to Galen. There are many passages in which the Gnostics are reproached with paying Divine honours to the heads of their schools, and for many Gnostic schools (the Carpocratians, for example) the reproach seems to have been just. All this is extremely instructive. The genius, the hero, the founder of a new school who promises to shew the certain way to the vita beata, the emperor, the philosopher (numerous Stoic passages might be noted here) finally, man, in so far as he is inhabited by νους—could all somehow be considered as θεοι, so elastic was this concept. All these instances of Apotheosis in no way endangered the Monotheism which had been developed from the mixture of Gods and from philosophy; for the one supreme Godhead can unfold his inexhaustible essence in a variety of existences, which, while his creatures as to their origin, are parts of his essence as to their contents. This Monotheism does not yet exactly disclaim its Polytheistic origin. The Christian, Hermas, says to his Mistress (Vis. I 1. 7) ου παντοτε σε 'ως θεαν 'εγησαμην, and the author of the Epistle of Diognetus writes (X. 6), ταυτα τοις επιδεομενοις χορηγων, (i.e., the rich man) θεος γινεται των λαμβανοντων. That the concept θεος was again used only of one God, was due to the fact that one now started from the definition "qui vitam æternam habet," and again from the definition "qui est super omnia et originem nescit." From the latter followed the absolute unity of God, from the former a plurality of Gods. Both could be so harmonised (see Tertull. adv. Prax. and Novat. de Trinit.) that one could assume that the God, qui est super omnia, might allow his monarchy to be administered by several persons, and might dispense the gift of immortality and with it a relative divinity.