Note 137 — Chapter III

[Footnote 137: Nevertheless deva is sometimes used in the Upanishads as a designation of the supreme spirit.] [Footnote 138: E.g. Brih.-Âr. Up. IV. 3. 33 and the parallel passages in the Taittirîya and other Upanishads.] [Footnote 139: The principal one is the date of Asoka, deducible from an inscription in which he names contemporary Seleucid monarchs.] [Footnote 140: E.g. a learned Brahman is often described in the Sutta Pitaka as "a repeater (of the sacred words) knowing the mystic verses by heart, one who had mastered the three Vedas, with the indices, the ritual, the phonology, the exegesis and the legends as a fifth."] [Footnote 141: There had been time for misunderstandings to arise. Thus the S^{.}atapatha Brâhmana sees in the well-known verse "who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifices" an address to a deity named Ka (Sanskrit for who) and it would seem that an old word, uloka, has been separated in several passages into two words, u (a meaningless particle) and loka.] [Footnote 142: Recent scholars are disposed to fix the appearance of Zoroaster between the middle of the seventh century and the earlier half of the sixth century B.C. But this date offers many difficulties. It makes it hard to explain the resemblances between the Gathas and the Rig Veda and how is it that respectable classical authorities of the fourth century B.C. quoted by Pliny attribute a high antiquity to Zoroaster?] [Footnote 143: This applies chiefly to the three Samhitâs or collections of hymns and prayers. On the other hand there was no feeling against the composition of new Upanishads or the interpolation and amplification of the Epics.] [Footnote 144: The Hotri recites prayers while other priests perform the act of sacrifice. But there are several poems in the Rig Veda for which even Indian ingenuity has not been able to find a liturgical use.] [Footnote 145: Thus the Pali Pitakas speak of the Tevijjâ or threefold knowledge of the Brahmans.] [Footnote 146: Or it may be that the ancestors of the Persians were also in the Panjab and retired westwards.] [Footnote 147: R.V. v. 3. 1.] [Footnote 148: See the Gaṇeśâtharvaśîrsha Upan. and Gopinatha Rao. Hindu Iconography, vol. I. pp. 35-67.] [Footnote 149: See R.V. III. 34. 9. i. 130. 8; iv. 26. 2. vi. 18. 3; iv. 16. 13.] [Footnote 150: In one singular hymn (R.V. x. 119) Indra describes his sensations after drinking freely, and in the Satapatha Brahmana (V. 5. 4. 9 and XII. 7. 1. 11) he seems to be represented as suffering from his excesses and having to be cured by a special ceremony.] [Footnote 151: In some passages of the Upanishads he is identified with the âtman (e.g. Kaushitaki Up. III. 8), but then all persons, whether divine or human, are really the âtman if they only knew it.] [Footnote 152: A.V. IV. 16. 2.] [Footnote 153: The Indian alphabets are admittedly Semitic in origin.] [Footnote 154: See Mahâbhâr. I. xvii-xviii and other accounts in the Râmâyaṇa and Purâṇas.] [Footnote 155: It has also been conjectured that Sk. Asura=Ashur, the God of Assyria, and that Sumeru or Sineru (Meru)=Sumer or Shinar, see J.R.A.S. 1916, pp. 364-5.] [Footnote 156: Ṛig V. I. 164. 46.] [Footnote 157: For instance chap. III. of the Chândogya Upanishad, which compares the solar system to a beehive in which the bees are Vedic hymns, is little less than stupendous, though singular and hard for European thought to follow.] [Footnote 158: I presume that the strong opinion expressed in Caland and Henri's Agnishloma p. 484 that the sacrifice is merely a do ut des operation refers only to the earliest Vedic period and not to the time of the Brâhmaṇas.] [Footnote 159: Thus both the Vedas and the Tantras devote considerable space to rites which have for object the formation of a new body for the sacrificer. Compare for instance the Aitareya Brâhmaṇa (I. 18-21: II. 35-38: III. 2 and VI. 27-31) with Avalon's account of Nyâsa, in his introduction to the Mahânirvâṇa Tantra pages cvii-cxi.] [Footnote 160: There is considerable doubt as to what was the plant originally known as Soma. That described in the Vedas and Brâhmanas is said to grow on the mountains and to have a yellow juice of a strong smell, fiery taste and intoxicating properties. The plants used as Haom (Hum) by the modern Parsis of Yezd and Kerman are said to be members of the family Asclepiadaceae (perhaps of the genus Sarcostemma) with fleshy stalks and milky juice, and the Soma tested by Dr Haug at Poona was probably made from another species of the same or an allied genus. He found it extremely nasty, though it had some intoxicating effect. (See his Aitareya Brdh-mana n. p. 489.)] [Footnote 161: An ordinary sacrifice was offered for a private person who had to be initiated and the priests were merely officiants acting on his behalf. In a Sattra the priests were regarded as the sacrificers and were initiated. It had some analogy to Buddhist and Christian monastic foundations for reading sûtras and saying masses.] [Footnote 162: The political importance of the Aśvamedha lay in the fact that the victim had to be let loose to roam freely for a year, so that only a king whose territories were sufficiently extensive to allow of its being followed and guarded during its wanderings could hope to sacrifice it at the end.] [Footnote 163: R.V. x. 136 and x. 190.] [Footnote 164: Even the Upanishads (e.g. Chând. III. 17, Mahânâr. 64) admit that a good life which includes tapas is the equivalent of sacrifice. But this of course is teaching for the elect only. The Brih.-Âran. Up. (V. ii) contains the remarkable doctrine that sickness and pain, if regarded by the sufferer as tapas, bring the same reward.] [Footnote 165: So too in the Taittirîya Upanishad tapas is described as the means of attaining the knowledge of Brahman (III. 1-5).] [Footnote 166: Any ritual without knowledge may be worse than useless. See Chând. Up. I. 10. 11.] [Footnote 167: See the various narratives in the Chândogya, Br.-Âran. and Kaushîtaki Upanishads. The seventh chapter of the Chândogya relating how Nârada, the learned sage, was instructed by Sanatkumâra or Skanda, the god of war, seems to hint that the active military class may know the great truths of religion better than deeply read priests who may be hampered and blinded by their learning. For Skanda and Nârada in this connection see Bhagavad-gitâ x. 24, 26.] [Footnote 168: For the necessity of a teacher see Kâth. Up. II. 8.] [Footnote 169: See especially the bold passage at the end of Taitt. Upan. II. "He who knows the bliss of Brahman ... fears nothing. He does not torment himself by asking what good have I left undone, what evil have I done?"] [Footnote 170: The word Upanishad probably means sitting down at the feet of a teacher to receive secret instruction: hence a secret conversation or doctrine.] [Footnote 171: Some allusions in the older Upanishads point to this district rather than the Ganges Valley as the centre of Brahmanic philosophy. Thus the Brịhad-Âraṇyaka speaks familiarly of Gândhâra.] [Footnote 172: Cat. Adyar Library. The Ṛig and Sâma Vedas have two Upanishads each, the Yajur Veda seven. All the others are described as belonging to the Atharva Veda. They have no real connection with it, but it was possible to add to the literature of the Atharva whereas it was hardly possible to make similar additions to the older Vedas.] [Footnote 173: Debendranath Tagore composed a work which he called the Brâhmî Upanishad in 1848. See Autobiography, p. 170. The sectarian Upanishads are of doubtful date, but many were written between 400 and 1200 A.D. and were due to the desire of new sects to connect their worship with the Veda. Several are Śaktist (e.g. Kaula, Tripurâ, Devî) and many others show Śaktist influence. They usually advocate the worship of a special deity such as Gaṇeśa, Sûrya, Râma, Nṛi Siṃha.] [Footnote 174: Br.-Âran. VI. 1, Ait. Âran. II. 4, Kaush. III. 3, Praśna, II. 3, Chând. V. 1. The apologue is curiously like in form to the classical fable of the belly and members.] [Footnote 175: Br.-Âran. VI. 2, Chând. V. 3] [Footnote 176: Br.-Âran. II. 1, Kaush. IV. 2.] [Footnote 177: The composite structure of these works is illustrated very clearly by the Bṛihad-Âraṇyaka. It consists of three sections each concluding with a list of teachers, namely (a) adhyâyas 1 and 2, (b) adh. 3 and 4, (c) adh. 5 and 6. The lists are not quite the same, which indicates some slight difference between the sub-schools which composed the three parts, and a lengthy passage occurs twice in an almost identical form. The Upanishad is clearly composed of two separate collections with the addition of a third which still bears the title of Khila or supplement. The whole work exists in two recensions.] [Footnote 178: The Eleven translated in the Sacred Books of the East, vols. I and XV, include the oldest and most important.] [Footnote 179: Thus the Aitareya Brâhmana is followed by the Aitareya Âraṇyaka and that by the Aitareya-Âraṇyaka-Upanishad.] [Footnote 180: R.V. X. 121. The verses are also found in the Atharva Veda, the Vâjasaneyi, Taittirîya, Maitrâyaṇi, and Kâṭhaka Saṃhitâs and elsewhere.] [Footnote 181: R.V. X. 129.] [Footnote 182: IV. 5. 5 and repeated almost verbally II. 4. 5 with some omissions. My quotation is somewhat abbreviated and repetitions are omitted.] [Footnote 183: The sentiment is perhaps the same as that underlying the words attributed to Florence Nightingale: "I must strive to see only God in my friends and God in my cats."] [Footnote 184: It will be observed that he had said previously that the Âtman must be seen, heard, perceived and known. This is an inconsistent use of language.] [Footnote 185: Chândogya Upanishad VI.] [Footnote 186: In the language of the Upanishads the Âtman is often called simply Tat or it.] [Footnote 187: I.e. the difference between clay and pots, etc. made of clay.] [Footnote 188: Yet the contrary proposition is maintained in this same Upanishad (III. 19. 1), in the Taittirîya Upanishad (II. 8) and elsewhere. The reason of these divergent statements is of course the difficulty of distinguishing pure Being without attributes from not Being.] [Footnote 189: The word union is a convenient but not wholly accurate term which covers several theories. The Upanishads sometimes speak of the union of the soul with Brahman or its absorption in Brahman (e.g. Maitr. Up. VI. 22, Sâyujyatvam and aśabde nidhanam eti) but the soul is more frequently stated to be Brahman or a part of Brahman and its task is not to effect any act of union but simply to know its own nature. This knowledge is in itself emancipation. The well-known simile which compares the soul to a river flowing into the sea is found in the Upanishads (Chând. VI. 10. 1, Mund. III. 2, Praśna, VI. 5) but Śankara (on Brahma S. I. iv. 21-22) evidently feels uneasy about it. From his point of view the soul is not so much a river as a bay which is the sea, if the landscape can be seen properly.] [Footnote 190: The Mâṇḍukya Up. calls the fourth state ekâtmapratyayasâra, founded solely on the certainty of its own self and Gauḍapâda says that in it there awakes the eternal which neither dreams nor sleeps. (Kâr. I. 15. See also III. 34 and 36.)] [Footnote 191: Bṛ.-Âraṇyaka, IV. 3. 33.] [Footnote 192: Cf. Bradley, Appearance and Reality, p. 244. "The perfect ... means the identity of idea and existence, attended also by pleasure."] [Footnote 193: Tait. Up. II. 1-9. See too ib. III. 6.] [Footnote 194: Bṛ.-Âran. III. 8. 10. See too VI. 2.15, speaking of those who in the forest worship the truth with faith.] [Footnote 195: Chândog. Up. IV. 10. 5.] [Footnote 196: It occurs Katha. Up. II. v. 13, 15, also in the Śvetâśvatara and Muṇḍaka Upanishads and there are similar words in the Bhagavad-gîtâ. "This is that" means that the individual soul is the same as Brahman.] [Footnote 197: The Nṙisiṁhottaratapanîya Up. I. says that Îśvara is swallowed up in the Turîya.] [Footnote 198: But still ancient and perhaps anterior to the Christian era.] [Footnote 199: Śvet. Up. VI. 7.] [Footnote 200: Śvet. Up. IV. 3. Max Müller's translation. The commentary attributed to Śankara explains nîlaḣ pataṅgaḣ as bhramaraḣ but Deussen seems to think it means a bird.] [Footnote 201: Chând. Up. vi. 14. 1. Śat. Brâh. viii. 1. 4. 10.] [Footnote 202: The Brahmans are even called low-born as compared with Kshatriyas and in the Ambattha Sutta (Dig. Nik. iii.) the Buddha demonstrates to a Brahman who boasts of his caste that the usages of Hindu society prove that "the Kshatriyas are higher and the Brahmans lower," seeing that the child of a mixed union between the castes is accepted by the Brahmans as one of themselves but not by the Kshatriyas, because he is not of pure descent.] [Footnote 203: He had learnt the Veda and Upanishads. Brih.-Âr. iv. 2. 1.] [Footnote 204: Chând. Up. v. 3. 7, Kaush. Up. iv., Brih.-Âr. Up. ii. 1. The Kshatriyas seem to have regarded the doctrine of the two paths which can be taken by the soul after death (devayâna and pitriyâna, the latter involving return to earth and transmigration) as their special property.] [Footnote 205: Literally set in front, præfectus.] [Footnote 206: Śat. Brâh. ii. 4. 4. 5.] [Footnote 207: Śat. Brâh. iv. 1. 4. 1-6.] [Footnote 208: The legends of Vena, Paraśurâma and others indicate the prevalence of considerable hostility between Brahmans and Kshatriyas at some period.] [Footnote 209: Brahmacârin, Grihastha, Vanaprastha, Sannyâsin.] [Footnote 210: Thus in the Bṛih.-Âraṇ. Yajñavalkya retires to the forest. But even the theory of three stages was at this time only in the making, for the last section of the Chândogya Up. expressly authorizes a religious man to spend all his life as a householder after completing his studentship and the account given of the stages in Chând. ii. 21 is not very clear.] [Footnote 211: Śat. Brâh. xi. 5. 6. 8. Cf. the lists in the Chândogya Upanishad vii. secs. 1, 2 and 7.] [Footnote 212: In southern India at the present day it is the custom for Brahmans to live as Agnihotris and maintain the sacred fire for a few days after their marriage.] [Footnote 213: See Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, vol. v. s.v.] [Footnote 214: The Emperor Jehangir writing about 1616 implies that the Aśramas, which he describes, were observed by the Brahmans of that time. See his Memoirs, edited by Beveridge, pp. 357-359.] [Footnote 215: Śat. Brâh. I. 7. 2. 1. Cf. Tait. Brâh. VI. 3. 10. 5.] [Footnote 216: Such as those built by Jânaśruti Pautrâyaṇa. See Chând. Up. IV. 1.] [Footnote 217: Śat. Brâh. XI. 4. 1. 1.] [Footnote 218: Śat. Brâh. ii. 2. 2. 6 and iv. 3. 4. 4.] [Footnote 219: Śat. Brâh. iv. 3. 4. 2.] [Footnote 220: Vishnu Pur. iii. 5.] [Footnote 221: Śat. Brâh. iii. 8. 2. 24. Yâjñavalkya is the principal authority cited in books i-v and x-xiv of this Brâhmaṇa, but not in books vi-ix, which perhaps represent an earlier treatise incorporated in the text.] [Footnote 222: Or "in confidence." Śat. Brâh. xi. 3. 1. 4.] [Footnote 223: Brih.-Âr. iii. 2. 13.] [Footnote 224: In the Pali Pitaka the Buddha is represented as preaching in the land of the Kurus.] [Footnote 225: These are the Pali forms. The Sanskrit equivalents are Parivrâjaka and Śramaṇa.] [Footnote 226: See for instance Mahâv. II. 1 and III. 1.] [Footnote 227: Dig. Nik. 1.] [Footnote 228: See O. Schrader, Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahâvîras und Buddhas, 1902. See also Ang. Nik. vol. III. p. 276 and Rhys Davids' Dialogues of the Buddha, I. pp. 220 ff. But these passages give one an impression of the multitude of ascetic confraternities rather than a clear idea of their different views.] [Footnote 229: It finds expression in two hymns of the Atharva Veda, XIX. 53 and 54. Cf. too Gauḍap. Kâr. 8. Kâlât prasûtim bhutânâm manyante kâlacintakâh.] [Footnote 230: Dîgha Nikâya II. The opinions of the six teachers are quoted as being answers to a question put to them by King Ajâtasattu, namely, What is gained by renouncing the world? Judged as such, they are irrelevant but they probably represent current statements as to the doctrine of each sect. The six teachers are also mentioned in several other passages of the Dîgha and Maj. Nikâyas and also in the Sutta-Nipâta. It is clear that at a very early period the list of their names had become the usual formula for summarizing the teaching prevalent in the time of Gotama which was neither Brahmanic nor Buddhist.] [Footnote 231: Dig. Nik. I. 23-28.] [Footnote 232: A rather defiant materialism preaching, "Let us eat and drink for to-morrow we die," crops up in India in various ages though never very prominent.] [Footnote 233: But possibly the ascetics described by it were only Digambara Jains.] [Footnote 234: See especially the article Âjîvikas by Hoernle, in Hastings' Dictionary of Religion. Also Hoernle, Uvâsagadasao, appendix, pp. 1-29. Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, pp. 249 ff. Schrader, Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahâvíras und Buddhas, p. 32. Sûtrakritânga II. 6.] [Footnote 235: Makkhali lived some time with Mahâvira, but they quarrelled. But his followers, though they may not have been a united body so much as other sects, had definite characteristics.] [Footnote 236: E.g. Śat. Brâh. v. 4. 4. 13. "He thus encloses the Vaiśya and Śûdra on both sides by the priesthood and nobility and makes them submissive."] [Footnote 237: See Śânkhâyana Âraṇyaka. Trans. Keith, pp. viii-xi, 78 85. Also Aitareya Âraṇ. book v.] [Footnote 238: Cf. the ritual for the Horse sacrifice. ['Sat]. Brâh, xiii. 2. 8, and Hillebrandt, Vedische Opfer., p. 152.] [Footnote 239: Supplemented by the Kauśika Sûtra, which, whatever its age may be, has preserved a record of very ancient usages.] [Footnote 240: E.g. I. 10. This hymn, like many others, seems to combine several moral and intellectual stages, the level at which the combination was possible not being very high. On the one hand Varuṇa is the Lord of Law and of Truth who punishes moral offences with dropsy. On the other, the sorcerer "releases" the patient from Varuṇa by charms, without imposing any moral penance, and offers the god a thousand other men, provided that this particular victim is released.] [Footnote 241: E.g. VII. 116, VI. 105, VI. 83.] [Footnote 242: E.g. V. 7, XI. 9.] [Footnote 243: E.g. V. 4, XIX. 39, IV. 37, II. 8, XIX. 34, VIII. 7.] [Footnote 244: A.V XI. 6.] [Footnote 245: See, for instance, Du Bose, The Dragon, Image and Demon, 1887, pp. 320-344.] [Footnote 246: Aṭânâṭiya and Mahâsamaya. Dig. Nik. XX. and XXXII.] [Footnote 247: See Crooke's Popular Religion of Northern India, vol. II. chap. ii.] [Footnote 248: In the Brahma-Jala and subsequent suttas of the Dîgha Nikâya.] [Footnote 249: See Rhys Davids' Dialogues of the Buddha, vol. I. p. 7, note 4, and authorities there quoted.] [Footnote 250: Krishna is perhaps mentioned in the Chând. Up. III. 17. 6, but in any case not as a deity.] [Footnote 251: See, besides the translations mentioned below, Bühler, Ueber die indische Secte der Jainas 1887; Hoernle, Metaphysics and Ethics of the Jainas 1908; and Guérinot, Essai de Bibliographie Jaina and Répertoire d'Épigraphie Jaina; Jagmanderlal Jaini, Outlines of Jainism; Jacobi's article Jainism in E.R.E.. Much information may also be found in Mrs Stevenson's Heart of Jainism. Winternitz, Geschichte d. Indischen Literatur, vol. II. part II. (1920) treats of Jain literature but I have not been able to see it.] [Footnote 252: In J.R.A.S. 1917, pp. 122-130 s.v. Venkateśvara argues that Vardhamâna died about 437 B.C. and that the Nigaṇṭhas of the Pitakas were followers of Parśva. His arguments deserve consideration but he seems not to lay sufficient emphasis on the facts that (a) according to the Buddhist scriptures the Buddha and Gosâla were contemporaries, while according to the Jain scriptures Gosâla and Vardhamâna were contemporaries, (b) in the Buddhist scriptures Nâtaputta is the representative of the Nigaṇṭhas, while according to the Jain scriptures Vardhamâna was of the Ñata clan.] [Footnote 253: The atoms are either simple or compound and from their combinations are produced the four elements, earth, wind, fire and water, and the whole material universe. For a clear statement of the modern Jain doctrine about dharma and adharma, see Jagmanderlal Jaini, l.c. pp. 22 ff.] [Footnote 254: Jîva, ajîva, âsrava, bandha, saṃvara, nirjarâ, moksha. The principles are sometimes made nine by the addition of punya, merit, and pâpa, sin.] [Footnote 255: Paudgalikam karma. It would seem that all these ideas about Karma should be taken in a literal and material sense. Karma, which is a specially subtle form of matter able to enter, stain and weigh down the soul, is of eight kinds (1 and 2) jñâna- and darśana-varanîya impede knowledge and faith, which the soul naturally possesses; (3) mohanîya causes delusion; (4) vedanîya brings pleasure and pain; (5) ayushka fixes the length of life; (6) nâma furnishes individual characteristics, and (7) gotra generic; (8) antarâya hinders the development of good qualities.] [Footnote 256: Kevalam also called Jñâna, moksha, nirvâṇa. The nirvâṇa of the Jains is clearly not incompatible with the continuance of intelligence and knowledge.] [Footnote 257: Uttarâdhyâyana XXXVI. 64-68 in S.B.E. XLV. pp. 212-213.] [Footnote 258: S.B.E. XLV. p. xxvii. Bhandarkar Report for 1883-4, pp. 95 ff.] [Footnote 259: Somewhat similar seems to be the relation of Jainism to the Vaiśeshika philosophy. It accepted an early form of the atomic theory and this theory was subsequently elaborated in the philosophy whose founder Kaṇâda was according to the Jains a pupil of a Jain ascetic.] [Footnote 260: E.g. see Acarânga S. I. 7. 6.] [Footnote 261: They seem to have authority to formulate it in a form suitable to the needs of the age. Thus we are told that Parśva enjoined four vows but Mahâvîra five.] [Footnote 262: When Gotama after attaining Buddhahood was on his way to Benares he met Upaka, a naked ascetic, to whom he declared that he was the Supreme Buddha. Then, said Upaka, you profess to be the Jina, and Gotama replied that he did, "Tasmâ 'ham Upakâ jinoti." (Mahâvag. I. 6. 10.)] [Footnote 263: The exact period is 100 billion sâgaras of years. A sâgara is 100,000,000,000 palyas. A palya is the period in which a well a mile deep filled with fine hairs can be emptied if one hair is withdrawn every hundred years.] [Footnote 264: See M. Bloomfield, Life and Stories of Pârçvanâtha (1919).] [Footnote 265: See the discussions between followers of Parśva and Mahâvîra given in Uttarâdhyâyana XXIV. and Sûtrakritânga II. 7.] [Footnote 266: There are many references to the Nigaṇṭhas in the Buddhist scriptures and the Buddha, while by no means accepting their views, treats them with tolerance. Thus he bade Siha, General of the Licchavis, who became his disciple after being an adherent of Nâtaputta to continue to give alms as before to Nigaṇṭha ascetics (Mahâvag. VI. 32).] [Footnote 267: Especially among the Âjîvikas. Their leader Gosâla had a personal quarrel with Mahâvîra but his teaching was almost identical except that he was a fatalist.] [Footnote 268: Uttarâdhyâyana. XXIII. 29.] [Footnote 269: According to Śvetâmbara tradition there was a great schism 609 years after Mahâvîra's death. The canon was not fixed until 904 (? 454 A.D.) of the same era. The Digambara traditions are different but appear to be later.] [Footnote 270: See especially Guérinot, Répertoire d'Éipigraphie Jaina] [Footnote 271: So Bühler, Pillar Edict no. VIII. Senart Inscrip. de Piyadasi II. 97 translates somewhat differently, but the reference to the Jains is not disputed.] [Footnote 272: Rock Edict VI.] [Footnote 273: Rice (Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, 1909, p. 310) thinks that certain inscriptions at Sravana Belgola in Mysore establish that this tradition is true and also that the expedition was accompanied by King Candragupta who had abdicated and become a Jain ascetic. But this interpretation has been much criticised. It is probably true that a migration occurred and increased the differences which ultimately led to the division into Śvetâmbaras and Digambaras.] [Footnote 274: Guérinot, Épig. Jaina, no. 11.] [Footnote 275: Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, 1909, pp. 113-114, 207-208.] [Footnote 276: Similar tolerance is attested by inscriptions (e.g. Guérinot, nos. 522 and 5776) recording donations to both Jain and Saiva temples.] [Footnote 277: They also make a regular practice of collecting and rearing young animals which the owners throw away or wish to kill.] [Footnote 278: Or Sthânakavâsi. See for them Census of India, 1911, 1. p. 127 and Baroda, p. 93. The sect waa founded about A.D. 1653.] [Footnote 279: Their names are as follows in Jain Prakrit, the Sanskrit equivalent being given in bracketa: