Note 388 — Chapter VI · THE ROUT OF WINCHESTER.
Reading edition
"Porro fugiens domina per Oxenefordiam venit ad Glavorniam, ubi cum Milone ex-constabulario consilio inito statim cum eodem ad Oxenefordensem revertitur urbem, ibi præstolatura seu recuperatura suum dispersum militarem numerum" (Cont. Flor. Wig., 132).
[389] The other witnesses were Robert, Bishop of London, Alexander, Bishop of Lincoln, William the chancellor, R[ichard] de Belmeis, archdeacon, G[ilbert?], archdeacon, Reginald, Earl of Cornwall, William Fitz Alan and Walter his brother, Alan de Dunstanville (Harl. MS., 2188, fol. 123). The two bishops and the King of Scots also witnessed the charter to Miles.
[390] Fœdera, N.E., i. 14.
[391] "Et quia ejusdem Milonis præcipue fruebatur consilio et fovebatur auxilio, utpote quæ eatenus nec unius diei victum nec mensæ ipsius apparatum aliunde quam ex ipsius munificentiâ sive providentiâ acceperat sicut ex ipsius Milonis ore audivimus, ut eum suo arctius vinciret ministerio, comitatum ei Herefordensem tunc ibi posita pro magnæ remunerationis contulit præmio" (Cont. Flor. Wig., 133). Comp. Gesta, 81: "Milo Glaornensis, quem ibi cum gratiâ et favore omnium comitem præfecit Herefordiæ."
[392] See Appendix L: "Charter of the Empress to William de Beauchamp."
[393] "Ad hos motus, si possit, componendos comes Gloecestrensis non adeo denso comitatu Wintoniam contendit; sed, re infecta, ad Oxeneford rediit, ubi soror stativâ mansione jamdudum se continuerat" (p. 751). The "jamdudum" should be noticed, as a hint towards the chronology.
[394] "Ipsa itaque, et ex his quæ continue audiebat et a fratre tunc cognovit nihil legatum molle ad suas partes cogitare intelligens, Wintoniam cum quanto potuit apparatu venit" (ibid.).
[395] They were her uncle, the King of Scots;* her three brothers, the Earls of Gloucester* and of Cornwall,* and Robert fitz Edith; the Earls of Warwick and Devon ("Exeter"), with their newly created fellows, the Earls of Dorset (or Somerset) and Hereford; Humphrey de Bohun,* John the Marshal,* Brien fitz Count,* Geoffrey Boterel (his relative), William fitz Alan, "William" of Salisbury, Roger d'Oilli, Roger "de Nunant," etc. The primate* was also of the company. N.B.—Those marked with an asterisk attested the above charter to Miles de Gloucester.
[396] "Inde [i.e. from Oxford] jam militum virtute roborata et numero, appropinquante festivitate Sancti Petri, quæ dicitur ad Vincula" [August 1] (Cont. Flor. Wig., 133).
[397] "Septem igitur septimanis in obsidione transactis" (ibid.).
[398] "Die kalendarum Augusti" (Ann. Mon., ii. 229).
[399] "Imperatrix, collectis viribus suis, cum rege Scotiæ et Rodberto comite ascendit in Wintoniam, audiens milites suos inclusos in regia munitione expugnari a militibus legati qui erant in mœnibus illius" (Sym. Dun., ii. 310).
[400] "Ignorante fratre suo, comite Bricstowensi (i.e. Earl Robert), Wintoniensem venit ad urbem, sed eam a se jam alienatam inveniens, in castello suscepit hospitium" (p. 133). It seems impossible to understand what can be meant by the expression "ignorante fratre suo." So too Will. Malms.: "intra castellum regium sine cunctatione recepta."
[401] Will. Malms., p. 751; Gesta, p. 80; Cont. Flor. Wig., 133. The Gesta alone represents the Empress as hoping to surprise the legate, which is scarcely probable.
[402] "Wintonienses porro vel tacito ei favebant judicio, memores fidei quam ei pacti fuerant cum inviti propemodum ab episcopo ad hoc adacti essent" (p. 752).
[403] There is some confusion as to what the Empress actually besieged. The Gesta says it was "(1) castellum episcopi, quod venustissimo constructum schemate in civitatis medio locarat, sed et (2) domum illius, quam ad instar castelli fortiter et inexpugnabiliter firmarat." We learn from the Annals of Winchester (p. 51) that, in 1138, the bishop "fecit ædificare domum quasi palatium cum turri fortissima in Wintonia," which would seem to be Wolvesey, with its keep, at the south-east angle of the city. Again, Giraldus has a story (vii. 46) that the bishop built himself a residence from the materials of the Conqueror's palace: "Domos regios apud Wintoniam ecclesie ipsius atrio nimis enormiter imminentes, ... funditus in brevi raptim et subito ... dejecit, et ... ex dirutis ædificiis et abstractis domos episcopales egregias sibi in eadem urbe construxit." On the other hand, the Hyde Cartulary assigns the destruction of the palace to the siege (vide infra.).
[404] "Interea ex turre pontificis jaculatum incendium in domos burgensium (qui, ut dixi, proniores erant imperatricis felicitati) comprehendit et combussit abbatiam totam sanctimonialium intra urbem, simulque cænobium quod dicitur ad Hidam extra" (Will. Malms., p. 752). "Qui intus recludebantur ignibus foras emissis majorem civitatis partem sed et duas abbatias in favillas penitus redegerunt" (Gesta, p. 83). "Siquidem secundo die mensis Augusti ignis civitati immissis, monasterium sanctimonialium cum suis ædificiis, ecclesias plus XL cum majori seu meliori parte civitatis, postremo cænobium monachorum Deo et Sancto Grimbaldo famulantium, cum suis ædibus redegit in cineres" (Cont. Flor. Wig., p. 133). It is from this last writer that we get the date (August 2), which we should never have gathered from William of Malmesbury (who mentions this fire in conjunction with the burning of Wherwell Abbey, at the close of the siege) or from the Gesta. M. Paris (Chron. Maj., ii. 174) assigns the fire, like William of Malmesbury, to the end of the siege, but his version, "Destructa est Wintonia XVIII kal. Oct., et captus est R. Comes Glovernie die exaltationis Sancte Crucis," is self-stultifying, the two dates being one and the same. The Continuator's date is confirmed by the independent evidence of the Hyde Cartulary (among the Stowe MSS.), which states that on Saturday, the 2nd of August ("Sabbato IIII. non. Augusti"), the city was burned by the bishop's forces, "et eodem die dicta civitas Wyntonie capta est et spoliata." From this source we further obtain the interesting fact that the Conqueror's palace in the city ("totum palatium cum aula sua") perished on this occasion. Allusion is made to this fact in the same cartulary's account of a council held by Henry of Winchester in the cathedral, in November, 1150, where the parish of St. Laurence is assigned the site "super quam aulam suam et palacium edificari fecit (Rex Willelmus)," which palace "in adventu Roberti Comitis Gloecestrie combustum fuit." The Continuator (more suo) assigns the fire to the cruelty of the bishop; but it was the ordinary practice in such cases. As from the tower of Le Mans in 1099 (Ord. Vit.), as from the tower of Hereford Cathedral but a few years before this (Gesta Stephani), so now at Winchester the firebrands flew: and so again at Lewes, in far later days (1264), where on the evening of the great battle there blazed forth from the defeated Royalists, sheltered on the castle height, a mad shower of fire.
[405] "Statimque propter omnes misit quos regi fauturos sciebat. Venerunt ergo fere omnes comites Angliæ; erant enim juvenes et leves, et qui mallent equitationum discursus quam pacem" (Will. Malms., p. 751). Cf. Hen. Hunt., p. 275, and Gesta, pp. 81, 82.
[406] Early Plantagenets, p. 25. Compare Const. Hist., i. 329: "The Earl of Chester, although, whenever he prevailed on himself to act, he took part against Stephen, fought rather on his own account than on Matilda's."
[407] Sym. Dun., ii. 310.
[408] "Reinulfus enim comes Cestrie tarde et inutiliter advenit" (Will. Malms., p. 751).
[409] "Invictâ Londoniensium catervâ, qui, fere mille, cum galeis et loricis ornatissime instructi convenerant" (Gesta, p. 82).
[410] "Venit tandem exercitus Lundoniensis, et aucti numerose qui contra imperatricem contendebant, fugere eam compulerunt" (p. 275).
[411] Gesta, p. 82. The Annals of Winchester (p. 52) strangely reverse the respective positions of the two: "Imperatrix cum suis castellum tenuit regium et orientalem (sic) partem Wintonie et burgenses cum ea; legatus cum suis castrum suum cum parte occidentali" (sic).
[412] Will. Malms., p. 752.
[413] Ibid.; Gesta, p. 83.
[414] "Provisum est igitur, et communi consilio provisé, ut sibi videbatur, statutum, quatinus penes abbatiam Werwellensem, quæ a Ventâ civitate VI. milliariis distabat, trecentis (sic) ibi destinatis militibus, castellum construerent, ut scilicet inde et regales facilius arcerentur, et ciborum subsidia competentius in urbe dirigerentur" (p. 83).
[415] "Emissi sunt autem ducenti (sic) milites, cum Rodberto filio Edæ et Henrici regis notho et Johanne Marascaldo, ut conducerent in urbem eos qui comportabant victualia in ministerium imperatricis et eorum qui obsessi fuerant" (Sym. Dun., ii. 310).
[416] "Quos persecuti Willelmus Dipre et pars exercitus usque ad Warewella (ubi est congregatio sanctimonialium) et milites et omnem apparatum, qui erat copiosus, abduxerunt" (ibid). "Subito et insperaté, cum intolerabili multitudine Werwellam advenerunt, fortiterque in eos undique irruentes captis et interemptis plurimis, cedere tandem reliquos et in templum se recipere compulerunt" (Gesta, p. 83).
[417] Vide infra. Since the above was written Mr. Howlett, in his edition of the Gesta (p. 82, note), has noted the contradiction in the narrative, but seems to lean to the latter version as being supported by the Marshal poem.
[418] As has been duly pointed out by its accomplished editor, M. Paul Meyer (Romania, vol. xi.), who will shortly, it may be hoped, publish the entire poem.
[419]
"Li Mareschals de son afaire Ne sout que dire ne que feire, N'i vit rescose ne confort. A Brien de Walingofort Commanda a mener la dame, E dist, sor le peril de s'alme Q'en nul lieu ne s'aresteiisent, Por nul besoing que il eiisent, N'en bone veie ne en male, De si qu'a Lothegaresale; E cil tost e hastivement En fist tot son commandement" (Lines 225-236).
[420] "Cumque vice castelli ad se defendendos templo uterentur, alii, facibus undique injectis, semiustulatos eos e templo prodire, et ad votum suum se sibi subdere coegerunt. Erat quidem horrendum," etc. (Gesta, p. 83). "Johannem etiam, fautorem eorum, ad monasterium Warewellense fugientem milites episcopi persequentes, cum exinde nullo modo expellere valuissent, in ipsâ die festivitatis Exaltationis Sanctæ Crucis [Sept. 14], immisso igne ipsam ecclesiam Sanctæ Crucis cum sanctimonialium rebus et domibus cremaverunt, ... prædictum tamen Johannem nec capere nec expellere potuerunt" (Cont. Flor. Wig., p. 135). So also Will. Malms. (p. 752): "Combusta est etiam abbatia sanctimonialium de Warewellâ a quodam Willelmo de Iprâ homine nefando, qui nec Deo nec hominibus reverentiam observaret, quod in eâ quidam imperatricis fautores se contutati essent."
[421]
"Li Mareschas el guié s'estut, A son poer les contrestut. Tute l'ost sur lui descarcha Qui si durement le charcha Que n'i pont naint plus durer; Trop lui fui fort a endurer, Einz s'enbati en un mostier; N'ont o lui k'un sol chevaler. Quant li real les aperçurent Qu'el mostier enbatu se furent: 'Or ça, li feus!' funt il, 'or sa, Li traitres ne li garra.' Quant li feus el moster se prist, En la vis de la tor se mist. Li chevaliers li dist: 'Beau sire, Or ardrum ci a grant martire: Ce sera pecchiez e damages. Rendom nos, si ferom que sages.' Cil respundi mult cruelment: N'en parler ja, gel te defent; Ke, s'en diseies plus ne mains, Ge t'occirreie de mes mains.' Por le grant feu qui fu entor Dejeta li pluns de la tor, Si que sor le vis li chaï, Dunt leidement li meschaï, K'un de ses elz i out perdu Dunt molt se tint a esperdu, Mais, merci Dieu, n'i murust pas. E li real en es le pas Por mort e por ars le quiderent; A Vincestre s'en returnerent, Mais n'i fu ne mors ne esteinz" (Lines 237-269).
[422] "Ubi lacrymabilem præfati infortunii audissent eventum de obsidione diutius ingerendâ ex toto desperati, fugæ quammaturé inire præsidium sibi consuluere" (Gesta, pp. 83, 84). "Qui jam non in concertatione sed in fuga spem salutis gerentes egressi sunt, ne forte victores cum Willelmo d'Ipre ad socios regressi, sumptâ fiduciâ ex quotidianis successibus, aliquid subitum in eos excogitarent" (Sym. Dun., ii. 310).
[423] "[Comes] cedendum tempori ratus, compositis ordinibus discessionem paravit" (p. 753).
[424] P. 134. His strong bias against the legate makes this somewhat confused charge unworthy of credit.
[425]
"La fist tantost metre a la voie Tot dreit a Lotegaresale. Ne[l] purrent suffrir ne atendre Cil qui o l'empereriz erent: Al meiz ku'il purent s'en alerent, Poingnant si que regne n'i tindrent [J]esque soz Varesvalle vindrent; Mès forment les desavancha L'empereriz qui chevacha Cumme femme fait en seant: Ne sembla pas buen ne seant Al Marechal, anceis li dist: 'Dame, si m'ait Jesucrist, L'em ne puet pas eu seant poindre; Les jambes vos covient desjoindre E metre par en son l'arçun.' El le fist, volsist ele ou non, Quer lor enemis le[s] grevoient Qui de trop près les herd[i]oient" (Lines 198, 199, 208-224).
The quaint detail here given is confirmed, as M. Meyer notes, by the Continuator's phrase (vide infra, note 2).
[426] "In loco qui Stolibricge dicitur a Flammensibus cum comite Warrennensi captus" (Cont. Flor. Wig., p. 135). Cf. p. 134, and Will. Malms. (pp. 753, 758, 759), Gesta (p. 84), Sym. Dun. (ii. 311), Hen. Hunt. (p. 275). As in Matilda's flight from London, so in her flight from Winchester, the author of the Gesta appears to advantage with his descriptive and spirited account.
[427] "Hæc audiens domina, vehementer exterrita atque turbata, ad castellum quo tendebat de Ludkereshala tristis ac dolens advenit, sed ibi locum tutum quiescendi, propter metum episcopi, non invenit. Unde, hortantibus suis, equo iterum usu masculino supposita, atque ad Divisas perducta" (Cont. Flor. Wig., p. 134).
[428] "Castellum quod vocatur Divise, quo non erat aliud splendidius intra fines Europæ" (Hen. Hunt., p. 265). "Castellum ... multis et vix numerabilibus sumptibus, non (ut ipse præsul dictabat) ad ornamentum, sed (ut se rei veritas habet) ad ecclesiæ detrimentum, ædificatum" (Will. Malms., pp. 717, 718). It had been raised by the Bishop of Salisbury, and it passed, at his fall, into Stephen's hands. It is then described by the author of the Gesta (p. 66) as "castellum regis, quod Divisa dicebatur, ornanter et inexpugnabiliter muratum." It was subsequently surprised by Robert fitz Hubert, who held it for his own hand till his capture, when the Earl of Gloucester tried hard to extort its surrender from him. In this, however, he failed. Robert was hanged, and, soon after, his garrison sold it to Stephen, by whom it was entrusted to Hervey of Brittany, whom he seems to have made Earl of Wilts. But on Stephen's capture, the peasantry rose, and extorted its surrender from Hervey. Thenceforth, it was a stronghold of the Empress (see for this the Continuator and the Gesta).
[429] "Cum nec ibi secure se tutari posse, ob insequentes, formidaret, jam pene exanimis feretro invecta, et funibus quasi cadaver ligata, equis deferentibus, sat ignominiose ad civitatem deportatur Glaornensem" (Cont. Flor. Wig., 134). The author of the Gesta (p. 85) mentions her flight to Devizes ("Brieno tantum cum paucis comite, ad Divisas confugit"), and incidentally observes (p. 87) that she was "ex Wintoniensi dispersione quassa nimis, et usque ad defectum pené defatigata" (i.e. "tired to death;" cf. supra). John of Hexham merely says: "Et imperatrix quidem non sine magno conflictu et plurima difficultate erepta est" (Sym. Dun., ii. 310).
[430] Camden, in his Britannia, gives the story, but Knighton (De eventibus Angliæ, lib. ii., in Scriptores X.) seems to be the chief offender. Dugdale follows with the assertion that "she was necessitated ... for her more security to be put into a coffin, as a dead corps, to escape their hands" (i. 537 b). According to Milner (History of Winchester, p. 162), "she was enclosed like a corpse in a sheet of lead, and was thus suffered to pass in a horse-litter as if carried out for interment, through the army of her besiegers, a truce having been granted for this purpose." Even Edwards, in his introduction to the Liber de Hyda (p. xlviii.), speaks of "the raising of the siege; a raising precipitated, if we accept the accounts of Knighton and some other chroniclers who accord with him, by the strange escape of the Empress Maud from Winchester Castle concealed in a leaden coffin." Sic crescit eundo.
[431] Will. Malms., p. 754.
[432] See donation of Miles (Monasticon, vi. 137), stated to have been made in their presence, and in the year 1141, in which he speaks of himself as "apud Bristolium positus, jamque consulatus honorem adeptus." Brian had escorted the Empress in her flight, but Miles, intercepted by the enemy, had barely escaped with his life ("de solâ vita lætus ad Glaornam cum dedecore fugiendo pervenit lassus, solus, et pene nudus."—Cont. Flor. Wig., p. 135).